Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 July 2004
In a meeting of APSA's international committee in September 2003,APSA President Susanne Rudolph suggested the need for a “mutualde-parochialization” in our knowledge practices. She meant a closerinteraction between American and non-American political scientistsand a greater cross-fertilization of their substantive andmethodological concerns. Margaret Levi, the President-elect of APSA,also emphasized the need for a greater internationalization ofAmerican political science, with special emphasis paid to theso-called international public realm.
In a meeting of APSA's international committee in September 2003, APSA President Susanne Rudolph suggested the need for a “mutual de-parochialization” in our knowledge practices. She meant a closer interaction between American and non-American political scientists and a greater cross-fertilization of their substantive and methodological concerns. Margaret Levi, the President-elect of APSA, also emphasized the need for a greater internationalization of American political science, with special emphasis paid to the so-called international public realm.
This note is a response to their concerns. It incorporates the comments made by the International Committee in its meeting on January 23, 2004, held at APSA's national office in Washington D.C.,1
The current members of the International Committee are: Karen Beckwith, John Odell, Allan Rosenbaum, Richard Simeon, and Toni-Michelle Travis. Rosenbaum was unable to participate in the January meeting, but commented later on our ideas. Timothy Colton, the previous chair of the International Committee, was in attendance by special invitation. Michael Brintnall, Bahram Rajaee, Sylvia Bronson, and Linda Lopez represented APSA in the discussion. I thank all of the participants, as well as Susanne Rudolph and Margaret Levi, for their comments on earlier drafts of this memo.
In the discussion below, I first discuss why internationalization of APSA is desirable. It is followed by the international committee's understanding of how it might best be carried out.
Should APSA be concerned only with our U.S./North American colleagues, or should it widen its search of ideas, methods, concerns, and collaborations? Will American political science and American political scientists be better off if we pursue internationalization more vigorously? These questions require thought and reflection.International members already constitute about 10% of the total membership, about 1,400 APSA members. Predictably, the proportions are higher in some subfields, especially comparative politics, than in others. As explained by Michael Brintnall at the January meeting of the International Committee, legally speaking, APSA is not a national, but a dues-based organization, responsible to its members wherever they might exist. Thanks to a new survey conducted by APSA last fall, we now have a better sense of the needs and aspirations of our international members.
Opinions differ on whether an association should, or can, pay special attention to every particular group of its membership. That is not our main argument in favor of greater internationalization. In our view, a more compelling argument—and one that we advance below—is that internationalization is mutually beneficial. Whatever its benefits to international political scientists, a more internationalized APSA will be rewarding for political scientists based in the U.S./North America as well.
To illustrate this latter point, let us recall what greater sensitivity to non-American political materials and intellectual interventions of political scientists with non-American backgrounds have already done to theory building in our discipline. Many examples can be cited from the last few decades. Consider just a few, necessarily selective, instances.
In the 1950s and 1960s, after the influential scholarship of Seymour Martin Lipset, democratic theorists argued that democracies were possible only in wealthy countries. The stability of democracy in poorer countries (India, Botswana, Costa Rica, Trinidad, Papua New Guinea, and Mauritius, to name a few) has seriously challenged this orthodoxy. The major new formulation, developed by Adam Przeworski et al. (Democracy and Development, Cambridge, 2000), is based on a global dataset, including developing countries. It rests on a distinction between emergence and survival: democracies can emerge at any level of income, but the odds that they will survive at low levels of income are low. Other scholars of democracy, such as Arend Lijphart, have also extensively used non-American materials. In fact, Lijphart's consociational theory was originally based on the Dutch experience, and was only later extended further.
One of the most influential works in the field of ethnicity and nationalism is Imagined Communities (Verso, 1983) by Benedict Anderson, a Southeast Asia specialist, whose basic ideas emerged from Asia and Latin America (“Creole Pioneers”). Emphasizing the role of technology and vernacular forms of communication in the formation of nations, Anderson showed how all nations were imagined and constructed in modern times. This argument has led to a dramatic reordering of the literature on nationalism in Europe as well, where scholarly discussions of nationalism, untouched by these ideas, had first emerged. Linda Colley's Britons (Yale, 1992) is a good example of the latter.
More instances can be cited. The recent emphasis on the role of civil society in democracies was spurred by Robert Putnam's examination of Italian materials in the 1970s and 1980s. The theory of the developmental state had its roots in the East Asian government-business relations of the 1970s and 1980s, highlighted in the works, among others, of non-American scholars such as Robert Wade. The idea of bureaucratic authoritarianism was born in Latin America and noticed first in Guillermo O'Donnell's writings. Making a major impact on the work on rationality and politics, the rational-moral debate on peasant behavior between Samuel Popkin and James Scott in the late 1970s was based on Southeast Asian empirical materials.
Finally, Samuel Barnes and Max Kaase's cross-national study of mass participation (Political Action, Sage, 1979), Barbara Nelson and Najma Chowdhury's collection, Women and Politics Worldwide (Yale, 1994), involving 61 scholars from 43 different countries, and Russell Dalton and Manfred Kuechler's volume Challenging the Political Order (Oxford, 1990) are products of international collaborative efforts that have provided a foundation for cross-national research on citizen-state linkages across a wide range of political systems, and on the interaction between conventional and unconventional citizen participation in electoral politics and social movements
These examples make it clear that a systematic engagement with non-American materials makes our discipline, our political understandings, and our theories better. The era of globalization and its concomitant communication revolution, by producing a remarkable flow of ideas, people, technology, arms, goods, and capital across geographical borders, and the post-9/11 shocks to the international system, are making the need to understand the larger political world still more urgent and desirable. Even U.S. politics longer remains untouched by rather distant questions, such as why the Taliban and Al Qaeda prospered in Afghanistan and Pakistan and whether those conditions can re-emerge there or elsewhere. Left in recent years on the margins of the discipline, such questions have become all too global in their political implications and can only be ignored at our peril. The remarkable political and economic rise of China, with India not far behind, and the steps towards democracy and market-oriented economies in Eastern Europe and Russia are also matters of great international political significance. Despite the global thrust of the last two decades, the empirical possibility of a thoroughly Americanized world is not a serious one. Do we need a fuller engagement with non-U.S./North American scholars to make a better sense of how these developments are changing our political universe? Will a better political science, responding to changes in the real world, develop more easily if scholarly experiences, not simply research concerns, are systematically broadened and globalized?
All scholars, to a substantial extent, are shaped by their training. As arguments within the philosophy and methodology of the social sciences show, inherited or institutionally practiced methods, perspectives, and approaches make one more naturally inclined toward a certain regime of facts, toward a specific mode of reasoning, toward a particular style of argumentation. Systematic encounters, exposures, collaborations across trainings, methods, and perspectives not only present exciting intellectual challenges, worth undertaking on their own, but also bring greater depth, authenticity, and relevance to knowledge and theory-building.2
Humility is an additional—and not an entirely insignificant—intellectual gain. It should also be noted that several scholars cited above explicitly acknowledge the contribution of the more locally rooted scholars and/or knowledge to the evolution of their theories. Putnam mentions Leonardi and Nanetti; Anderson and Scott's works repeatedly cite Asian scholars; Pzreworski's team was multinational; Lijphart has a Dutch background; O'Donnell lived in Argentina for much of his life, with his Argentinean experiences in the 1960s shaping his theories enormously.
But why burden APSA with the task of encouraging border-crossings? Why can't such endeavors be left to individual scholars or universities? Individuals and institutions, after all, can form partnerships, if they so choose. Two arguments come to mind. When it comes to collaborations with foreign scholars, not all individuals and institutions are equally well-placed. Second, after 9/11, movement of individual scholars across borders is becoming increasingly difficult. An organization like APSA can attack both problems more effectively than can individual scholars. APSA represents a broader constituency.
In summary, the following arguments support the idea and desirability of a more internationalized APSA:
The latest iteration of the bilateral exchange between APSA and the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom took place in April. Bahram Rajaee, director of Institutional Research and Support, attended the PSA's Annual Conference on behalf of APSA. The Conference took place from April 5–8 at the University of Lincoln in Lincolnshire. The PSA was founded in 1950 and is the leading association for the study of political science in the United Kingdom. Its membership currently stands at approximately 1,400, an all-time high.
From L to R: Bahram Rajaee, Paul Furlong (chair, PSA External Relations Committee), unknown, Wyn Grant (chair, PSA Executive Commitee), Neil Collins (editor, PSA News).
The PSA is currently engaged in a number of interesting and important activities in addition to its member services, annual conference, and the publication of four journals (British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Political Studies, Politics, and Political Studies Review). In the past year, these have included:
APSA and PSA are discussing ways in which to expand their relationship, including collaboration on more broad-ranging sessions at the APSA Annual Meeting and participation in PROL—the pre-publication server for political science conference papers (www.politicalscienceresearch.org). PSA will be co-sponsoring a reception in honor of APSA's centenary celebrations at the APSA Annual Meeting in Chicago. For more information on the PSA or the APSA-PSA relationship, visit the PSA web site at www.psa.ac.uk, or contact Bahram Rajaee (brajaee@apsanet.org).
The APSA Committee on International Political Science has prepared a statement for review by the Council regarding steps the Association might take to strengthen international partnerships and enhance cross-national perspectives across the Association. The Committee's statement lays out a rationale for this effort and recommends a series of immediate and future action steps. The APSA Council voted unanimously at its spring meeting in Chicago this April to enthusiastically endorse the statement. The Council increased funding for international travel to the annual conference for scholars from non-OECD countries, reduced foreign postage fees for APSA journals, and called for greater attention to ways to increase external funding for international initiatives.
This summer APSA staff will examine a comprehensive range of actions regarding membership options, the creative use of technology, and funding that would allow APSA to offer more tailored services for overseas members. For more information on the Committee on International Political Science or related APSA activities, please contact Bahram Rajaee (brajaee@apsanet.org), director of Institutional Research and Support.


From L to R: Bahram Rajaee, Paul Furlong (chair, PSA External Relations Committee), unknown, Wyn Grant (chair, PSA Executive Commitee), Neil Collins (editor, PSA News).

APSA International Membership