Why and how does a subaltern figure become a prominent cultural leader in a complex, ethnically diverse society like Nigeria? What are the processes and dynamics behind Gani Adams’ rise from a marginal figure in the Odua People’s Congress (OPC) to an elite leader of the Yorubaland? How do ethnic identity, violence and cultural capital play a role in the transformation from a subaltern to a ‘big man’? These are some of the questions addressed in How to Become a Big Man in Africa: Subalternity, Elites, and Ethnic Politics in Contemporary Nigeria by Wale Adebanwi.
Adebanwi’s nearly two-decade ethnographic study follows Gani Adams, a key leader of the OPC, an ethnonationalist group formed in response to the political and cultural marginalisation of the Yoruba people. The book is divided into two parts: Becoming a Big Man and Being a Big Man. Part One traces Adams’ rise within the OPC, highlighting the group’s violent tactics, especially in Lagos, where they clashed with Igbo, Hausa and Ijaw communities. While Adams denied the violence as a social issue, he justified it politically, framing it as a defence of the Yoruba and a call for restructuring Nigeria. Drawing on Gramsci’s theory of subalternity, Adebanwi argues that the OPC’s violence was an expression of agency by marginalised groups challenging the existing political order.
In Chapter Three, Adebanwi explores Adams’ pursuit of self-determination and identity formation, emphasising how he built prestige through cultural symbols. Notably, Adams’ lateness to events was a deliberate display of status, as Nigerian ‘big men’ are expected to arrive after others. This strategic attention to perception, along with his accumulation of titles – 52 by 2017, including the esteemed Otunba – reinforced his influence. These traditional titles provided Adams with both recognition and the social capital needed to operate effectively within Nigeria’s cultural and political spheres.
Part Two focuses on Adams’ consolidation of power, marked by his 2018 installation as the Ààrę Ònà Kakańfò, the top leadership title in Yorubaland. This role solidified his status as a major cultural and political figure. Adebanwi explores Adams’ strategic ties with political leaders, traditional rulers, media figures and other elites, showing how these alliances helped him sustain and grow his influence within both Yoruba nationalism and broader Nigerian politics.
The final chapter brings Adams’ story up to date by examining the rise of Sunday Adeyemo (Sunday Igboho) in 2020 as a challenger to his influence. Like Adams, Igboho tapped into rising Yoruba nationalism, but with a different style and public image. While the rivalry remains unresolved, Adebanwi argues that Adams’ path has become a model for other subaltern figures like Igboho. This comparison raises broader questions about leadership in post-colonial Africa, showing how marginalised individuals can rise to challenge power and become ‘big men’ themselves.
Adebanwi’s exploration of Adams’ transformation from a subaltern to an elite leader is both insightful and thought-provoking. He effectively illustrates how Adams used violence, cultural capital and strategic alliances to construct his identity and rise to prominence. By framing Adams’ ascension in terms of subalternity and Gramsci’s theories of power, Adebanwi provides a compelling explanation of how marginalised figures can break into the elite class through a combination of personal agency, political strategy and cultural symbolism. The book also touches on broader questions about the nature of power in post-colonial African societies, where traditional titles, ethnic identity and social networks often play a central role in the construction of elite status.
While How to Become a Big Man in Africa offers a rich and detailed account of Gani Adams’ rise to power, it could benefit from a deeper engagement with the structural factors that allow groups like the OPC to thrive. Adebanwi touches on the political and cultural marginalisation of the Yoruba people but doesn’t fully explore the systemic inequalities that create the conditions for movements like the OPC to emerge. A more thorough examination of these structural issues would provide a more complete understanding of the forces behind Adams’ rise.
Nonetheless, the book remains an insightful exploration of elite formation, focusing on violence, cultural capital and political networks in Nigeria. Adebanwi’s brief comparison of Adams with South Africa’s Julius Malema highlights interesting parallels in their paths to power, though further comparative analysis across Africa is needed to better understand how subaltern figures reshape political landscapes. This book will interest scholars of African politics, sociology and anthropology, as well as those studying ethnic nationalism and power dynamics.
