This book consists of a detailed analysis of the office of gobernador and the careers of a number of its occupants in the indigenous cabildo (town council) in México Tenochtitlán (Mexico City) from the time of the Spanish invasion to 1730. The focus is on elections and succession to office: who the candidates were, how they won the governorship, and the roles played by both indigenous (Nahua) custom and the viceregal colonial government. The indigenous Mexican cabildo has long interested historians, but the wealth of detail and chronological perspective in the present work make it special, as does its focus on the Aztec-cum-Mexican capital city. The author's main argument is that Indians in this city created a new kind of political culture that was neither wholly indigenous nor wholly Spanish, and that the indigenous cabildo retained a significant degree of autonomy within the colonial urban context. In support of this thesis William Connell carefully leads the reader through a wealth of case materials spanning two centuries.

Descendants of the royal lineage of the Aztec capital, Tenochtitlán, occupied the Spanish-introduced colonial office of gobernador until 1564, thanks to a policy decision of Viceroy Mendoza earlier in the century. This period saw the continued vitality of several Nahua political traditions: service for life in high office; succession to high office through coalition-building and election by a small group of influential nobles; and rotation of office-holders to ensure representation of different barrios. At the same time sixteenth-century Indian political actors learned to use the Spanish courts to challenge their rivals and remove abusive officials, beginning the long process of fusion of the Nahua and Spanish political systems. By the late sixteenth century the royal line of Tenochtitlán was no longer a factor in access to cabildo offices (the reasons for this shift remain unclear as there was no shortage of available royal descendants), and the transition to a system of elected gobernadores was under way. The elected officials wielded less power than their royal predecessors, but Connell sees the shift toward elections as driven more by Nahua political actors than the Spanish regime. Even so, once elected, gobernadores could serve for long periods (one of them served for 26 years) without having to stand for re-election each year.

The seventeenth century brought urban population growth, ethnic diversification, an uprising in 1624 and a great flood in 1629, factors which made it increasingly difficult for gobernadores to collect the royal tribute, one of their chief responsibilities. The colonial regime began to require stricter accounting from gobernadores, who now also had to secure financial guarantors for the tribute sums due. Elections were now held annually, supervised by officials from the Audiencia, and the viceregal regime began to meddle more in cabildo affairs. At the same time Nahua political actors increasingly petitioned the viceroy and Spanish courts to manipulate the system to their own advantage, and the office of gobernador became increasingly politicised. The viceregal government rarely intervened directly in cabildo affairs, but preferred to act in response to petitions from the people. Ultimately, native choice determined who could be gobernador. These choices were made within a complex network of patronage, coalitions, and political blocs supporting rival candidates. While voting itself was limited to a small group of nobles and ex-officials, the coalitions were also able to capture the preferences of commoners, mestizos and occasionally resident Spaniards as well. A sophisticated political culture emerged in the early eighteenth century, with indigenous politicians competing for office using Spanish law and viceregal policies. Elections became more contentious over time and candidates needed connections, wealth and coalition support to be successful.

The outcome, by 1730, was a new, hybrid indigenous political system, shaped by two centuries of negotiation between Indians and the Spanish administration. Indians never ceased to play an active role in determining their leaders. Even in the late colony the cabildo enjoyed a significant degree of autonomy and the Nahua tradition of succession to high office through coalition-building and election by a small group of influential nobles was still visible.

All told, this volume is a significant contribution to the literature on the indigenous Mexican cabildo. Its careful attention to chronology and balanced approach to both continuity and change are noteworthy. In demonstrating the persistence of a flourishing indigenous political culture in the heart of the Spanish capital, After Moctezuma provides an important foundation for further studies of Mexico City and comparative work on indigenous politics.