The issue of migration in the European Union is one that has taken on particular saliency in recent years. EU expansion as well as political, environmental and economic stressors, among other factors, have spurred cross-border movements of various peoples from both within and outside of the EU. In Inward Looking, Aleksander G. Marinov provides readers with an in-depth analysis of the effects of migration on Romani communities in Bulgaria.
Marinov aims to expand migration studies on this under-researched topic by incorporating voices of Roma migrants, focusing on how migration affects individuals and the evolution of their ethnic identities. He posits that studying Romani migration could contribute to the field of migration studies while also disrupting existing literature on Romani identity, to which he devotes an entire chapter of the book.
Firstly, what distinguishes this work from most in the migration field is the researcher's position. Marinov, like his respondents, self-identifies as a Bulgarian Romani migrant, revealing his own trajectory of seeking opportunities for betterment abroad in the UK. Thus, his dual placement as an insider to the group and an academic researcher puts Marinov in what Patricia Hill Collins coined “an outsider from within” position, or what Marinov calls “an inward-looking approach” (31), providing the research with an epistemic advantage from a theoretical perspective.
Secondly, Marinov provides a multi-layered analysis that is often lacking in research on Romani migration, which tends to focus on migrants residing in one particular receiving country. Instead, Marinov seeks out Romani respondents in their place of origin, choosing three Bulgarian localities with substantial out-migration. Additionally, he seeks to understand not simply the drivers of Romani migration, but more profoundly how Roma make sense of their experiences, which may factor into their self-identities and expanding Romani consciousness.
Divided into three substantive areas, the research examines motivations for Romani out-migration, their understanding and processing of “home” and “abroad,” and Romanipe, or Romani identity, as influenced by migration. Marinov adopts a qualitative framework to get at “the intricate feelings, narratives and experiences” about migration (51) that Roma hold, interviewing sixty-six migrants, using a semi-structured interview protocol. The selection criteria critical for this particular study are self-identification as a Roma and a migrant, excluding age and gender.
Chapter 3, Migration, in particular, stands out for its excellent encapsulation of myriad motivations for Romani migrations, differentiating some unique push factors for Roma. Marinov finds that Roma, like their ethnic Bulgarian counterparts, migrate primarily to seek economic opportunities and to improve their social status. While some Roma leave for seasonal work, others depart for longer periods without clear linear trajectories in their migratory patterns. Frequency of out-migration and other EU destinations differed among respondents, with many indicating revolving patterns going abroad, sometimes to the same country while other times to new ones. Marinov creatively characterizes this type of migration as “rhizomatic,” or non-stratified movement from one place to another (69). Independent from destination and frequency of time spent working outside Bulgaria, the majority of Roma were satisfied with their time abroad, as they were able to meet primary needs (food, housing, clothing) in ways they could not at home. One respondent said that abroad was where, “you earn good money, normally, you start affording better clothes, you allow sending your kids to school…,” saying financial security brings behavior changes for Roma (110).
However, discrimination, which Marinov highlights is “a pointed reminder of their ethnicity,” is a defining push factor that differentiates Romani migration from that of other groups. Several respondents chose to leave Bulgaria due to personal experiences of marginalization and racism, particularly on the labor market. One said, “I would go [abroad] for the work and most importantly because of the discrimination.” Another pointed out that the government does not stem discrimination and noted “we, the Tsigani, are oppressed by the Bulgarians.” One man who had resided in The Netherlands noted that going abroad was one of the best ways to address poverty, unemployment and systematic exclusion: “The real integration is there. If you live here [in Bulgaria] for a hundred years, how will you integrate yourself?” (105). Thus, a sense of belonging and space emerges in this research, with the overlay of “othering” of Roma by non-Roma as a factor in their decisions to leave Bulgaria.
Marinov accomplishes much, particularly by breaking down the complex play between identity, belonging and displacement, and in his conclusions that a hybridization emerges in how Roma migrants perceive both home and abroad as well as their own shifting identities, nested within and influenced by familial networks. Paradoxically, given the theoretical perspective embraced, one shortcoming of this research is the author's deliberate choice to exclude examination of age and gender, as both are significant factors in migration. Since social hierarchy shapes status and knowledge, it is important to recognize that women often experience migration differently, with additional risk factors such as sexual exploitation.
Notably, this book will appeal to those interested in migration, demography, ethnic studies, and public policy. It brings a much-needed and fuller perspective on Romani migration in a deftly designed and well-written work.
