Indonesia's democracy not only has survived but also has been consolidated relatively peacefully since the fall of Suharto in 1998. There has been much writing about various aspects of democratization in the world's largest Muslim-majority democracy. However, why and how this has been possible has not yet been adequately explained. Moreover, the theoretical contribution of the Indonesian experience to the literature of comparative democratization has often been overlooked. What are the conditions that facilitate democratic consolidation in a religiously divided society such as Indonesia? What do the developments in Indonesia tell us about the crafting of democracy in Muslim-majority countries elsewhere?
This volume, edited by Alfred Stepan and Mirjam Künkler, scholars of comparative democratization, brings together nine other specialists of Indonesia to answer these broader questions of theoretical significance. The chapters are arranged to look closely into three key dimensions mapped out by Liddle and Mujani (chapter 2) to assess the degree of consolidation: (1) attitudes (Künkler and Magnis-Suseno), (2) behaviors (Mietzner, Jones, and Aspinall), and (3) constitutionalism (Bowen, Lindsey, and Butt).
Emerging from the chapters are three overall consensuses that deserve special attention. First, there are few institutions, actors, movements, or ideologies that could seriously threaten democracy as a political system. In terms of attitudes, Liddle and Mujani find that a majority of the population, including political elites, support democracy, although there seems to be less agreement and understanding among the public about what “democracy” actually means to them. As shown by Künkler and Magnis-Suseno, major Islamic organizations and actors have exhibited commendable ability and flexibility to contribute to the pro-democracy movement and maintain relatively peaceful inter-faith relations despite some devastating experiences of religious violence in an early phase of the regime transition. In terms of behaviors, the military was viewed as one of the biggest obstacles to democratic transition initially, but in the end the military returned to the barracks more peacefully than predicted. According to Mietzner, the military in fact played a more supportive role in the processes of transition and consolidation than was generally assumed. Moreover, threats of regional separatism and national disintegration, as well as religious terrorism, have largely receded as a result of a range of institutional reforms political elites put in effect (see chapters by Aspinall and Jones). In the areas of the constitution, laws, and the judiciary, there have been some significant institutional changes and political efforts, most importantly the formation of the Constitutional Court to introduce democratic “checks and balances” and separation of power within state institutions and to make government officials, both elected and unelected, more accountable to the people (see chapter by Lindsey and Budd). Even the rise of pro-sharia movements in some provinces, such as Aceh and South Sulawesi, should not be seen as a threat to the democratic and civil foundation of the state because, Bowen argues, it is primarily an expression of regional identity, traditional authority, and power among political elites in the context of decentralization. In short, as summed up by Stepan and Künkler, “given the problems that existed in 1998, the speed and depth of Indonesia's democratization are impressive” (p. 23).
Second, almost all the authors suggest that we should not be so optimistic about the condition and future of democracy in Indonesia despite these achievements. A number of structural problems remain unresolved: rampant corruption in almost all organs of state; the weak rule of law; and lack of discipline and competence in state bureaucracies, both civil and military, to name just a few. The weak and hopelessly corrupt state apparatus may not threaten democratic consolidation, but certainly deteriorates its quality. It has undermined otherwise speedy and ambitious reform efforts, such as decentralization, regional autonomy, and formation of new agencies, thereby keeping public confidence in state and political institutions extremely low.
Third, democratic consolidation has had very little influence on the people and civil society, in particular on policymaking, though Lindsey and Budd as well as Künkler give more credit than others to the role of both religious and secular civil society actors in the reforms. We are left unsure about the actual influence of prominent religious organizations and actors as well as civil rights NGOs in the consolidation phase, when Indonesia encountered an alarming trend of anti-minority violence and religious intolerance, a main concern for Indonesia's Muslim democracy, as noted by Jones, Magnis-Suseno, and Liddle and Mujani. In fact, Jones argues, it is street-based radical Islamist organizations that have gained a disproportionate influence in civil society to penetrate and influence state policies.
In sum, the volume offers a valuable comprehensive overview on where Indonesia stands now in terms of democratic consolidation. Though it says less about the role of Islamic institutions in the crafting of democracy than one might expect from the title of the book, it nonetheless helps us gain a better understanding of the set of challenges that the Muslim-majority democracy has faced and overcome. Why Indonesia's democracy has progressed as far as—and in the way in which—it has may be an interesting comparative question to be further debated in future research.
