INTRODUCTION
Over the past decades, cultural heritage studies have highlighted a strong constructivist tendency in both epistemological and methodological paradigms and have greatly affected the field on the level of research, practice, and policymaking, both locally and internationally. Footnote 1 The growing knowledge transfer among cultures has resulted in the dynamism and evolution of cultural heritage conceptualization worldwide, a process that is expected to continue in the future. Footnote 2
The international heritage arena has witnessed a trend of moving from a single discourse—the “authorized heritage discourse,” to use Laurajane Smith’s term Footnote 3 —to multiple discourses, perhaps still under the shadow of the previous one. The “authorized heritage discourse” features a monumentality approach or traditional Western mania for physical conservation by technical and aesthetic experts. Footnote 4 It has its origin in nineteenth-century nationalism and modernity and was institutionalized through instruments like state agencies, civil societies, and, more recently, international bodies such as the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS). Footnote 5 However, the dominance of the “authorized heritage discourse” does not imply that it has not been unchallenged or responded. Footnote 6 The value, culture, and community input of heritage conservation has been being acknowledged and has gradually gained momentum since the 1980s, through interest in such things as cultural diversity, cultural landscape, and community development both in academia and within international bodies like UNESCO and ICOMOS. Footnote 7 Nevertheless, the World Heritage Committee and the World Heritage List still exhibit a European and North American dominance, although Asian countries such as Japan, India, and China have a growing profile. Footnote 8
It is under such a backdrop that China’s heritage development is explored, aiming to exemplify how a country affects, and is affected by, this trend and, at the same time, negotiates its own socio-economic, political, and cultural imperatives. The struggle between tradition and modernity constitutes the second backdrop, which has become very intense in rapidly developing and urbanizing countries like China. Interactions between heritage conservation, urban development, and tourism development have become an issue deserving much academic endeavor. Footnote 9 Insights in heritage conceptualization and its evolution is believed to be crucial in understanding and dealing with such complex relations.
Thus, the article focuses on the research question “how is the cultural heritage concept socio-culturally constructed” by taking into account both cross-cultural and contextual dimensions that imply value, space, society, and policy. The discussion starts with the evolution and comparison of two paradigms in China—wenwu (cultural relics) and wenhua yichan (cultural heritage)—illustrating the interactive dynamics in a global–local frame. In parallel, a longitudinal contextual dimension is revealed to demonstrate China’s heritage development by pinpointing several seminal turning points as well as recent trends in heritage perception and practice in China. As such, it hopes to disentangle the complex relation between heritage and society as well as the context of such a relation. The evolutionary perspective not only provides insights into the current heritage practices in China, especially in their relation to heritage tourism and urban development, but also helps to enrich cultural heritage conceptualization in general.
FROM WENWU TO WENHUA YICHAN: THE CONCEPTUAL SHIFT
In heritage academia, terminologies of other languages are seldom discussed in the literature nor are their impacts on heritage practice and conservation: Footnote 10 “Many cultural objects and ideas have been diffused in connection with their terminology, so that a study of the distribution of culturally significant terms often throws unexpected light on the history of inventions and ideas.” Footnote 11 As for China, behind the terminological shift, the conceptual development of cultural heritage from wenwu to wenhua yichan illuminates both the internal and the cross-cultural dialogic dynamics of cultural heritage and the spread of new interpretations as well as misunderstandings.
The word wenwu, which literally means cultural (wen) object (wu), is the Chinese terminology for cultural heritage. According to the Encyclopedia of China, the word of wenwu was first recorded in the Tang Dynasty (618–907) in referring to relics from the past. Footnote 12 With the development of epigraphy in the Northern Song Dynasty (960–1127), guqiwu or guwu (which literally means ancient objects) was employed for the study of ancient objects such as bronzes and stone inscriptions. In the Ming and Qing Dynasties (1368–1911), gudong and guwan (which literally mean antiques) were used in place of the former words and imply ancient objects, excluding calligraphy and painting. It was only recently in around the mid-1930s that there was a reuse of the word wenwu, whose narrowed down scope was broadened again to include both the movable and the immovable. And this word is still in use today.
The conceptual shift from wenwu to wenhua yichan (which literally means cultural heritage) was realized officially in the 2005 Notice of the State Council on Strengthening the Protection of Cultural Heritage (2005 Notice). Since that time, wenhua yichan has enjoyed popularity and been used alternatively with wenwu. The phrase wenhua yinchan is not new, and it can be found in some documents from the 1950s, serving to strengthen the importance of wenwu. Footnote 13 However, the 2005 Notice endows it with new connotations that originate from the West but respond well to China’s current social, cultural, and political imperatives.
The shift from wenwu to wenhua yichan reflects a cross-cultural negotiation on the concept of cultural heritage. Undoubtedly, the shift towards intangible heritage has helped to promote the concept of wenhua yichan since the concept of wenwu had failed to embrace the increasingly important scope of the intangible. Footnote 14 A general consensus exists regarding wenwu being an important part of wenhua yichan, with a tendency regarding wenwu as tangible heritage. However, this simple equation is not helpful in understanding and evaluating heritage and conservation practices in China due to the subtle but fundamental connotative differences between them. Therefore, in the following section, a rigorous distinction between wenwu and wenhua yichan is deciphered. How China addresses its current needs through the shift from the one to the other is further elaborated in the later section.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CONCEPTUAL SHIFT: A COMPARISON
The word “heritage” comes from the Old French words “iritage,” “eritage,” or “heritage,” meaning “that which is inherited.” Over time, the concept of heritage has changed, giving heritage an increasingly obvious and decisive future orientation and public character. By contrast, wenwu concerns a past/present relation in its temporal scope. Wenwu is defined in the Encyclopaedia of China as objects and sites of significant historic, aesthetic, and scientific value in the history of human development. Footnote 15 One of the aims of the Cultural Relics Conservation Law, is explicitly stated as “inheriting the splendid historical and cultural legacy of the Chinese nation,” while the link to the future is not clearly mentioned. Footnote 16 By contrast, making rational use of heritage as part of the national conservation principle is clearly stated, therefore entailing an expectation for contemporary engagement.
It is worthwhile to mention that the perception and practice of wenwu, like heritage, has undergone change. In fact, it was only in the revised 2002 version of the Cultural Relics Conservation Law that making rational use of heritage as part of the conservation guidelines was introduced. The inclusion of rational use as part of the conservation guidelines is a reflection of the reality of heritage conservation—the envisioned role of heritage in promoting tourism development and socio-economic development, on the one hand, and the destruction, reconstruction, and commercialization of heritage, on the other hand.
In terms of social attributes, wenwu stresses the non-public and material qualities of heritage, while the modern interpretation implies its public and cultural character. Starting from the first imperial collection in the Shang Dynasty (1600–1046 bc) and the first wave of private collections in the Northern Song Dynasty (960–1127) to New China national conservation practice (1949), wenwu has been practiced away from the public. Throughout Chinese history, heritage conservation has followed two parallel lines. The first has been a state-led conservation initiative for historic (and, to a lesser extent, artistic and scientific) purposes. The public’s awareness of heritage conservation and its sense of heritage ownership are hardly present. The second means is private collection for artistic and later economic reasons, and these follow a commercial perspective, with wenwu collectors becoming more diversified from a purely aesthetic appreciation to one that includes an eye for making money, especially after 1978. Notably, cultural awareness and responsibility have barely existed in the public domain for “cultural” relics—wenwu.
Since the 1980s, especially with the ratification of UNESCO’s World Heritage Convention in 1985 and China’s membership in ICOMOS in 1993, the country has moved gradually towards an international heritage discourse. Footnote 45 The English version of the Cultural Relics Conservation Law translates wenwu as cultural relics, yet in the bilingual Principles for the Conservation of Heritage Sites, “heritage sites” or “sites” is employed instead since the former is “deemed outmoded.” Footnote 17 In the same document, it is made clear that wenwu is used for tangible heritage, whether movable or immovable. This play with words and translations reflects, to some extent, the global–local negotiation of cultural heritage conceptualization in China.
Furthermore, as Jixiang Shan rightly notices, the emphasis on public involvement and heritage continuity, which was evident in the shift from wenwu to wenhua yichan, is China’s response to its own rapid urbanization process, development path, and the globalizing world in which cultural identity is crucial to the development of the state and the world as a whole. Footnote 18 First, China’s rapid modernization and urbanization momentum has caused severe heritage deterioration and destruction. The concept of wenhua yichan with its focus on cultural value has helped to rectify the imbalance between cultural value and economic value that is imbedded in wenwu, which has been driven to the extreme under the current process of urbanization. At the same time, wenhua yichan, as a much broader term, covers not only individual buildings, sites, and building complexes but also historic landscapes and environments that have been severely endangered in the current urbanization process.
Second, the development of cultural value reinforces the cultural identity of both individuals and the state, which contributes to a harmonious society, compared to the current economic, political, and cultural instability, on the one hand, and to the strengthening of the state’s soft power in the international arena. Third, the emphasis on the public’s activity in wenhua yichan helps to promote public conservation awareness and efforts that are currently largely lacking. It is foreseeable that in the coming decades more clashes between the two epistemological strands will take place and that the once silenced stakeholder, the public, wil be much more involved in the heritage field in China. Footnote 19
HERITAGE DEVELOPMENT IN CHINA: HISTORICAL EVOLUTION AND RECENT TRENDS
The previous section examined China’s recent conceptualization of heritage in its relationship to the international discourse, and this section develops this narrative from a longitudinal dimension, elaborating on the evolution of heritage conservation in its interaction with society throughout history. The global–local nexus exemplified through an evolutionary perspective is intended to provide a certain understanding of China’s contemporary heritage phenomenon and the interaction between internal and external forces in the field. This section first focuses on pre-contemporary history (before 1840), revealing how the awareness of, and outlook on, history has shaped the understandings of spiritual/material value and the past/present or old/new as well as the conservation practices in the Chinese cultural tradition. Contemporary history has witnessed ups and downs both in the socio-cultural dimension and in its relation to the outside world, and the same can be said about the perception of cultural heritage and its conservation. By pinpointing important shifts, it is possible to convey how the role and evolution of heritage and conservation are negotiated in contemporary China.
Shift between Spiritual Value and Material Value
Heritage destruction and reconstruction are common in many countries to varying degrees. In China, when old regimes are overthrown, historical buildings and imperial palaces, considered to be outdated and the historic draff of these regimes, often encounter the same fate. However, this does not mean that conservation efforts have not been made. A substantial iconoclasm goes hand in hand with a historiographical tradition in conservation. The earliest recorded collection is the royal collection of books and paintings from the Western Han Dynasty (202bc-8ad). Footnote 20 Since the Northern Song Dynasty, with the development of epigraphy, such collections have included bronze castings and other pieces. With epigraphy, which is the study of bronze castings and sculptures, the substantial history of Chinese archaeology commenced and now provides valuable historical records. However, what is particularly valuable about Chinese epigraphy are the written records that are found on the items, which have a historical function. As a matter of fact, the value of the bronze as an item is directly linked with whether it has an epigraph. Footnote 21
This historiographical tradition is influenced to a great degree by the historical awareness that was encouraged with the ideology of “respect for heaven and ancestors” introduced by the ancient Chinese thinkers such as Confucius. Confucius promoted a respect for spirits and remembering one’s ancestors through spiritual worship. Therefore, spiritual worship enjoyed a greater significance than the material heritage itself in the Chinese tradition. Ancient thinking in China “separated heritage into the tangible Ware (Qi) and the intangible Tao,” and what Confucius is seeking to transmit is the intangible Tao—the way or the spirit. Footnote 22
As illustrated above, the past is valued for its historicity and spirituality, which is different from the aesthetic value introduced in early Western conservation. Footnote 23 Books, paintings, calligraphy, and historical records have always been the first items for conservation, which is “a different attitude toward the way of making the monumental achievement” in the West. Footnote 24 This partially explains why China has distinguished itself with a large collection of historical documents, in contrast with only a moderate number of tangible historical remains. What sustains the Chinese culture is not the material object but, rather, the immaterial symbol that is exemplified. Footnote 25 Thus, the constant destruction and reconstruction of historical buildings throughout history does not cause tremendous concern or weaken the significance of these buildings.
Two points deserve special attention in this spiritual/material discussion. For one thing, traditional practice and contemporary economic-driven reconstruction have to be distinguished, although it is undeniable that traditional thinking and practice render the latter less of a challenge. Second, the value of heritage indicates both material as well as spiritual concerns but in varied degrees and importance across time and space. Just as the acknowledgement of the intangible aspect or spiritual value of cultural heritage in the West is growing, concern for the significance of architecture has been rising in China over recent years, especially in the face of mass destruction in the process of urban development.
Shift between Past and Present and between Old and New
The historical thinking embedded in the traditional Chinese culture shapes the Chinese perception of the past and the present. The past can be looked at from the present, and the present uses the past as a reference. Footnote 26 Under this historical development outlook, the same logic applies to the relation between the old and the new, leading to a natural embrace of the new without turning one’s back on the old. This old/new harmony was first challenged in the mid-nineteenth century when Western thoughts and weapons were first directed towards China. Footnote 27 The New Culture Movement of the 1910s and 1920s campaigned against the old feudalist culture and tradition, and the harmonious unity of these two ideologies were brought into severe confrontation, whereby China and its traditional culture became symbolic of the old and thus backward ways of thinking, and Western culture, together with its modern technology, was labeled as the new and thus advanced mode of thought. The ancient concern for, and appreciation of, the old had given way to modernity and everything that was new. This changing perception had a strong influence even in the early years of communist China and still lingers on today, though much more subtly and vaguely.
The founding of communist China in 1949 triggered debates over conservation in the 1950s around “what to conserve and how to conserve” in the struggle between the old and the new, which was highly driven by political ideology. Footnote 28 Mingda Chen, as an exponent of this line of thinking, argued that historical building conservation would demand financial, human, and technical resources that were badly needed in developing a “new” China. Footnote 29 Therefore, he insisted on prioritizing those conservation efforts that were necessary and that could still play a role in reality. Apart from this, Chen advised the government to preserve maps, photographs, and written records. Although there were many different opinions at this time, Chen’s arguments represented the basic tone of the period in dealing with the old and the new.
The Cultural Revolution (1966–76) posed an unprecedented challenge to the old tradition and culture that was drastic and detrimental. The study of the past was considered to be reactionary. Archaeological research came to a halt, and certain archaeological and heritage sites were destroyed. Footnote 30 In eradicating four old evils (old ideas, old culture, old customs, and old habits) and persecuting intellectuals, culture and cultural heritage became taboo, and the cultural spirit was greatly lost in the public.
Despite these unfavorable circumstances, much of the twentieth century saw the formation of a heritage conservation system in contemporary China, in close association with the West. The earliest heritage conservation regulation—Measures for the Protection of Ancient Sites (Baocun Guji Tuiguang Banfa Zhangcheng)—was issued in 1909, possibly triggered by the cultural exploitations along the old Silk Road by Westerners such as Aurel Stein (1862–1943). Footnote 31 Following the 1930s, non-governmental conservation organizations started to emerge, led by a group of mostly Western-trained professionals and historians. Among them were the Construction Research Association (Zhongguo Yingzao Xueshe) and its representative, Sicheng Liang, a graduate of the University of Pennsylvania. As the pioneer of China’s heritage conservation, Liang’s conservation philosophy “to repair the old as it is” still has a strong influence in China today, although it was mostly overlooked in the conservation debates of the 1950s. Footnote 32 In 1949, the State Administration of Cultural Heritage (SACH) was set up, followed by the first nation-wide survey of cultural relics in 1956 and the promulgation of the Provisional Regulations for the Conservation and Management of Cultural Relics in 1961. Although a law had not yet been formulated, the conservation regulations and measures taken had, to some extent, ensured a general protection of heritage in this early period. Footnote 33
Setting Foot on the Modernization Journey
As Roderick MacFarquhar and Michael Schoenhals explain, “[t]he Cultural Revolution was so great a disaster that it provoked an even more profound cultural revolution, precisely the one that Mao intended to forestall.” Footnote 34 However, this time, the political culture had been shifted to an economic one. As advocated by Xiaoping Deng in his southern tour in 1992, economic development was considered the only hard truth. Undeniably, the market-oriented economic reform that has occurred since 1978 has introduced rapid socio-economic development in China in the country’s pursuit of socialist modernization (in the fields of industry, agriculture, national defense, and science and technology). However, along with this rapid economic development, many socio-cultural problems also became more acute.
In the culture and heritage field, two nation-wide surveys of cultural relics were conducted, first, in 1981–85 and, second, in 2007–11, to update inventories and improve the management qualities of the already existing sites. Financial and administrative support from the state was continuously growing at this time. In the wider context, China was moving increasingly towards an international mindset, as exemplified in the two major acts of legislation for heritage conservation. The first piece of legislation was the Cultural Relics Conservation Law, which was promulgated in 1982, with reference to the Venice Charter, the recognized model in international heritage practice. Footnote 35 The Principles for the Conservation of Heritage Sites were promulgated in 2000 as a result of the international collaboration between China’s ICOMOS, the Getty Conservation Institute, and the Australian Heritage Commission. However, a closer examination of the Principles convey their “Chineseness” in terms of both their background and contents. Throughout the collaboration process, China’s ICOMOS had been taking the lead, consciously aware of the mixture of Western conservation philosophy and traditional cultural values that was necessary in creating “a modern methodology that acknowledges international best practice but remains true to the Chinese sense of place and history.” Footnote 36 Nevertheless, it is interesting to point out that the Principles for the Conservation of Heritage Sites, which were promulgated by China’s ICOMOS and recommended by SACH, enjoys no legal status and exerts little influence in the field of heritage conservation in China. The formation of these Principles and their reluctant acceptance in China implies China’s negotiation and struggle between external and internal forces, indicating the political economy of the current heritage regime in China.
However, every coin has two sides. As a result of China’s economic development and modernization, the country has witnessed an enormous amount of destruction to its cultural heritage, especially of its historic buildings, in the name of urbanization and urban renewal. According to Chensheng Xie, a distinguished heritage specialist, if one looks back through its entire history, China’s heritage has been the most seriously damaged since the 1990s. Footnote 37 In addition, it is not only the physical structures that have been lost but also peoples’ memory of them. Spurred by the market economy, the public’s already faint and insignificant awareness of cultural heritage is decreasing. Furthermore, people’s pursuit of a modern life in the market economy also adds to their neglect for tradition, culture, and heritage.
Undoubtedly, China’s reform and opening up since 1978 has brought rapid socio-economic development, but such forward movement has also led increasingly to visible social, economic, and cultural problems, such as the widening gap between rich and poor, environmental deterioration, and key resource depletion. In response, the concept of a “scientific outlook on development” was proposed by the state in 2003, and it advocates a “people-centered” approach to comprehensive, coordinated, and sustainable development. The shift in thinking from economic to social development, at least theoretically, comes from the country’s self-reflection on the path of development in a changing national and global context. Footnote 38 However, it is still subject to both the current national socio-economic contexts and the determination of the state to translate words into action.
In the field of cultural heritage, the idea of integrating heritage conservation into social development is being practiced through the development of heritage theme parks, which aim not only at conservation but also at neighborhood regeneration and the improvement of the living environment. Daming Palace National Heritage Park in Xi’an was an example of such development. Daming Palace was once the imperial palace of the Tang Dynasty, but it was later damaged and burned down during various wars. It has been protected by the state since 1961 and was turned into a heritage park in 2010. It is a benefit to society, providing public space and improving the environment of the neighborhood. However, there are many opinions on its development, such as the gentrification of the area or the threat of such heritage being over-commercialized. Although still being heatedly debated, this project symbolizes China’s new perception of heritage in relation to society and its effort to balance heritage conservation with other considerations: economic, social, cultural, and political.
Current Leading Vision: Cultural Development and the Value of Heritage
With China’s increased economic development and exchange with the world, the question of how to carry on its culture and promote its cultural identity has become more and more urgent in the new century. The rapid economic development in the context of globalization has brought culture and heritage new roles to play in the twenty-first century. First, cultural soft power has become a national strategy for China to position itself in the world arena. Footnote 39 Second, culture and heritage are being harnessed to strengthen national identity and serve as a bond for national unity against the current complications of socio-economic development. Third, the promotion of culture and heritage has contributed to local, regional, and national economic development, especially in connection with tourism.
In 2009, the National Tourism Administration and the Ministry of Culture jointly issued a Guide for the Integrated Development of Culture and Tourism, outlining 10 initiatives, such as the Year of Cultural Tourism and China’s International Cultural Tourism Festival. In line with this policy document on cultural tourism, heritage consumption and heritage tourism development have been greatly promoted. Footnote 40 The recognition of heritage’s economic value has strengthened awareness and conservation efforts, but, at the same time, it has pushed heritage into the economic sphere, which is reflected in the massive number of heritage-style buildings being constructed. They are seen especially in historic areas in many Chinese cities, mostly for tourism purposes. Although criticized by experts, the practice continues. Footnote 41 In the historic city of Xi’an, for instance, heritage-style buildings have been built in many parts of the historic center in the name of urban regeneration. One example is the reconstruction of a historic building in the area between two famous heritage sites, the Ming City Wall and the Museum of Forest of Stone Steles. It aims to transform this area into a cultural and touristic area, but obviously with insufficient attention given to the conservation of this historic neighborhood. The fact that the economic motive in heritage tourism development prioritizes heritage appreciation and conservation further intensifies the friction between conservation and use of cultural heritage. Footnote 42
The 2005 Notice officially promotes the concept of wenhua yichan. By emphasizing the public character of cultural heritage, it is hoped that a sense of ownership, in terms of both right and responsibility, will be raised in the public’s mind. The setting up of the Cultural Heritage Day in 2006 is a follow-up initiative to publicize cultural identity in heritage and enhance public awareness and involvement. These efforts are believed to promote direct public protection, on the one hand, and indirect public supervision in the long run, on the other hand. Public involvement in heritage conservation as a bottom-up initiative has the potential to counter-balance the side effects of the top-down state or municipal initiatives that often tend to put economic interests above cultural concerns. And such involvement has started to take form in China. Footnote 43
Cultural development has become an important theme in China in the new century, as illustrated from the above-mentioned state initiatives. The recent development of cultural industries since 2002 has also contributed to this cultural renaissance, but it is a double-edged sword for heritage conservation at the same time. It promotes cultural appreciation and conservation awareness, while, at the same time, prioritizing the economic value of buildings and objects over the conservation of heritage. Footnote 44 In these waves of thought and practice, the question about how heritage and culture can find their own way in China has to be addressed in this new century.
CONCLUSION
Since the late twentieth century onwards, the world heritage discourse has witnessed a trend from a focus on conservation of classical Western archaeological monuments and famous architectural ensembles to an understanding of different cultural values and practices. The cross-cultural dialogue is pertinent to deepening the understanding of social constructivism in the cultural heritage field, which is an epistemological endeavor to understand the meaning production of heritage in particular socio-cultural settings. The emerging challenges and revisionism to the “authorized heritage discourse” highlights remarkable changes in the heritage field, while the detailed research of cultural heritage in different cultural contexts is just beginning to take off.
The global–local nexus exemplified in this article through the evolutionary approach is intended to provide a certain understanding of China’s contemporary heritage phenomenon and its interaction with the world. The conceptual development from wenwu to wenhua yichan implies a constant negotiation with, and appropriation of, the Western notion of cultural heritage and conservation, but, at the same time, it illustrates how attitudes towards heritage interact with social dynamics. The economic priority endorsed by both the state and the public is, and will continue to be, an issue challenging China’s heritage development in the near future. The state has started to recognize and address these issues at the policy and legislation levels in the culture and heritage fields since around the new century. However, one needs to wait and see whether words are put into practice or whether it is simply big talk. The general lack of heritage conservation awareness among the public has both historical and contemporary underpinnings, but it may also suggest that the conceptual shift, which has been embraced to some extent in Chinese academic circles and on a policy level, is still not being translated into convictions, behaviors, and daily practices. The cultivation of such awareness and the formation of a public involvement mechanism are still to be developed.
China’s heritage development through the lens of a global–local nexus contributes to the theorization of heritage in a globalizing world as it acknowledges its dynamic and interactive nature among different cultures and contextual forces. Tracing the evolution of international heritage discourse on China’s heritage conceptualization and system development reveals the conceptual shift from wenwu to wenhua yichan and the compilation of the Principles for the Conservation of Heritage Sites. However, this also shows the risk of misinterpreting some of the signs on a policy level. This article argues that these changes are more a result of China’s response to its internal imperatives than that of international influence. China’s ready embrace of the concept of cultural heritage and the reluctant acceptance of the Principles for the Conservation of Heritage Sites not only imply China’s assertiveness in directing its heritage development, on the one hand, but also its struggle at the level of implementation, on the other hand, and may serve as a sign of this global–local nexus at work. China hopes to be an example of how contemporary heritage can be negotiated between internal and external dynamics, according to both epistemological and practical terms, as well as of how contradictory and complex this process might be.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS:
We would like to thank Bright Adiyia, Katarzyna Janusz, Arie Stoffelen, Marilena Vecco, Egbert van der Zee and the anonymous reviewers for their comments on earlier drafts of the paper. FUNDING: This work was supported by the China Scholarship Council under Grant [201208610195].
