Migrant remittances as a source of development capital have been much discussed in policy and academic circles, most commonly in the context of economic migration. Lindley contributes much to this literature, examining the enormous significance of remittances for Somalis, most of whom migrated primarily as refugees from conflict rather than as economic migrants. Her interdisciplinary research combines ethnographic and survey data from three different contexts in which remittances ramify: Hargeisa, Nairobi and London. Through this combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies, statistics are brought to life by accounts of real lives and the social pressures and bonds involved in the remittance economy.

After an introduction guiding the reader through the intellectual and policy debates to which the data speaks – which mainly concern migration and development, and refugee livelihoods – Chapter 2 provides an overview of Somali history and culture. Crucially, the chapter explains the Somali money-transfer infrastructure known as xawilaad and the ambivalence and suspicion with which this is viewed internationally. This infrastructure provides an indispensable service for Somalis globally, not least to the people of Hargeisa where remittances support family livelihoods and reconstruction in a once war-torn city. Lindley contextualises the city and the internationally unrecognised state of Somaliland of which it is the capital, and then critiques simplistic ideas of remittances and diaspora politics which seek to categorise these processes as either social goods or harms; against such jaundiced approaches, The Early Morning Phone Call demonstrates the complexity and ambiguity of their influence.

Chapter 4 takes us to Nairobi's Eastleigh District, often termed ‘Little Mogadishu’, where Somali refugees have helped build a booming economy in an estate notorious for governmental neglect. Somali presence in Kenya is long-standing, and Lindley well describes Somalis' marginalised position in the country, and their predicament in Eastleigh, where refugees are often subject to police harassment. While there is wealth in Eastleigh (much resulting from diaspora investment), many there rely on remittances while struggling against a hostile political climate and hoping for resettlement elsewhere. This chapter complements the work of Cindy Horst on Somalis in Dadaab refugee camp; collectively, the two texts provide a rounded view of life for Somali refugees in Kenya.

Chapter 5 turns to London, the source of many remittances. It provides the ‘sender’ perspective, and explores the tensions that result from these transnational connections. Ideas of life in the West mean that people back home often have high expectations of how much money can be sent, and Lindley movingly conveys the sacrifices that Somalis in London undergo to live up to these expectations.

Finally, the conclusion tempers much of the current optimism regarding remittances and development. In the case of conflict-generated migration, on-going strife at home can prevent sustained investment of remittances in development projects, while the impact of remittances is complex. This latter point emerges emphatically through Lindley's multi-sited fieldwork, and while important locales are missing from this book, one hopes she will inspire further exploration of remittances in other centres of the transnational Somali nexus.