Ethnographic approaches to the study of American religion have become increasingly prominent in recent years. Amy Slagle's monograph represents the first substantial ethnographic study Eastern Orthodox Christians in America. She focuses on converts to Orthodoxy, presenting a compelling argument that, far from rejecting modernity and the spiritual marketplace in favor of tradition, converts operate precisely within the “culture of choice” environment. At the same time, there are certainly distinctive features of Orthodoxy that set it apart from other religious options in the American landscape.

Slagle's study is based upon ethnographic study of two parishes in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and one in Jackson, Mississippi. One of the Pittsburgh parishes belonged to the Orthodox Church in America and was regarded as less “ethnic” and more convert-friendly than the second, which was a Greek Orthodox parish. Although the percentage of converts was the same in each (20–25%), the first attracted more “seeker converts” whereas the latter were primarily “intermarriage converts,” both of which Slagle considers in her analysis.

Slagle argues that her informants all told conversion stories that presupposed the religious marketplace. Most found Orthodoxy after a process of “church shopping,” trying and ultimately rejecting other religious options. Conversions were gradual and the result of personal choice, rather than instantaneous; however, because Orthodoxy is unfamiliar to most Americans, discovering and learning about Orthodoxy required considerable effort and persistence. Seeker converts typically “read” their way into Orthodoxy. Slagle suggests that making and articulating religious choices makes converts both powerful and dangerous: they usually know more about their adopted faith than those who grew up in it, but the skills of comparing and evaluating religious options do not simply disappear once the conversion process is complete.

In order to become an Orthodox Christian, a prospective convert must undergo catechesis, and are received only when the clergy decide the convert is ready. In this way, Orthodox clergy attempt to ensure that the process of “church shopping” does not tempt them away after they join. Slagle found that catechism is tailored for each prospective convert; it is a long process that involves study and participation in ritual life, socializing the converts into their new community. Slagle concludes that the “emphasis on spiritual and intellectual readiness coupled with the fact that conversion is not granted on demand heightens the ‘spiritual capital’ of the Orthodox Church” (71–72).

Slagle also examines the appeal of Orthodoxy for prospective converts. Her informants say their journeys led them to conclude that Orthodoxy is the true Church, an objective truth and not one that simply “fits” one's personal tastes. Converts therefore viewed it as a counterweight to all the cultural “isms” of American life, including pluralism, relativism, individualism, and consumerism. The attraction of Orthodoxy lies precisely in the fact that, unlike other competitors in the “spiritual marketplace,” Orthodoxy does not adapt its worship, morality, or teachings in order to make itself more appealing. It is Orthodoxy's firmness in these areas that sets it apart; paradoxically, its appeal lies precisely in refusing to make itself more appealing. In my observation, however, there is a great many reasons why converts are attracted to Orthodoxy other than negative reactions against this variety of “late modern tendencies,” including the positive appeal of its rich history, theology, liturgy, or spirituality.

A further paradox for converts to Orthodoxy is that, despite embracing it as the true Church with an unchanging Tradition, Orthodoxy is not experienced as rigid but rather becomes a source for intellectual and spiritual freedom. Feeling secure in Orthodoxy's doctrine freed them to focus their energies on personal and spiritual growth. The diverse repertoire of spiritual disciplines in the Orthodox tradition meant that converts find freedom to navigate what works for them. Moreover, informants stated that Orthodoxy provides a firm morality without being legalistic in its application. Therefore Orthodoxy for these converts was, at one and the same time, “the most stalwart and flexible of religious options” (104).

Orthodox liturgy, ritual, and setting (iconography and so forth) are typically experienced as very exotic for most Americans during their first experience, which requires effort to understand and practice. Because most converts read their way into Orthodoxy, they often come into established parishes with an abstract or ideal sense of the way things are “supposed” to be. Slagle finds that some converts become ritual critics, resulting in tensions in the parish with lifelong parishioners and the parish's local traditions. For example, conflicts arise over the westernized style of iconography that is prevalent among many older parishes in the US, which converts regard as inauthentic compared to the traditional Byzantine style.

Immigrants established the majority of Orthodox parishes in the United States, causing the Church to became a center for preserving not only faith but also ethnic identity, and most Orthodox parishes remain fairly “ethnic” even today. While the “ethnicity” of Orthodox parishes is sometimes a source of tension for prospective converts, Slagle argues that previous studies exaggerated that conflict. Many informants rediscovered some common roots of their own ancestry (especially for some, their Eastern European heritage), while others appropriated aspects of their parish's ethnic group. As Slagle argues, ethnicity in an American context is frequently malleable and people often choose among multiple identities in their heritage.

Slagle found that the motivation and process of conversion for “intermarriage” converts to be quite different than the seeker converts. They did not typically “read” their way into the Church like seeker converts, but rather were attracted through prolonged exposure through their spouse and their spouse's community. Nevertheless even they asserted that conversion was a matter of personal choice rather than pressure from the outside (for example, from their family).

Slagle concludes this engaging study by suggesting that the trend away from organized religion (the “spiritual but not religious”) is not the only one happening in America, as her informants found their spirituality precisely in a church with elaborate structure.