IRAQ: THE CHALLENGE OF RECONSTRUCTION

Explosions erupted in Iraq on June 30. But instead of bombs, they were fireworks celebrating the exit of American troops from Iraqi cities. Although freshly inaugurated by Prime Minister Nuri Al-Malikik as a national holiday, June 30 may in fact mark the beginning of another long, tough journey for Iraqis. Even as US President Obama called the day “an important milestone” and agreed that Iraq is “rightly treating this day as a cause for celebration,” he still cautioned that there are “difficult days ahead.”1

Perhaps foretelling, June 30 brought a rise in insurgent violence. Almost on cue, a suicide bombing in a Kurdish market in the volatile northern city of Kirkuk killed 33 people. And only days after the Americans left, a large bomb was planted in Sadr City, where an American request to keep an outpost was denied by the Iraqi government.

June 30 marks the first phase of a 3-part exit. By 2010, American troops will no longer be active, and as of 2011 all will be home. The challenge of coexistence between security and sovereignty may continue to dominate the government agenda for many years.

Outside Iraq, its refugees are straining resources in neighboring countries. In 2009, an estimated 1.2 million Iraqi refugees remain in Syria and 450,000 in Jordan.2 These urban refugees are not confined to camps and share many of the same resources as locals.3 Funding is already stretched, and because only 38% of the $397 million needed by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to sustain operations has been donated to date, refugee services will be further cut starting in August 2009. Health funding, vocational training, outreach programs, and cash handouts for vulnerable families will be particularly affected.4 Although funding is short, donors and aid agencies should be wary of drastic program cuts, lest Iraq and its neighbors find themselves in dire straits long after the war is over.

SRI LANKA: GOVERNMENT CONTROL MAY NOT MEAN PEACE

May 18 tentatively ended Asia’s longest modern war, as Sri Lankan government troops declared victory over the Tamil Tiger rebels in a conflict rooted in ethnic tensions between the Buddhist Sinhalese majority and the Hindu Tamil minority. The 25 years of fighting have left more than 70,000 dead and hundreds of thousands displaced. One million landmines have been laid, leaving large areas of the country uninhabitable, which may continue to affect Sri Lanka’s future for years to come.

A government military offensive has taken control of the 15,000-km² former Tiger rebel stronghold. Civilians caught in the war zone, consisting of 300,000 Tamils, are now temporarily sheltered in government-run camps.5 Aid agencies are concerned about the government’s intention to scale down relief operations, even imposing a 0.9% tax on aid funding, in addition to denying visas to aid workers. Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa responds that the conditions in the camps are “the best any country has.”6

Elections are scheduled for later this year. Rajapaksa is anticipating reelection and is deferring a permanent political solution until then.7 Elections may bring more tension than tranquility, however, as many, especially those who will be voting from the camps, already question whether the process will be fair, fearing that government and security forces will simply interfere with the results.

In addition, the government is also planning on tripling the size of its army to prevent any Tamil Tiger insurgency.8 It may be necessary to further militarize the country to ensure peace, but it likely will also make reconciliation and coexistence more challenging.

SUDAN: HIV UPDATE

When the latest Darfur conflict erupted in 2004, the development of HIV programs was fraught with obstacles, not least of which was the lack of baseline HIV prevalence data. Many rationalized deprioritizing HIV programs, stating that because the population is predominantly Muslim it is less susceptible to sexually transmitted infections.

To place this in perspective, southern Sudan’s HIV prevention and treatment framework is expected to cost around $656 million for 5 years, of which only $124 million has been secured, leaving a funding gap of 80%.9 The problem is certainly not simply from the donor side—only 3% of the secured funds for HIV/AIDS had been spent as of February 2008. To date, implementing agencies continue to have trouble absorbing and managing the funds, and security issues continue to obstruct progress.10

Now Darfur, and Sudan as a whole, is paying the price of inaction. Although epidemiological surveillance data are still difficult to obtain, the prevalence of HIV in Sudanese adults ages 15 to 49, which was estimated at 1.6% in 2003 and 2.3% in 2004,11 may now be closer to 3% and as high as 11% in some areas.12 Surveys reveal the effects of the lack of adequate HIV education. In a 2005 study of policemen in Khartoum, less than 2% of those interviewed knew that a condom could protect them against HIV. In a survey of the country’s community leaders, 28% believed that mosquitoes could transmit HIV. Even though most had heard of condoms, less than 10% named them as “a tool of prevention.”13 The primary mode of HIV transmission in Sudan is heterosexual sex, further validating the need for education about proper condom use.14

Although issues surrounding immediate security may be a priority in conflict zones, the consequences of not paying greater attention to HIV may haunt the people of Darfur and all of Sudan in years to come.

LIBERIA: GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE STILL RAMPANT

Although the 14-year-long civil war in Liberia ended in 2003, rape is still horrifically prevalent. As a Liberian national police officer explained, “Rape is a scar that the war left behind. Sexual violence is a direct product of the war.”15 A large study in 2007, 4 years after the official end of the civil war, found that between 19% and 26% of women had been raped outside of marriage, and as many as 74% had experienced marital rape, in the last 18 months.16, 17

These statistics raise the concern that gender-based violence may not only be used as a method of warfare but can also become ingrained into a society and persist in practice. Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur, and the Democratic Republic of Congo showed the world just how prevalent gender-based violence can be in areas of conflict, and these new data from Liberia are more proof of the lingering effect of war on society. As one Doctors Without Borders worker stated, rape is now “the new war in Liberia.”18

CAMEROON: RESOURCES STRETCHED BY REFUGEES FROM CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

More than 60,000 refugees from nearby northwest Central African Republic (CAR) have been slowly integrated into Cameroon communities since 2002. There are no refugee camps in Cameroon and, until recently, coexistence has been relatively tranquil and trouble free. Because the CAR government primarily controls the capital Bangui and surrounding areas, the northern part of the country remains an “ungoverned space” at the mercy of assorted rebel groups, bandits, and warlords. Instability from neighboring Chad and Darfur exacerbates the situation in CAR.19

Although Cameroon has absorbed the influx of refugees for the last 7 years, the country is now a “silent emergency,” as resources become increasingly strained. Children are particularly vulnerable. The number of students in schools has doubled, and the rate of malnutrition among refugee children is up to 20% and beginning to increase as well among the host population.20 The United Nations Children’s Fund, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and the International Committee of the Red Cross have pitched in to help, but international support is still largely insufficient. Despite the commendable efforts of nongovernment organizations, a more long-term solution with sustainable funding is still needed.

RWANDA: AIMING FOR MAGNANIMOUS RECONCILIATION

The genocide in Rwanda in 1994 rapidly unfolded in a 3-month period, during which Hutu extremists killed 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. Given the magnitude of the crimes, the government and the community have developed unconventional, and what appears to be effective, reconciliation methods. These include local “gacaca courts,” a healing and justice process in which genocidaires confess to survivors in front of the community and a panel of layperson judges.21 Another method is the option for convicted genocidaires to reduce their prison time through community service projects. The most unique and most challenging, which may ultimately prove to be the most long-lasting, is the government’s attempt to redefine the identities of Rwandans by prohibiting use of ethnic labels such as “Hutu” and “Tutsi.” Although this is only formally enforceable in public discourse, even in private Rwandans have already become uneasy with using these labels.22

Rwanda’s efforts at reconciliation have been extraordinary, but they befit a country that was affected deeply by genocide. Rwanda provides hope that with active participation from the government and the people, reconciliation, even under the most duress, can still be within reach.

Author's Disclosures

The author reports no conflicts of interest.