In Matilda: Empress, Queen, Warrior, Catherine Hanley studies Empress Matilda, who opposed her cousin Stephen's tenure of the English crown (1135–1154). In doing so, Hanley seeks not to replace Marjorie Chibnall's biography, but to provide “a new and different interpretation of Matilda's character and actions, taking advantage of the large amount of scholarship … published on the twelfth century and on twelfth-century sources since 1991” (2–3). The book is for “a new and different type of audience,” not academics but “those … perhaps less familiar with … Matilda's life and times” (3). The introduction helpfully discusses primary sources and recent scholarship, and signposts key themes, although discussion of charter evidence is limited. Hanley promises more concentration on Matilda's “role as military and political leader, and not just as a woman surrounded and supposedly controlled by men,” and to challenge, with a more nuanced view, “simplistic conclusions … about her supposed arrogance and haughtiness causing her to lose her chance of the English throne” (11).

Chapter 1 considers the period from Matilda's childhood, when her father Henry I sent her to Germany to marry Emperor Henry V, to her return to Normandy in 1125. It appreciates Matilda's important role in the German court and German government in Italy and that these years were formative. Chapter 2 usefully outlines key political developments in the Anglo-Norman world between 1087 and 1125. Chapter 3 largely considers political events in the later years of Henry I's reign, following his son William's death in 1120, including Henry's efforts to establish Matilda as a possible successor (if he failed to have another legitimate son), her marriage to Geoffrey of Anjou, and the couple's relationship with Henry. In places, Hanley gives the questionable impression that Henry intended Matilda to rule in her own right as queen (54, 58). Chapters 4 and 5 chart Anglo-Norman political history from 1135 to the end of 1140. The story, especially Matilda's arrival in England in 1139 and role in politics, is lucidly told, although with some questionable statements about the archbishop of Canterbury's exclusive “right to perform a coronation ceremony … valid beyond doubt” (82); “not one baron or bishop [raising] his voice on her [Matilda's] behalf” (88, but see 82); and the date of Waltheof's execution (90).

Chapters 6 and 7 consider events in 1141, when Stephen was captured and Matilda nearly crowned. Hanley appreciates the importance of discussing the choice of Matilda as “lady of England and Normandy” and makes useful comparative observations. Further comparison with 1127 would have been welcome. There are insightful points about Matilda paying little attention to advisors, and needing to match Henry I's cunning and foresight (153). One statement gives the impression (perhaps unintentionally?) that chroniclers then began to oppose her: “It was at this stage, however, that Matilda faced an even greater foe: the chroniclers … Matilda now became the target of a barrage of vicious, vituperative criticism from these writers—criticism that was explicitly gendered” (153). But when were these criticisms written?

Chapters 8 and 9 largely deal with developments in England and Normandy from 1141 until 1153, including Henry of Anjou's emerging power. Chapter 10 partly considers Matilda's later role as Henry's adviser, regent, and possible mediator in his relations with his brother Geoffrey, aspects of her piety, her support for Henry against Thomas Becket and Louis VII, and her death and funeral. The concluding chapter clearly summarizes the book's main arguments.

Hanley's informative book has various merits. Some feature above. The book will appeal to its intended readership. It tells the story of a courageous, determined, and politically dynamic ruler battling against the odds, during difficult and troubled political and military circumstances, in pursuit of her claims and those of her son Henry. It gives Matilda the credit she deserves, and seeks to understand her situation by viewing it from her own perspective. It does so in a clear, lively, and engaging way that adeptly utilizes chronicle evidence and wide reading, displays considerable knowledge and confidence, and rightly appreciates the empress's leadership of her cause, active involvement in politics, disadvantages, and major contribution to securing her son Henry's accession. Hanley also acknowledges that Matilda had faults and weaknesses, and “could have done better” (248, and see 153, 245–46) partly by declaring at the outset to be campaigning for Henry's coronation (247). The discussion of 1141 rightly seeks to assess Matilda's actions against the background of her previous experiences (244) and her future conduct. The book is well produced and affordably priced.

It also has less compelling elements. Contextualizing Matilda's life is important, but in places, it feels over-done. Some of the claims to originality need more engagement with the historiography to sustain them. The lack of footnotes or endnotes compounds the problem and makes the extent of engagement with charter and numismatic evidence difficult to determine. The limited discussion of Matilda's religious patronage is indicative. Some arguments might appear unsurprising; for example, Matilda's inspiration of “remarkable loyalty and devotion in her followers” (241, and see 242), victimization by chroniclers unfairly criticizing aspects of her behavior (including arrogance, arbitrariness, and speaking with authority) regarded as acceptable in male rulers (154–45, 243–34), and role in promoting Henry II's accession. Compare Chibnall, The Empress (202, 204, 206) and her entry for Matilda in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004), although there are significant differences. For this reviewer, some of Hanley's original views are not entirely convincing. More direct evidence is needed to support the argument that Matilda participated in military strategic planning and establishing logistical systems (239–40). Other doubts relate to the arguments that, had Matilda “been a man, her conduct and actions would have been seen for what they were: decisive, firm and autocratic, in the mould of Henry I.” (246); and that “whatever she did she was never going to win, because of the simple fact that she was a woman” (248). Matilda nearly won in London in 1141. Assessing her failure there, and acknowledging the possible exaggeration of her “haughtiness and anger,” Chibnall attributed the cause primarily to there being “virtually no place for female succession” due to “the realities of feudal life” rather than “blind prejudice.” Chibnall also noted Matilda's “errors of judgement,” including making demands rather than concessions to the Londoners, and mismanagement and possible misjudgment of the situation (The Empress, 205, 104). Consider Stephen's early concessions, and Henry I's actions in London in 1100. Henry issued a charter making concessions to the church, his barons, and their men who later influenced the origins of Magna Carta.