White House Statement, April 6, 2010Footnote 1
President Obama called Georgian President Saakashvili today to thank President Saakashvili for Georgia's significant contribution to the international effort in Afghanistan, as the Georgian battalion deploys this month alongside American Marines in Helmand. The President relayed the strong support of the United States for Georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity. They discussed the importance of all sides avoiding provocative actions to build stability in the region. The President appreciated President Saakashvili's continuing commitment to democratic and economic reforms in order to fulfill the promise of the Rose Revolution. They discussed their shared interest in achieving the historic goals set forth by the upcoming Nuclear Security Summit.
Excerpts of Remarks by President Obama and Russian President Medvedev, April 8, 2010Footnote 2
President Barack Obama and President Dmitry Medvedev delivered these remarks in Prague, Czech Republic at the New START Treaty signing ceremony
Introductory Remarks Omitted
President Obama. One year ago this week, I came here to Prague and gave a speech outlining America's comprehensive commitment to stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and seeking the ultimate goal of a world without them. I said then—and I will repeat now—that this is a long-term goal, one that may not even be achieved in my lifetime. But I believed then—as I do now—that the pursuit of that goal will move us further beyond the Cold War, strengthen the global nonproliferation regime, and make the United States, and the world, safer and more secure. One of the steps that I called for last year was the realization of this treaty, so it's very gratifying to be back in Prague today.
I also came to office committed to “resetting” relations between the United States and Russia, and I know that President Medvedev shared that commitment. As he said at our first meeting in London, our relationship had started to drift, making it difficult to cooperate on issues of common interest to our people. And when the United States and Russia are not able to work together on big issues, it's not good for either of our nations, nor is it good for the world.
Together, we've stopped that drift, and proven the benefits of cooperation. Today is an important milestone for nuclear security and nonproliferation, and for U.S.-Russia relations. It fulfills our common objective to negotiate a new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty. It includes significant reductions in the nuclear weapons that we will deploy. It cuts our delivery vehicles by roughly half. It includes a comprehensive verification regime, which allows us to further build trust. It enables both sides the flexibility to protect our security, as well as America's unwavering commitment to the security of our European allies. And I look forward to working with the United States Senate to achieve ratification for this important treaty later this year.
Finally, this day demonstrates the determination of the United States and Russia—the two nations that hold over 90 percent of the world's nuclear weapons— to pursue responsible global leadership. Together, we are keeping our commitments under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, which must be the foundation for global nonproliferation.
While the New START treaty is an important first step forward, it is just one step on a longer journey. As I said last year in Prague, this treaty will set the stage for further cuts. And going forward, we hope to pursue discussions with Russia on reducing both our strategic and tactical weapons, including non-deployed weapons.
President Medvedev and I have also agreed to expand our discussions on missile defense. This will include regular exchanges of information about our threat assessments, as well as the completion of a joint assessment of emerging ballistic missiles. And as these assessments are completed, I look forward to launching a serious dialogue about Russian-American cooperation on missile defense.
But nuclear weapons are not simply an issue for the United States and Russia— they threaten the common security of all nations. A nuclear weapon in the hands of a terrorist is a danger to people every-where—from Moscow to New York; from the cities of Europe to South Asia. So next week, 47 nations will come together in Washington to discuss concrete steps that can be taken to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years.
And the spread of nuclear weapons to more states is also an unacceptable risk to global security—raising the specter ofarms races from the Middle East to East Asia. Earlier this week, the United States formally changed our policy to make it clear that those [non]-nuclear weapons states that are in compliance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and their nonproliferation obligations will not be threatened by America's nuclear arsenal. This demonstrates, once more, America's commitment to the NPT as a cornerstone of our security strategy. Those nations that follow the rules will find greater security and opportunity. Those nations that refuse to meet their obligations will be isolated, and denied the opportunity that comes with international recognition.
That includes accountability for those that break the rules—otherwise the NPT is just words on a page. That's why the United States and Russia are part of a coalition of nations insisting that the Islamic Republic of Iran face consequences, because they have continually failed to meet their obligations. We are working together at the United Nations Security Council to pass strong sanctions on Iran. And we will not tolerate actions that flout the NPT, risk an arms race in a vital region, and threaten the credibility of the international community and our collective security.
While these issues are a top priority, they are only one part of the U.S.-Russia relationship. Today, I again expressed my deepest condolences for the terrible loss of Russian life in recent terrorist attacks, and we will remain steadfast partners in combating violent extremism. We also discussed the potential to expand our cooperation on behalf of economic growth, trade and investment, as well as technological innovation, and I look forward to discussing these issues further when President Medvedev visits the United States later this year, because there is much we can do on behalf of our security and prosperity if we continue to work together.
President Medvedev. A truly historic event took place: A new Russia-U.S. treaty has been signed for the further reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms. This treaty has a 10-year duration. It will supersede the START treaty, which has expired, as well as another existing treaty, Russia-U.S. treaty on the reduction of strategic offensive capabilities.
One word—we aimed at the quality of the treaty. And indeed, the negotiating process has not been simple, but again, our negotiation teams have been working in a highly professional, constructive way that has been lots of work and very often they worked 24 hours a day. And that enabled us to do something that just a couple of months looked like mission impossible; within a short span of time we prepared a full-fledged treaty and signed it.
As a result, we obtained a document that in full measure maintains the balance of interest of Russia and the United States of America. What matters most is that this is a win-win situation. No one stands to lose from this agreement. I believe that this is a typical feature of our cooperation—both parties have won. And taking into account this victory of ours, the entire world community has won.
This agreement enhances strategic stability and, at the same time, enables us to rise to a higher level for cooperation between Russia and the United States. And although the contents of the treaty are already known, let me point out once again what we have achieved, because this is very important thing: 1,550 developed weapons, which is about one-third below the current level; 700 deployed ICBMs— intercontinental ballistic missile—and anti-ballistic missiles and heavy bombers, and this represents more than twofold reduction below the current levels; and 800 deployed and non-deployed launchers for such missiles—deployed and non-deployed heavy bombers, which again represents a twofold reduction below the level that existed prior to the signature on this treaty.
And at the same time, each party can use its own discretion to defend the makeup and structure of its strategic offensive potential.
The treaty also includes provisions concerning data exchange. We are quite experienced now in this matter with my colleague and we are great experts on this matter—perhaps the greatest experts in the world. And the treaty also includes provisions concerning conversion and elimination, inspection provisions and verification provisions as well as confidence-building measures.
The verification mechanism has been significantly simplified and much less costly, as compared with the previous START treaty. At the same time, it ensures the proper verification, irreversibility and transparency of the entire process of reducing strategic offensive arms.
We believe—and this is our hope and position—we believe that the treaty can be viable and can operate only provided there is no qualitative or quantitative (inaudible) in place in the capabilities, something that could, in the final analysis, jeopardize the strategic offensive weapons on the Russian side. This is the gist of the statement made by the Russian Federation in connection with the signature on this treaty.
The main task of the full signature period we regard as achieving the ratification of the treaty, as mentioned by my colleague, Mr. President of the United States, and it is also important to synchronize the ratification process. Our American partners, as I understand, intend to proceed quickly to present this document to the Senate for ratification. We also will be working with our Federal Assembly to maintain the necessary dynamics of the ratification process.
By and large, we are satisfied with what we've done. The result we have obtained is good. But today, of course, we have discussed not only the fact of signing this treaty; we have also discussed a whole range of important key issues of concern to all the countries. Of course, we would not omit the Iranian nuclear problem. Regrettably, Iran is not responding to the many constructive proposals that have been made and we cannot turn a blind eye to this. Therefore I do not rule out the possibility of the Security Council of the United Nations will have to review this issue once again.
Our position is well known. Let me briefly outline it now. Of course, sanctions by themselves seldom obtain specific results, although it's difficult to do without them in certain situations. But in any case, those sanctions should be smart and aimed not only at nonproliferation but also to resolve other issues—rather than to produce (inaudible) for the Iranian people.
President Obama. I'm actually optimistic that having completed this treaty, which signals our strong commitment to a reduction in overall nuclear weapons, and that I believe is going to strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty regime, that sends a signal around the world that the United States and Russia are prepared to once again take leadership in moving in the direction of reducing reliance on nuclear weapons and preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, as well as nuclear materials, that we will have built the kind of trust not only between Presidents but also between governments and between peoples that allows us to move forward in a constructive way.
I've repeatedly said that we will not do anything that endangers or limits my ability as Commander-in-Chief to protect the American people. And we think that missile defense can be an important component of that. But we also want to make clear that the approach that we've taken in no way is intended to change the strategic balance between the United States and Russia. And I'm actually confident that, moving forward, as we have these discussions, it will be part of a broader set of discussions about, for example, how we can take tactical nuclear weapons out of theater, the possibilities of us making more significant cuts not only in deployed but also non-deployed missiles. There are a whole range of issues that I think that we can make significant progress on. I'm confident that this is an important first step in that direction.
Q. I have two questions. To each of the Presidents, one. The first is to Mr. Obama. Moscow and Washington, not for the first time, agree on a reduction of strategic offensive arms, but as you have mentioned, Russia and the United States are not the only countries having nuclear weapons. So how specifically can the documents achieved—well, similar to today's document on limitation on nuclear arms—how soon we will see others sign this document? And will you move along this track together with Russia?
And to the President of the Russian Federation, you have mentioned the fact that sometimes there's an impression that Moscow and Washington are unable to agree on anything else but a mutual reduction of arms. So will we see any things that will counter such a statement? And what will the agreement be?
President Obama. First of all, as I mentioned in my opening remarks, the United States and Russia account for 90 percent of the world's nuclear weapons. And given this legacy of the Cold War, it is critical for us to show significant leadership. That, I think, is what we've begun to do with this follow-on START treaty.
Other countries are going to have to be making a series of decisions about how they approach the issue of their nuclear weapons stockpiles. And as I've repeatedly said, and I'm sure Dmitry feels the same way with respect to his country, we are going to preserve our nuclear deterrent so long as other countries have nuclear weapons, and we are going to make sure that that stockpile is safe and secure and effective.
But I do believe that as we look out into the 21st century, that more and more countries will come to recognize that the most important factors in providing security and peace to their citizens will depend on their economic growth, will depend on the capacity of the international community to resolve conflicts; it will depend on having a strong conventional military that can protect our nations’ borders; and that nuclear weapons increasingly in an interdependent world will make less and less sense as the cornerstone of security policy.
But that's going to take some time, and I think each country is going to have to make its own determinations. The key is for the United States and Russia to show leadership on this front because we are so far ahead of every nation with respect to possession of nuclear weapons.
The primary concerns that we identified in a recent Nuclear Posture Review, essentially a declaratory statement of U.S. policy with respect to nuclear weapons, said that our biggest concerns right now are actually the issues of nuclear terrorism and nuclear proliferation—more countries obtaining nuclear weapons; those weapons being less controllable, less secure; nuclear materials floating around the globe. And that's going to be a major topic of the discussion that we have in Washington on Monday.
The United States and Russia have a history already, a decade-long history, of locking down loose nuclear materials. I believe that our ability to move forward already on sanctions with respect to North Korea, the intense discussions that we're having with respect to Iran, will increasingly send a signal to countries that are not abiding by their Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty obligations, that they will be isolated. All those things will go toward sending a general message that we need to move in a new direction. And I think leadership on that front is important.
Last point I'll make, I will just anticipate or coach the question about other areas of cooperation. Our respective foreign ministers—Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Lavrov— have been heading a bilateral commission that has been working intensively on a whole range of issue. And President Medvedev and myself identified a series of key areas on the economic front, in trade relations, the potential for joint cooperation on various industries, how we can work on innovation and sparking economic growth. We've already worked together closely in the G20; I think we can build on that bilaterally.
There are issues of counterterrorism that are absolutely critical to both of us, and I just want to repeat how horrified all of America was at the recent attacks in Moscow. We recognize that that's a problem that can happen anywhere at any time, and it's important for Russia and the United States to work closely on those issues.
And then there are people-to-people contacts and figuring out how we can make sure that there's more interaction and exchange between our two countries on a whole range of issues within civil society.
So I'm very optimistic that we're going to continue to make progress on all of these fronts. But I think we should take pride in this particular accomplishment because it speaks not only to the security of our two nations but also the security of the world as a whole.
President Medvedev. It's always good to answer second. First of all, you know what your partner has said, and secondly, you can comment on what has been said by your interlocutor. As a matter of fact, I will say a couple of words on the first part of the question that was meant for my colleague.
Yes, we have 90 percent of all the stockpiles which is the heritage of the Cold War legacy and we'll do all that we have agreed upon. Keep in mind special mission of Russia and the U.S. on this issue, and we do care about what is going on with nuclear arms in other countries of the world, and we can't imagine a situation when the Russian Federation and the United States take efforts to disarm and the world would move towards a principled different direction away—in charge of our peoples and the situation in the world.
So all the issues related to the implementation of the treaty and nonproliferation and the threat of nuclear terrorism should be analyzed by us in a complex way, an integrated way. And I'd like this signing not to be regarded by other countries as their—well, stepping aside from the issue. On the contrary. They should be involved to the full and take an active participation in it. They should be aware what is going on.
So we welcome the initiative that has been proposed by the President of the United States to convene a relevant conference in Washington, and I will take part in it, which is good platform to discuss nonproliferation issues.
In this world we have a lot that brings us together, we and the United States as well. And today we have had a very good talk that has started not with the discussion of the documents to be signed—they were coordinated—and not with discussing Iran, North Korea, Middle East, and other pressing issues of foreign affairs, but we started with economic issues.
I have said that there is a gap in our economic cooperation. I have looked at the figures, how the cumulative investments of the United States in Russia is quite small—nearly $7 billion, and the figure has decreased a bit thanks to the world crisis. In terms of Russian investment into the U.S., well, it's nearly the same, which testifies to areas of interests. It's not with all countries that we have such volume of investment, but if we compare the figures with the figures of foreign investors’ presence in the American economy—I mean other countries, including states that can be compared with Russia in terms of volume of economy, so it's the difference of 20 or 30 times. So we have a field to work upon.
To say nothing about the projects we talked about today—modernization, hightech, economy, establishment, and in the Russian Federation we are open for cooperation and would like to use American experience to employ—these also include issues of energy, cooperation in transport, and I have suggested some time ago returning to the issue of creating a big cargo plane as such a unique experience— only two countries have, the U.S. and Russia. The issues of nuclear cooperation are important.
So there can be a lot of economic projects. It's not the business of Presidents to deal with each of them, but some key issues are to be controlled by us, as the relations in business, relations between those who would like to develop active ties—depend on business ties—and humanitarian contacts, people-to-people contacts are important. And it's significant that we do our best so that our citizens respect each other, understand each other better, so that they are guided by the best practices of American-Russian culture, and not perceive each other through the lens of information that sometimes is provided by mass media.
So we should more attentively, more thoughtfully—well, have a more thoughtful attitude towards each other. And I count on this.
Q. Thank you, President Medvedev and President Obama. For President Obama first, could you elaborate on how the yearlong negotiations over the New START treaty have advanced U.S. cooperation with Russia on Iran, and give us a sense of when you will pursue, move forward in the United Nations and next week with sanctions discussions, and what those sanctions might look like?
And for President Medvedev, could you address whether Russia could accept sanctions against Iran specifically dealing with its energy industry and energy sector? Thank you.
President Obama. Discussions about sanctions on Iran have been moving forward over the last several weeks. In fact, they've been moving forward over the last several months. We're going to start seeing some ramped-up negotiations taking place in New York in the coming weeks. And my expectation is that we are going to be able to secure strong, tough sanctions on Iran this spring.
Now, I think there are two ways in which these START negotiations have advanced or at least influenced Russia-U.S. discussions around Iran. The first is obviously that President Medvedev and I have been able to build up a level of trust and our teams have been able to work together in such a way that we can be frank, we can be clear, and that helped to facilitate, then, our ability, for example, to work together jointly to present to Iran reasonable options that would allow it to clearly distance itself from nuclear weapons and pursue a path of peaceful nuclear energy.
That wasn't just an approach that was taken by the United States and Russia, but it was an approach taken by the P5-plus-1 as well as the International Atomic Energy Agency, the IAEA.
So what we've seen from the start is that a host of countries, but—led by countries like the United States and Russia, have said to Iran, we are willing to work through diplomatic channels to resolve this issue. And unfortunately, Iran has consistently rebuffed our approach. And I think that Russia has been a very strong partner in saying that it has no interest in bringing down Iranian society or the Iranian government, but it does have an interest, as we all do, in making sure that each country is following its international obligations.
The second way in which I think the START treaty has influenced our discussions about Iran is it's sent a strong signal that the United States and Iran—or the United States and Russia are following our own obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and that our interest in Iran or North Korea or any other country following the NPT is not based on singling out any one country, but rather sends a strong signal that all of us have an obligation, each country has an obligation to follow the rules of the road internationally to ensure a more secure future for our children and our grandchildren.
And so I think the fact that we are signing this treaty, the fact that we are willing, as the two leading nuclear powers, to continually work on reducing our own arsenals, I think should indicate the fact that we are willing to be bound by our obligations, and we're not asking any other countries to do anything different, but simply to follow the rules of the road that have been set forth and have helped to maintain at least a lack of the use of nuclear weapons over the last several decades, despite, obviously, the Cold War.
And the concern that I have in particular, a concern that I think is the most profound security threat to the United States, is that with further proliferation of nuclear weapons, with states obtaining nuclear weapons and potentially using them to blackmail other countries or potentially not securing them effectively or passing them on to terrorist organizations, that we could find ourselves in a world in which not only state actors but also potentially non-state actors are in possession of nuclear weapons, and even if they don't use them, would then be in a position to terrorize the world community.
That's why this issue is so important, and that's why we are going to be pushing very hard to make sure that both smart and strong sanctions end up being in place soon to send a signal to Iran and other countries that this is an issue that the international community takes seriously.
President Medvedev. Let's ask ourselves a question: What do we need sanctions for? Do we need them to enjoy the very fact of reprising—imposing reprisals against another state, or is the objective another one? I am confident that all those present here will say that sanctions—we need sanctions in order to prompt one or another individual or state to behave properly, behave within the framework of international law, while complying with the obligations assumed.
Therefore, when we are speaking about sanctions, I cannot disagree with what has yet been said. And this has been the position of the Russian Federation from the very outset. If we are to speak about sanctions, although they are not always successful, those sanctions should be smart sanctions that are capable of producing proper behavior on the part of relevant sides.
And what sort of sanctions should we need? Today we have had a very open-minded, frank, and straightforward manner discussed what can be done and what cannot be done. And let me put it straightforward: I have outlined our limits for such sanctions, our understanding of these sanctions, and I said that in making decisions like that, I, as friend of the Russian Federation, will proceed from two premises. First, we need to prompt Iran to behave properly; and secondly, least but not least, aim to maintain the national interests of our countries.
So smart sanctions should be able to motivate certain parties to behave properly, and I'm confident that our teams that will be engaged in consultations will continue discussing this issue.
Q. Now, everyone is concerned whether the treaty will be ratified by the parliaments. You have mentioned that you will be working with the parliamentarians to achieve such certification. Let me ask you what difficulty you see along this road, and what do you— how do you assess the chances for success? The question is addressed to both Presidents.
President Medvedev. Well, by all appearances, Barack believes that we might have more problems with ratification. Perhaps that's true, but let me say what I think about this question.
Of course, such agreements of major importance, international agreements, under our constitution and under our legislation, are subject to ratification by our parliaments. And of course, for our part, we intend to proceed promptly and to do all the necessary procedures to ensure that our parliament, our State Duma, starts reviewing this treaty, discussing this treaty.
I will proceed from the following: I believe that we have to ensure the synchronization of this ratification process so that neither party feels in one way or another compromised. Earlier we had periods when one state ratified while another party said, sorry, the situation has changed; therefore we cannot do it.
So this is something we're to avoid. That's why I say we have to proceed simultaneously in the conditions of an open-minded and straightforward discussion with subsequent certification by our parliaments. That's what we need. And we will not be found amiss in that regard.
President Obama. The United States Senate has the obligation of reviewing any treaty and, ultimately, ratifying it. Fortunately there is a strong history of bipartisanship when it comes to the evaluation of international treaties, particularly arms control treaties.
And so I have already engaged in consultation with the chairmen of the relevant committees in the United States Senate. We are going to broaden that consultation now that this treaty has been signed. My understanding is, is that both in Russia and the United States, it's going to be posed on the Internet, appropriate to a 21st century treaty. And so people not only within government but also the general public will be able to review, in an open and transparent fashion, what it is that we've agreed to.
I think what they will discover is that this is a well-crafted treaty that meets the interests of both countries; that meets the interests of the world in the United States and Russia reducing its nuclear arsenals and setting the stage for potentially further reductions in the future.
And so I'm actually quite confident that Democrats and Republicans in the United States Senate, having reviewed this, will see that the United States has preserved its core national security interests, that it is maintaining a safe and secure and effective nuclear deterrent, but that we are beginning to once again move forward, leaving the Cold War behind, to address new challenges in new ways. And I think the START treaty represents an important first step in that direction, and I feel confident that we are going to be able to get it ratified.
Statement by President Obama, April 10, 2010Footnote 3
President Barack Obama delivered this statement in Washington, DC
President Obama. Today, I called Polish Prime Minister Tusk to express Michelle's and my deepest condolences to the people of Poland on the tragic deaths this morning of President Lech Kaczynski, First Lady Maria Kaczynski, and all who were traveling with them to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the Katyn massacre. Our thoughts and prayers are with the Kaczynski family, the loved ones of those killed in this tragic plane crash, and the Polish nation.
Today's loss is devastating to Poland, to the United States, and to the world. President Kaczynski was a distinguished statesman who played a key role in the Solidarity movement, and he was widely admired in the United States as a leader dedicated to advancing freedom and human dignity. With him were many of Poland's most distinguished civilian and military leaders who have helped to shape Poland's inspiring democratic transformation. We join all the people of Poland in mourning their passing.
Today, there are heavy hearts across America. The United States cherishes its deep and abiding bonds with the people of Poland. Those bonds are represented in the strength of our alliance, the friendships among our people, and the extraordinary contributions of Polish-Americans who have helped to shape our nation.
It is a testament to the strength of the Polish people that those who were lost were travelling to commemorate a devastating massacre of World War II as the leaders of a strong, vibrant, and free Poland. That strength will ensure that Poland emerges from the depths of this unthinkable tragedy, and that the legacy of the leaders who died today will be a light that continues to guide Poland—and the world—in the direction of human progress.
White House Statement, April 12, 2010Footnote 4
Joint Statement by President Barack Obama and Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych
President Viktor Yanukovych and President Barack Obama today reaffirmed the strategic partnership between Ukraine and the United States and their intention to realize its full potential. To this end, they committed to build upon the United States-Ukraine Charter on Strategic Partnership and the Strategic Partnership Commission. The two leaders recognized their countries’ common interests and shared values mirrored in the Charter: democracy, economic freedom and prosperity, security and territorial integrity, energy security, cooperation in the defense arena, the rule of law and people-to people contacts. The Presidents discussed recovery from the global economic crisis. President Yanukovych stressed his commitment to addressing Ukraine's economic challenges through implementation of systemic reforms and the resumption of Ukraine's cooperation with the IMF. President Obama supports that commitment. The two leaders recognized the potential for increased bilateral trade and investment, and they announced their intention to strengthen engagement on economic, financial and investment-related issues.
President Yanukovych and President Obama reaffirmed their shared vision of a world without nuclear weapons and pledged to work together to prevent proliferation and to realize the Nuclear Security Summit's goal of securing all vulnerable nuclear materials. President Yanukovych offered his congratulations on the signing of the new START Treaty. President Obama recognized Ukraine's unique contribution to nuclear disarmament and reconfirmed that the security assurances recorded in the Budapest Memorandum with Ukraine of December 5, 1994, remain in effect. President Yanukovych announced Ukraine's decision to get rid of all of its stocks of highly-enriched uranium by the time of the next Nuclear Security Summit, while the United States will provide necessary technical and financial assistance to support this effort. Ukraine intends to remove a substantial part of those stocks this year. President Obama praised Ukraine's decision as a historic step and a reaffirmation of Ukraine's leadership in nuclear security and nonproliferation. Ukraine joins the United States in the international effort to convert civil nuclear research facilities to operate with low enriched uranium fuel, which is becoming the global standard in the 21st century.
The two leaders agreed to explore ways to strengthen cooperation in the peaceful uses of atomic energy, including development of Ukrainian nuclear research capabilities and efforts to diversify Ukraine's nuclear power industry's fuel supply, in accordance with the 123 Agreement and other complementary bilateral arrangements as may be agreed by Ukraine and the United States. They also agreed to continue working together on nuclear safety, including efforts to safeguard the Chornobyl nuclear reactor site. The United States has contributed almost $250 million to this effort and reaffirms its commitment to further support Ukraine and others in restoring the Chornobyl site to a safe condition.
White House Statement, April 12, 2010Footnote 5
President Obama met with Armenian President Sargsian on the margins of the Nuclear Security Summit earlier today.
The President commended President Sargsian for his courageous efforts to achieve normalization of relations between Armenia and Turkey and encouraged him to fulfill the promise of normalization for the benefit of the Armenian people. President Obama also urged that both Armenia and Turkey make every effort to advance the normalization process and achieve legislative ratification of the protocols of normalization.
President Obama also expressed his support for Armenian democracy.
Statement by President Obama, April 13, 2010Footnote 6
President Barack Obama delivered this statement in Washington, DC on the news of Russia shutting down a final plutonium reactor
President Obama. I welcome this significant announcement from President Medvedev. This important step forward continues to demonstrate Russia's leadership on nuclear security issues, and willadd momentum to our shared global effort.
BACKGROUND: The ADE-2 reactor has been producing weapons-grade plutonium for nearly 52 years in the formerly secret Siberian city of Zheleznogorsk. Russian President Medvedev announced the imminent shutdown at President Obama's Nuclear Security Summit in Washington.
White House Statement, April 14, 2010Footnote 7
President Obama and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Erdogan met yesterday during the Nuclear Security Summit and affirmed the strategic partnership between their countries. The leaders discussed their joint interest in achieving the nonproliferation goals of the Summit and in ensuring that Iran does not pose a nuclear threat to the world.
The President relayed his continuing support and appreciation for Prime Minister Erdogan's efforts on normalization of relations with Armenia, and encouraged him to continue forward toward ratification of the protocols for the benefit of future generations.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Estonian President Ilves, April 23, 2010Footnote 8
Secretary Hillary Clinton and President Toomas-Hendrik Ilves delivered these remarks in Tallinn, Estonia
President Ilves. Okay, since there's so little time, I'll be very brief. I'm very pleased to welcome Madam Secretary, Mrs. Clinton, back to Kadriorg, where I had the honor and the privilege to bring her here to see my predecessor. So this is not the first time Mrs. Clinton is here, but the first time Madam Secretary is here. We had a very good meeting, as we have had always over the past 15 years, and we discussed all of the obvious things: NATO, Estonia and Afghanistan, the future of NATO, the strategic concept, relations with our neighbors, transatlantic relations and how we can work more in that direction, Iran, I think I've mentioned most of those things, but we're very glad to have you here and I'm glad that our relations are very close.
Secretary Clinton. Well I'm delighted to be back and especially to have this time to discuss such important issues with the President. I've always appreciated the opportunity to exchange views and ideas and to hear his perspective on important matters. In addition to the issues, which already seems like a long list, that he mentioned we discussed, we also exchanged ideas on cyber security, an area that Estonia has taken a real leadership role in, on energy security, something that from our perspective in the United States we think is very important for Europe. But generally it was an extremely useful exchange between friends. As the president said, we have no complaints, we have no concerns about our relationship. We want it to become even better and better in the future. And I'm delighted to have this chance during the NATO Ministerial to pay a call on you, Mr. President. And I'm glad you're here, having made it home. Thank you again.
Thank you all.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton, April 23, 2010Footnote 9
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Tallinn, Estonia
Secretary Clinton. During this ministerial, both the NATO ministerial and the NATO ISAF meeting, we covered a wide range of issues, from our refocused mission in Afghanistan to the future of the alliance. And I thought the discussions were open, candid, and constructive. On Afghanistan, which is our alliance's top operational priority, we were able to review our progress with both NATO allies and our other partners in ISAF. And much of our discussion focused on the importance of training and strengthening the Afghan national security forces.
And I was once again very impressed by the leadership of this effort—certainly, the secretary general of NATO, our commanding general on the ground, his civilian counterpart, the UN's new leadership, Stefan di Mistura, the EU representative who represented a continuity of commitment, and of course, all of the other nations around the table. And I appreciate greatly the commitment that was once again very clearly made by everyone to this mission, and I am grateful for the service and sacrifice of the men and women working every day, both in our international teams and, of course, our Afghan friends as well.
We had the opportunity also to discuss the next steps on a new strategic concept, which will be the first in NATO's efforts in over a decade. Secretary General Rasmussen explained the process that we'll be going through in the lead-up to Lisbon. He will receive the Group of Experts final report soon. That group was chaired by former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright. And then he will present a new strategic concept in advance of the Lisbon summit in November.
The Group of Experts did an outstanding job, and certainly, my friend and predecessor Madeleine Albright showed great leadership and vision. We now have an opportunity to build on their work and construct a more effective, efficient, and flexible NATO better prepared and ready to meet the challenges and seize the opportunities of the 21st century.
As part of this strategic concept review, we began a discussion last evening about NATO's nuclear posture. As you know, the United States is taking concrete steps to make good on President Obama's pledge to make America and the world safer by reducing the threat of nuclear weapons proliferation and terrorism. The President has made clear, however, that as long as nuclear weapons exist, we, the United States, will maintain a safe, secure, and effective arsenal to deter any adversary. And we will continue to guarantee the security of our NATO allies. That's a commitment enshrined in NATO's Article 5 and a bedrock principle of American foreign policy.
We also discussed the way forward in NATO's relations with Russia. Following the restart of the NATO-Russia Council last December and the recent signing of the new START treaty, there is considerable momentum within the alliance for moving ahead with Russia on areas of common concern and shared responsibility. We are exploring how best to work within the NATO-Russia Council itself and we are committed to obtaining greater transparency and practical cooperation on issues like missile defense and counternarcotics. We hope to continue these efforts not only through the NATO-Russia Council, but also through OSCE and a renewed engagement on conventional arms control.
Now, as we look to NATO's future, partnerships with nations and institutions outside our alliance will be crucial. We already see the benefits of partnership in exercises, consultations, and work on the ground in Afghanistan, Kosovo, and elsewhere. The United States continues to support NATO enlargement and the efforts of nations that aspire to meet the standards for membership. The experience and contributions of Estonia, for example, a relatively new member, demonstrates that NATO's open door strengthens our alliance and advances our shared goals.
And on that topic, I would like to say a few words about Bosnia. NATO has agreed to grant Bosnia's request for a membership action plan, or MAP. We took this step with the expectation it will serve as a catalyst for important reforms that will help strengthen Bosnian institutions and allow it to function more effectively as a state. And we will be working with and looking to Bosnia's leaders to deliver further progress. And we made very clear that we are inviting Bosnia into membership, but they have to take certain steps in order to proceed in the MAP process.
So on all these fronts, we've made progress and laid the foundation for a successful Lisbon summit in November. And I am very pleased at the great sense of collegiality and collaboration around the table as we meet and discuss these important issues, and again, I thank the Estonian Government and people for welcoming us here. And I'll be happy to take some questions.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and European Parliament President Buzek, April 27, 2010Footnote 10
Secretary Hillary Clinton and President Jerzy Buzek delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Secretary Clinton. We have a number of European Union officials in town this week for discussions and consultations on how to broaden and deepen the transatlantic partnership between the United States and Europe. This partnership is essential to solving a wide range of shared challenges from energy security and climate change to terrorism and global governance. The volcanic ash that disrupted travel last week was a reminder of just how interconnected and interdependent we are, Mr. President.
I'm delighted that the president will be opening the European Parliament's congressional liaison office here in Washington. Ties between the European Parliament and the U.S. Congress date back to 1972 when a congressional delegation for the first time visited the parliament in Brussels and Luxembourg. And this new office will build on that history of communication and collaboration. The European Parliament plays a critical role for the European Union, the people of Europe, and indeed the world. The recent Lisbon treaty has strengthened it further, including its role in international affairs.
As a former senator who served for eight years in the United States Senate, and now a Secretary who depends upon the Congress for advice and consent, I think that strong legislative voices in foreign policy are quite valuable. So we look forward to continuing to work together.
Today, the president and I discussed a number of issues. And I mentioned, of course, our commitment to working to resolve the outstanding matter of the terrorist finance tracking program, which is currently on the agenda of the European Parliament. This is a vital program that has saved lives and it is absolutely essential to cooperation between the U.S. and the EU in our common efforts to combat terrorism.
We understand Europeans' privacy concerns, because protecting our citizens' privacy is a priority for us as well. So we will work together to find solutions that ensure the program both enhances our mutual security and respects our values.
We also discussed Iran, because together we have consistently, in Europe and the United States, called on Iran's government to respect the rights of its people and to resolve international concerns over its nuclear enrichment aspirations. Iran's continued disregard for its international obligations underscores the importance of united international pressure to change its policies. And the United States is working with our partners at the United Nations, our partners in the European Union on tough new sanctions that will further sharpen the choices that Iran's leaders face.
So I know that the president has a very busy schedule today, as he has for the last two days and the rest of this week. So again, let me thank you for your visit and your friendship.
President Buzek. Thank you very much, Madam Secretary, for invitation, for having possibility to meet you as representative of American Administration. It's very important just now in first month of Lisbon Treaty working in the European Union, and we feel that we are better organized. Maybe it's not so clear on this side of Atlantic Ocean yet, but we are quite sure, especially from point of view of the European Parliament, we are very similar in the power and possibilities of action with American Congress, so at least two institutions are very similar on both sides of Atlantic Ocean.
And from our perspective, I cannot add anything what was said a few minutes ago by you, Madam Secretary of State. But I only want to mention a few points. Really it was very good discussion. We touched much more even points than you mentioned a few minutes ago. But for me, two points are very important because we differ slightly, but visibly enough, in approach in both points so important for our citizens—American citizens and European citizens. One is climate issue. And we say sometimes in European Union, well, Americans are not supportive at all. And we would like to save our planet because we know very well what is going on in Bangladesh and 8,000 islands in Pacific. But we agree you have different approach, and we must go deeper and to analyze why it is so big difference. Maybe we are wrong; maybe you are wrong.
It is another issue—it is global stability. We also want to have global stability—we Europeans. But you have different approach. We feel it. But I am quite sure you have the same task. We see the same result at the end, but we don't have very good cooperation. And you American say very often, you're European, you are not supportive at all. You are not going alongside with us.
So thinking about the same, having the same heritage, the same basic values built for centuries, we cannot have full agreement, so we need cooperation.
Q. Madam Secretary, President Buzek sort of complained a little bit about cooperation of United States with the European Union. Can I ask you to complain a little bit? So what do you think should the European Union or European Parliament should do to become a more valuable, better partner for the United States? For example, in terms of—you know, policy towards Russia or providing more troops to Afghanistan or what?
Secretary Clinton. Well, I think complaining is part of being in politics on either side of the Atlantic. Years ago when my husband was President, there was a lot of complaining in the White House about the Congress, and then when I was in the Congress, there was a lot of complaining about the White House, and it just kind of goes with the territory.
I think that what President Buzek said is right, that we have so much in common, but that doesn't mean that we see everything the same way. And that requires greater interaction and consultation, and post-Lisbon, that consultation should include the European Parliament as well as the European Commission and the European Council. And that is the purpose of his trip here, to begin to enhance that level of consultation and cooperation.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Polish Foreign Minister Sikorski, April 29, 2010Footnote 11
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. The United States is proud to call Poland one of our closest friends and allies. As a member of NATO, our commitment to Poland's security is absolute and rock solid.
We deeply appreciate Poland's contributions to the NATO mission in Afghanistan and we mourn with Poland the sacrifice of its soldiers and salute their service. We particularly welcome the recent decision to deploy 600 more Polish troops to serve side by side with U.S. forces in the effort to combat violent extremism and support the people of Afghanistan as they build a more peaceful and prosperous future.
Today, the minister and I confirmed that we are renewing our Strategic Dialogue. Through this forum, we will collaborate on important issues such as political and economic stability in Poland's eastern neighborhood, NATO's strategic concept, missile defense, economic and investment opportunities, and energy security.
The relationship that we have is already very deep and broad, but we believe we can achieve additional concrete progress. And today was just the beginning. Our Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs, Assistant Secretary Phil Gordon, and the Polish Under Secretary of State will combine to drive this process forward together.
So let me again thank the Minister for this visit, for his friendship, and for our partnership.
Foreign Minister Sikorski. I am delighted that we've re-launched the Strategic Dialogue between our countries. We have recently signed and ratified the Status of Forces Agreement, which means that we can proceed on the practical implementation of the political declaration that binds us together, and on the newly proposed MD agreement.
I am delighted that in addition to the strong security relationship between Poland and the United States, we will be working together on promoting democracy worldwide. And I am delighted that you have accepted my invitation to come to Poland both on a bilateral basis and as a member of the distinguished group of ministers from leading democracies who will meet in Krakow from the 2nd to the 4th of July of this year to re-launch the Community of Democracies, something that was set up 10 years ago by our predecessors, Madeleine Albright and Bronislaw Geremek. In those days, it was fashionable to talk about the end of history, because it seemed like democratic capitalism was the only game in town. Well, we feel that our commitment to democratic free market now needs to be reconfirmed, because there are, unfortunately, attractive alternatives. And that's why we are convening the meeting of the Community of Democracies, and I'm very glad that you will be there.
And thirdly, we have had a meeting at the political level of our people working on issues to do with energy, both nuclear energy and prospecting for gas and for other forms of energy. This could be a vital Polish-American project and I'd like to confirm, on behalf of the Polish Government, that we support American companies that are exploring in Poland. And we hope that if they strike it lucky, that this will enhance Poland's, Europe's energy security and forge new investment links between Poland and the United States.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Spanish Foreign Minister Moratinos, April 30, 2010Footnote 12
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Miguel Angel Moratinos delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Oh, I'm delighted and I'm going to tell the world how delighted I am—
Foreign Minister Moratinos. Absolutely.
Secretary Clinton.—to have my friend, the Foreign Minister of Spain, here. I was with him last night at an event here in Washington where he spoke, and I just am delighted that we get to see one another on a regular basis and work on so many important issues.
Foreign Minister Moratinos. Well, I'm very happy again, just today, we worked together to push forward in the Obama Administration-Hillary Clinton leadership for moving forward on the Middle East. I think—I hope that the things are going to be on track. And of course, Spain and European Union are going to work hand-by-hand in order to make it possible. And of course, we have been on bilateral level excellent relations, opportunity to discuss other issues of interest for both side—the Western Balkans, Latin America, so many issues.
Secretary Clinton. So many issues.
Foreign Minister Moratinos. And always together.
Secretary Clinton. Yes, indeed. Thank you.
Foreign Minister Moratinos. Thank you. Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much.
White House Statement, May 2, 2010Footnote 13
President Obama spoke with Prime Minister Papandreou this afternoon. He welcomed the ambitious reform program announced by the Greek authorities, as well as the significant support that was agreed to by the IMF and Eurozone members. The two leaders discussed the importance of implementation going forward.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Lithuanian Prime Minister Kubilius, May 6, 2010Footnote 14
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Prime Minister Andrius Kubilius delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon, everyone, and let me once again welcome our distinguished visitor and his delegation here to the State Department. Lithuania is a valued ally and a trusted friend. My meeting today with the prime minister was an opportunity to reaffirm the bonds between our nations and to discuss how we're going to continue working together even more deeply in the years ahead.
This is a historic year for Lithuania. It's the 20th anniversary of the restoration of its independence. Lithuania was the first of the former Soviet republics to claim its freedom in 1990. Since then, Lithuania has developed into a strong democracy with a dynamic, open economy. It has joined the European Union and NATO. It has worked to reset its relations with Russia. It's made great progress on women's rights, to the extent that the prime minister told me with great pride about not only having a woman president, as we all know, but a woman minister of defense and—
Prime Minister Kubilius. And a minister of finance and speaker of the parliament.
Secretary Clinton. My kind of place. And Lithuania has also been a real model during this difficult global recession. The prime minister and his government have made the hard but necessary decisions needed to revive the economy.
And we also applaud Lithuania's leadership in international organizations like the Community of Democracies, the OSCE— which it will chair in the next year—its support for disaster relief in Haiti, and its very vigorous diplomacy far beyond its own borders.
Lithuania's increased contributions in Afghanistan, despite the difficult economic times, speaks to the strength of our partnership, its dedication as an ally, and the importance of our mission. We honor the service and the sacrifice of the Lithuanian defense forces in support of the Afghan people's efforts to bring peace and stability to their own country. This is part of our very robust cooperation inside NATO. And as I told the prime minister, the United States is dedicated to NATO's bedrock principle of collective security. Our commitment to Lithuania's security is ironclad and unwavering.
We also recognize that energy security is a pressing concern in the region, and I was pleased to hear some of the ideas that the prime minister told me Lithuania is pursuing. We look forward to increased cooperation between the Baltic states, between Lithuania and potential opportunities for U.S. companies to help develop solutions for reliable, sustainable energy.
So Mr. Prime Minister, there are so many areas that we are working on together and it is a great personal pleasure for me to have that opportunity to thank you.
Prime Minister Kubilius. Well, Madam Secretary, dear colleagues, well, it's a great opportunity and great privilege for us to have such a meeting. The U.S. Lithuanian partnership is a strategic one in reality, and 20 years of our independence really is a big success in which the U.S. took a leading role. So thanks again. Thanks a lot for what you did for our countries, not only during the last 20 years but during the whole—quite a difficult period before that.
Here, we talked really very important issues. And I had the privilege to praise the personal leadership of Madam Secretary in really what are difficult and challenging tasks globally. Lithuania is doing what we can do, what we need to do to be partners in those initiatives where U.S. Administration is doing a great job. We were, we are, and we shall be part of your efforts to bring peace and stability into Afghanistan. And we are very grateful for those decisions which all of us were making in developing also NATO security initiatives.
I had the privilege to participate in a quite recent dinner in Prague, which was organized by President Obama, and again I can say the same what I said during that evening—that we are very optimistic, looking to what reset policy towards Russia is bringing into our region. I had quite recently a very important meeting with Prime Minister Putin. It was months ago, and I saw in evidence what results this reset policy is bringing, bringing not only to what's—changes of Russian attitude to Europe, to neighboring countries, but I think that it brings also quite an—interesting and challenging developments even in our neighboring Belarus.
So I'm always repeating that those results convincing us that we need to be optimistic about those developments, but also we need to keep being realistic. And here is very important issues which we discussed also. And for us, very important is partnership with U.S., with U.S. Administration in bringing energy security into reality, where our cooperation, our partnership can bring really very big and important developments in our region.
So again, thanks a lot, and I appreciate very much.
Excerpts of Remarks by Vice President Biden and Spanish President Zapatero, May 8, 2010Footnote 15
Vice President Joe Biden and President José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero delivered these remarks in Moncloa, Madrid, Spain
President Zapatero. I would like to welcome Vice President Biden most warmly to Spain, him and his delegation, and tell him how pleased we are, my government and myself, for this visit of the Vice President of the United States.
Vice President Biden, your presence in our country comes to prove that—how things are right now in our relations between the United States and Spain. Times are very positive, the times of cooperation in very different areas. Today we've spent our meeting talking about essentially the economic evolution of the economy and the markets. We've talked about the main areas in which Spain and the United States work together for international security, and also about our bilateral relations in other areas.
Vice President Biden And, Mr. President, I want to thank you for what I think has always been the case with you and me, a very good and very open meeting we had a little bit earlier today. I'm grateful for the warm reception you and, quite frankly, all of your colleagues have given me—the Vice President, the Foreign Minister, your Secretary of Defense, your Minister of Defense. It has been—it has been a real pleasure to be here.
I cannot think of a time—I have been a United States senator on the national scene since I've been 29 years of age. And I am proud to say that I cannot think of a time when our relationship has been stronger, when there has been more mutual respect, and more serious cooperation and partnership. The partnership seems to grow stronger every single day, and my country values that immeasurably and looks to Spain for its leadership in other areas of the world and its guidance in other parts of the world from Latin America, to Africa, to its continued cooperation in the Middle East, Afghanistan, around the world.
And so close allies—close allies do things together and they do hard and important things together. That's what the United States and Spain are doing right now literally around the world. Our soldiers are side by side in Afghanistan. Our aid workers are joined in Haiti. Our diplomats are collaborating closely from the Balkans to the Middle East. And our government and citizens cooperate in more areas than I can or should enumerate right now, from promoting, as the President said, renewable energy—and we look to you as a leader in the world in that area— to food security and fighting global climate change and nuclear proliferation.
The President and I discussed many of these issues a little earlier and our collaboration in these areas. And I thank the President for Spain's decision to increase troops and trainers in Afghanistan.
As valued NATO allies, we're working to disrupt, dismantle and to defeat al Qaeda, to fight the insurgents who would destabilize Afghanistan—and Pakistan for that matter—and to develop institutions and Afghan security forces so that the Afghanis can take responsibility on their own in the near future.
This mission has required real sacrifice, and the citizens of Spain understand that especially of our men and women in uniform and their families—and I know it's not popular to continue this effort. On September 11th, and on March 11th, our citizens, at the hands of violent extremists who plot and plan from that region of the world, wrought real damage in each of our countries. And, as leaders, we both agree we have an obligation to stop them and to protect the people we serve.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and British Foreign Secretary Hague, May 14, 2010Footnote 16
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Secretary William Hague delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. The foreign secretary and I had a lot to talk about today. We discussed our shared mission in Afghanistan, and he reaffirmed his government's commitment to working with the international community and the Afghans to achieve long-term stability there. The United States is deeply appreciative of the British contributions in Afghanistan, and we honor the sacrifices of the British service members who serve their country with such distinction overseas. The United States and the United Kingdom are also firmly committed to the NATO mission in Afghanistan and we support the efforts by the Afghan Government to fight corruption and build a stable and secure government and country. We will continue our very close consultations on these matters going forward.
We also remain united in our insistence that Iran fulfill its international obligations and prove that its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes only. Contrary to recent suggestions, Iran has not indicated any interest in or accepted the standing offer of the P-5+1 to discuss international concerns over its nuclear program. Rather, Iran's senior officials continue to say they will not talk about their nuclear program with us. So we are working closely with our UK and other partners on a new Security Council resolution affirming that there are serious consequences should Iran continue to flout its international obligations and fail to comply with both IAEA decisions and UN Security Council resolutions.
The foreign secretary and I also discussed the importance of finding a way forward in the Middle East peace process. Our countries will continue working together to encourage all parties to resume direct negotiations. We seek a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict with an overall goal of securing a comprehensive peace in the Middle East that requires everyone at the table.
And of course, there are so many other issues that we touched on. We share a mutual interest in restoring confidence in the financial sector in Europe and in the Eurozone, as well as the global economy. We will continue working together to restore economic stability.
So I look forward to a very strong working relationship with the foreign secretary. And it is a great pleasure for me to have this opportunity to begin what will be long, close, and at times, intense consultations over the months and years ahead.
Foreign Secretary Hague. This new British Government has some real ambition and energy and determination to rebuild our economic strength at home, which is, of course, the foundation of any successful foreign policy, but also to deliver distinctive British foreign policy abroad. And I'm aware, coming into this job, that the challenges of foreign policy are uniquely tricky. And that is why I've always had such huge admiration for Secretary Clinton. The leadership she has provided to the international community as Secretary of State, the energy, the ideas, her advocacy of women's rights, education, development, and effective diplomacy are an inspiring example to other foreign ministers and would-be foreign ministers around the world. And I pay tribute to her for that.
And today, we've had very productive talks that reflect this very wide agenda of issues on which the United Kingdom and the United States work in partnership on. We talked indeed about our joint effort in Afghanistan, which the prime minister has made our top priority in foreign affairs where we will give the strategy—the NATO strategy and the agreements made at the London Conference the time and support to succeed. We discussed the closely related situation in Pakistan where we and the United States share common goals, and indeed have been—have already started discussing ways to enhance and strengthen our cooperation and the support that we give to Pakistan.
And finally, I just want to say a few words about what the President has called the extraordinarily special relationship between Britain and the United States, and we're very happy to accept that description and to agree with that description. The United States is, without doubt, the most important ally of the United Kingdom. Fundamentally, it is a relationship rooted in the strong alignment of our national interests. And the scope of our cooperation is unparalleled. Our military, our diplomats, our intelligence and security agencies work hand-in-glove together. It's not a backward-looking or nostalgic relationship. It is one looking to the future, from combating violent extremism to addressing poverty and conflict around the world.
So I believe the UK and the U.S. share common priorities to an extraordinary degree, and we will continue to pursue these priorities. And what I think we can confidently say is an unbreakable alliance, and it's on that basis that I've so much enjoyed our talks today. Thank you.
Statement by Assistant Secretary of the Treasury Lago, May 18, 2010Footnote 17
Assistant Secretary Marisa Lago delivered this statement in Zagreb, Croatia at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development's Nineteenth Annual Meeting of the Boards of Governors
Assistant Secretary Lago. Prepared Statement by U.S. Governor Marisa Lago
I am delighted to represent the United States at the 19th Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors for the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development (EBRD).
We are convening in Zagreb during a period of heightened uncertainty about the region's near term prospects. In our view, this latest period of volatility again serves to spotlight the EBRD's vital role in protecting transition gains and encouraging continued reform momentum. As the Bank's largest shareholder, the United States affirms its strong support for this institution.
A key objective of this meeting is to conclude the fourth EBRD capital resources review, which will guide the Bank's operations through 2015. This review was especially timely, as it provided a critical opportunity to assess the Bank's mandate, priorities and challenges in the context of the global financial crisis. During this review, EBRD management made a compelling case for fresh resources to meet the extraordinary demands arising from the global financial crisis and to fulfill its mission of promoting transition to well-functioning, market-based economies in its countries of operation. For this reason, we are prepared to fully endorse Management's proposal for a fifty percent increase in the EBRD's capital base. We would also like to commend President Mirow for his leadership in assisting member countries during this critical period, and for his role in building consensus among shareholders on the capital increase.
EBRD member countries were especially hard hit by the global financial crisis. On average, the region's economies shrank by 6 percent in 2009, with some countries experiencing double digitdeclines in output. No other region experienced such a significant contraction. Fortunately, the EBRD was poised to mitigate the crisis impact through the significant and well-timed expansion of its lending and investment activities, which led to a 60 percent increase in business volume last year.
Recent projections suggest that this year the region should see some recovery, albeit uneven, with average growth in the region of around 3 percent. However, developments in Greece have highlighted significant downside risks to the broader European recovery. As a result, prospects for EBRD member countries remain uncertain as slower European growth and continued market volatility will weigh heavily on the region. We welcome the extensive actions by Europe to restore confidence and financial stability. In addition, we believe that the EBRD can play an important role in helping its borrowing countries manage this latest set of challenges.
We draw two broad conclusions from the impact of the global financial and debt crises on the region: first, there remain significant structural weaknesses that allowed the development of large economic imbalances persist in many of the EBRD's countries of operation; and second, countries must address these weaknesses to achieve sustainable growth and reap the full benefits of economic and financial integration. Structural weaknesses include: dependence on commodity exports, underdeveloped local capital markets, and difficult business environments that constrain competitiveness and can lead to domestic asset bubbles.
Through its initial crisis response, the EBRD has already demonstrated that it has a vital role play in redressing these sources of vulnerability. The EBRD is now preparing to launch a new initiative to support local capital market development, which should help reduce systemic vulnerabilities, such as an overreliance on un-hedged foreign currency borrowing. We very much welcome this proposal.
In addition, we support management's recommendation to include the promotion of economic diversification as an important strategic priority for the Bank. We agree that diversification remains key to reducing the region's reliance on heavy industry and commodity exports, thereby generating more balanced and stable growth. We also welcome the Bank's intention to scale up its policy dialogue, in coordination with other IFIs, on the lessons of the crisis. We hope that the Bank can work with borrowing countries to establish competitiveness reform strategies.
Finally, we endorse the Bank's commitment to improve energy efficiency and energy security within its transition mandate. The EBRD's ongoing Sustainable Energy Initiative has surpassed its investment objectives, reflecting rising demand in countries of operations and effective mainstreaming of energy efficiency and climate financing as the region moves towards a low-carbon economy.
In conclusion we remain optimistic that the countries of the region will once again demonstrate their resilience in restoring economic growth and making progress towards transition. With this positive outlook, we are particularly pleased to support this innovative temporary capital increase, which is structured to ensure that the Bank can provide the strongest measure of crisis support during this difficult period.
Op-ed by Secretary of State Clinton, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs Ashton, and Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs Moratinos, May 30, 2010Footnote 18
Secretary Clinton, Representative Catherine Ashton, and Minister Miguel Angel Moratinos published this op-ed, titled “The Balkans Deserve This,” in The Guardian, La Vanguardia, and a number of papers across the Balkans
Almost a century ago, a war that changed European history began in Sarajevo. Nearly 20 years ago, the city was the centre of another violent conflict that ended only with the 1995 Dayton Accords. And 10 years ago, with the memory of the Yugoslavian wars still fresh, the European Union affirmed the crucial role of Euro-Atlantic multilateral institutions in the security and stability of the Balkans. Today Sarajevo is at peace, a symbol of rebirth and reconciliation, representing all the opportunities and challenges of European and Euro-Atlantic integration.
On Wednesday the EU Spanish presidency will host a ministerial meeting in Sarajevo attended by senior leaders from EU member states, the western Balkans, the US, Russia and Turkey to reaffirm our shared commitment to the security of the Balkans through integration into European and Euro-Atlantic institutions. Integrating the western Balkans remains one of the last challenges to building a democratic and unified Europe. In Sarajevo EU ministers will recommit themselves to the Balkans’ place in Europe. Ministers from the region will reaffirm their commitment to implement the reforms necessary to meet the aspirations of their people and to move their countries on the path to the Euro-Atlantic community.
As we have seen in the past two decades, the perspective of integration into the EU and NATO is a powerful driver of reform, economic prosperity and the rule of law. It means a seat at the table in European decisions, free movement of goods and people and a guarantee of security. The reforms required are also transformative. The people of the region want and deserve transparency and accountability in their governments, a level playing field for business and the opportunity to raise their children in peace and security. This is also what we want for them. The pace of global change is such that none of us can afford stagnation and “business as usual”. Commitments on both sides have to be real, not rhetorical.
The rationale for this new path is clear: to replace the old dynamics of disintegration with the new dynamic of European integration. The Lisbon Treaty embodies the ambition of the EU to become a more effective global actor, and the Balkans represent an important test for the success of this ambition.
The leaders of the Balkans will have our full support as they confront the challenges of reform. Beyond complying with the political and economic Copenhagen criteria, they must commit to reconciliation among ethnic and religious communities and political groups to build a new national consensus.
The EU and the US have spared no effort in the course of these months to tackle the many fronts in the process of stabilising and “Europeanising” the Balkans, and anchoring the rule of law and good governance. The Obama Administration is committed to remain engaged in the region through completion of our shared vision.
A little over a year ago, Joe Biden, the US Vice President, and Javier Solana, the EU High Representative, visited Sarajevo with a message of hope: the doors to Euro-Atlantic institutions remain open to all the countries of the Balkans, once they meet the requirements for accession. The compact with the region, to which the EU and US will rededicate ourselves at Sarajevo on Wednesday, remains firm: we stand ready to assist the citizens and leaders of the region in building a better future together.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Romanian Foreign Minister Baconschi, June 1, 2010Footnote 19
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Teodor Baconschi delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Well, good afternoon. It is a pleasure to welcome the foreign minister here today. This year, Romania and the United States mark the 130th anniversary of our diplomatic relationship, and it is a friendship and partnership that grows stronger every year.
Our nations and people share a deep commitment to freedom and democracy, and a profound respect for human dignity and the rule of law. Romania and the United States are working together bilaterally as well as through international organizations to foster greater transatlantic cooperation on a range of difficult issues, from nuclear nonproliferation to energy security to climate change.
The United States and Romania are also allies through NATO, and our shared commitment to the mutual defense of the alliance is unwavering. We are very pleased Romania has agreed to host elements of the phased adaptive approach to missile defense in Europe as we pursue this shared goal. This decision highlights the seriousness with which Romania approaches its role in NATO and its commitment to enhancing global security. Romanian troops have served their country with honor and distinction around the world, particularly in Iraq and Afghanistan, and they are helping to move those countries toward a future of peace and stability. We mourn and grieve with the people of Romania over the losses that your nation has sustained, Mr. Minister, in this cause, but we thank you for your ongoing, stalwart commitment.
And it is also true that we have so many shared values and deep ties. Many distinguished Americans come of Romanian heritage, including the late Professor Liviu Librescu, who sacrificed his own life to save his students during the tragic shootings at Virginia Tech in 2007. We are pleased that the street in front of the new United States Embassy compound in Bucharest has been named in honor of this wonderful Romanian-American teacher and scholar.
The growing partnership between our nations has been nurtured and cultivated for a long time. I vividly remember my trip to Bucharest 14 years ago—not only the hospitality I received, but the energy and optimism of the Romanian people, who had traveled so far in such a short space of time. I told the foreign minister that I hoped to return to see for myself all of the progress that has been made and to work with him and with his government to build on the friendship and partnership between our two nations.
Thank you again for being here.
Foreign Minister Baconschi. Thank you very much, Madam Secretary. I truly appreciate your remarks. We had an excellent discussion today on the main bilateral topics on our agenda. And we tackled the enhancement that we have contemplated for the time being, the common wish to add substance to our strategic partnership and our cooperation within NATO and common expectations which we have in the perspective of the NATO Lisbon summit at the end of this year, about our—the increasing of our troops on the ground in Afghanistan and the bilateral cooperation to better protect them, and about Romania's inclusion in the MD missile defense program.
We would like to also explore together all the possibilities to raise more interest among the business community in the U.S. towards the opportunities offered by the Romanian economy. And I also raised with the Secretary of State our wish to work together for finding new solutions for the inclusion of Romania in the Visa Waiver Program. As we are a full membership—a full member of the EU and NATO, we think that our fellow citizens deserve to travel without visa to the U.S.
We have also addressed some later—latest evolutions in our own region, in the Black Sea region, and in the immediate vicinity of the European Union. And we also took the opportunity to speak about the energy security issues. I have explained to the Madam Secretary of State our main projects in this field.
So I thank you very much for the hospitality during this, my first official trip to Washington. And I'm looking forward to work together with you and to further increase the quality of our partnership.
Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, June 8, 2010Footnote 20
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. The United States congratulates the people of Slovenia on the ratification of the Border Arbitration Agreement with Croatia by referendum on June 6. By cementing this agreement, the people of Slovenia have helped move the region closer to full European integration. We commend the leaders and governments of Croatia and Slovenia for resolving to settle their disagreements and agreeing to arbitration in the spirit of good neighborly relations. We believe that the arbitration agreement is good for Slovenia, good for Croatia and good for the entire region.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Latvian Prime Minister Dombrovskis, June 15, 2010Footnote 21
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Latvian Prime Minister Valdis Dombrovskis delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. I'm very happy to welcome the new Prime Minister of Latvia here to the State Department for consultations. We are, as I think everyone knows, a close friend and ally of Latvia. And we are very pleased to stand by Latvia, which has been dealing with some challenging issues along with many other countries in the world. But, we are prepared to do whatever we can to assist and deepen and broaden our ties between the two countries.
Prime Minister Dombrovskis. Well, I would also like to say that we have excellent strategic partnership with the U.S., and we have been counting on continued U.S. support for our way towards EU and NATO. And, we feel that it's important to continue with this strategic partnership and the excellent relations we have been enjoying so far.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, sir.
Prime Minister Dombrovskis Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you. Thank you all.
Excerpts of Remarks by President Obama and President Medvedev of Russia, June 24, 2010Footnote 22
President Barack Obama and President Dmitry Medvedev delivered this joint statement at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in Washington, D.C.
President Obama. Well, good afternoon, everybody. It is a pleasure to be here with my friend and partner, President Medvedev, and I want to thank him again for his leadership, especially his vision for an innovative Russia that's modernizing its economy, including deeper economic ties between our two countries.
In fact, before coming to Washington, President Medvedev visited California and Silicon Valley to explore new partnerships in science and technology and in venture capital. And while there, he pledged Russia's support to preserve the historic Fort Ross in Sonoma County—an enduring reminder of the early Russian settlements and trade that brought Russian goods to our young nation.
Some have even wondered whether our Declaration of Independence may have been signed with goose quills from Russia. More than 200 years later, it's a sign of the times that during his visit to Silicon Valley, President Medvedev opened his own Twitter account. I have one as well. And I said during our press conference today that we may be able to finally get rid of those old “red phones.”
As we all know, despite the surge in trade in recent years, the economic relationship between the United States and Russia is still largely one of untapped potential. And I pointed out last year that our trade with Russia is only about the same as our trade with Thailand—a country with less than half the population of Russia. So obviously there's more work to do.
That's why part of the reset of the U.S. Russia relationship required us creating the U.S.-Russia Bilateral Partnership Commission—Presidential Commission— to explore a whole range of new opportunities, including economic partnerships that create jobs and opportunities for both our peoples. And under Secretary Locke and Minister Nabiullina's leadership, that's what we have done.
Companies represented here today are moving forward with a series of major trade and investment deals that will create jobs for both Americans and Russians across many sectors, from aerospace, to automotive engineering, to the financial sector and high-technology.
I am especially pleased that Boeing and Russian Technologies are moving forward with a $4 billion deal on 50 Boeing 737s. This is a win for Russia, creating a long-term market for its raw materials and resulting in modern airplanes for Russia's travelers.
It's obviously a win for the United States, because this partnership could add up to 44,000 new jobs in the American aerospace industry. This reflects my administration's National Export Initiative, and it's a perfect example of the shared prosperity—and the high-tech jobs that we can create together.
So today, President Medvedev and I agreed to expand trade and commerce even further. We agreed to deepen our collaboration on energy efficiency and clean energy technologies. We reached an agreement that will allow the United States to begin exporting our poultry products to Russia once again. Chicken is important.
I want to again thank President Medvedev and his team for resolving this issue, which is an important signal about Russia's seriousness about achieving membership in the World Trade Organization. And that's why I told President Medvedev that our teams should accelerate their efforts to work together to complete this process in the very near future.
I believe that Russia belongs in the WTO. That's good for Russia. It's good for America. And it is good for the world economy.
I pledged to President Medvedev that the United States wants to be Russia's partner as he pursues his vision of modernization and innovation in Russia, including his initiative to create a Russian Silicon Valley outside of Moscow. American companies and universities were among the first to invest in this effort. And I'm pleased that a number of you here today are going to be working with it as well.
Now, there's still a lot more that we can do to encourage trade and investment. And obviously in Russia—and President Medvedev and I discussed this—issues of transparency and accountability and rule of law remain absolutely critical. This is the foundation on which investments and economic growth depends. And I very much appreciate and applaud President Medvedev's efforts in this area.
Today, we took another step forward. Our two governments are making a joint commitment to open government that fosters transparency and combats the corruption that stifles economic growth.
Of course, ultimately, it's you—the private sector, our entrepreneurs—who create jobs and unleash economic growth. It's the market that's been the most powerful force in history for creating opportunity and prosperity. It's not the resources we pump or pull from the ground. It's the imagination and the creativity of our people, our workers, and their dreams for themselves and their children that ultimately drives the modern economy.
Last year in Moscow, I learned a Russian proverb, which says, “Every seed knows it's time.” A year ago, we planted a seed of cooperation and commerce. And today, that cooperation is bearing fruit— with new partnerships and prosperity for both our peoples. And I think that if we stay on the course that we're on, with a spirit of mutual respect and mutual interest, we are going to make even more progress, sell more goods, create more jobs, get more cross-border financing than ever before.
So, President Medvedev, welcome. Thank you to all the business people who are visiting here from Russia and your ministers. Thank you for your vision and your determination to continue to move us towards a brighter vision of our future. Thank you.
President Medvedev. Ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, it's been a year since we met in order to discuss affairs— business affairs, and a lot of water has flown from the time, as we used to day.
There are certain moments that distinguish this meeting from the meeting in Moscow. First of all, it is much hotter here, so it is more difficult to work.
At the same time, we are all seated and back in Moscow, we were standing with Presidents. So it is easier to work. And this isn't a significant difference, but speaking in serious term, during this year, we have changed a lot. The world economy has changed. And we were working very hard in order to improve the situation in our national economy in order to relaunch failed mechanisms in international economy. And certain persons present here just worked to save their businesses. In general, we managed to do so, although we did have problems.
Today we discussed different issues with President. After that—after my visit to the Congress, I'll fly to G20. And tomorrow we are willing to continue discussing economic issues during the G8 summit, and later on during the G20 summit. We will think on how to build our future.
And our future depends to a great extent on our bilateral relations and on relations our countries have with other partners, and on relations between the U.S. and Russia.
The agenda that I had in the U.S. was very interesting, very intensive. For the first time in my practice, I visited not only the capital or New York, but I also visited California. And I was deeply impressed by what I saw there. Part of my delegation accompanied me. Part of the delegation witnessed how business is organized in the Silicon Valley.
We have things to learn from that experience; I already said that during the press conference. And I hope that this context will provide for better opportunities to implement our agenda that we proposed for our economy, to modernize our economy in accordance with five presidential priorities: first, medicine; energy efficiency; nuclear technologies; computer technologies; and outer space programs.
We are creating a new center of innovative developments in Skolkovo, outside of Moscow. And I think that the U.S. experience, we will be able to apply this experience in our country, of course, introducing necessary changes.
And I'm very grateful to the U.S. businessmen who expressed their desire to work in this direction and adopted a series of decisions. We value this very much and we will be thinking how to create the most favorable, most protected conditions for such work.
Speaking about our Silicon Valley, about the Skolkovo project, we in Russia adopted an unprecedented measure. We established a special legal framework—I adopted a special law and we're going to apply tax facilitation and also introduce a number of regimes to provide for better conditions of work. We are convinced that the U.S.-Russia economic potential is great.
At the same time, due to the crisis and to the difficulties which we had in our relations a certain time ago, this potential has not been tapped. And the volume of investments do not respond to what we need. It is evident that we want this volume to grow—both investments of the United States into Russia and vice versa, because it's not a one-way road. The economy is global, and we most create reasonable rules of—and assist each other to overcome different difficulties.
Recently we signed a series of documents—we recently held an economic forum in Russia and signed documents between U.S. and Russian companies. Here we signed agreements as well. This is a good sign. I am convinced that in the future with my friend and partner, President Barack Obama, we will control this process, we will assist this process, because to my mind, this is a very important element of our interstate relations.
We will work personally and in the framework of the Presidential Commission established a while ago, but we also pin our hopes on the U.S.-Russia Business
Dialogue established two years ago. We have representatives of this dialogue in this hall, and I'm very pleased that we are interacting on this topic and that eventually our joint projects will help us to overcome the difficulties threatening our economies, the world economy.
We still have to do a lot—to do a lot internationally and to do a lot with respect to our national legislations. President Obama is doing great work. We understand how difficult this work is because each solution has both persons who are in favor and who are against. But it is evident that the world economy and the world itself has changed. And we will have to change the rules, although everybody present in this hall are committed to modern economic approaches and are committed to a free market.
At the same time, we should understand that the 21st century has come, and therefore take into consideration the global economic processes. Our cooperation should develop every year. I believe that our cooperation is very promising, and it's very good that we met here again to discuss the future of U.S.-Russia business relations.
Thank you.
Excerpts of Remarks by President Obama and Russian President Medvedev, June 24, 2010Footnote 23
President Barack Obama and President Dmitry Medvedev delivered these remarks in Washington, D.C.
President Obama. Good afternoon, everybody. Please be seated. Dobryy Den. After many meetings around the world, I'm delighted to welcome my friend and partner, President Medvedev, to the White House.
We just concluded some excellent discussions—discussions that would have been unlikely just 17 months ago. As we've both said before, when I came into office, the relationship between the United States and Russia had drifted—perhaps to its lowest point since the Cold War. There was too much mistrust and too little real work on issues of common concern. That did not serve the interests of either country or the world. Indeed, I firmly believe that America's most significant national security interests and priorities could be advanced most effectively through cooperation, not an adversarial relationship, with Russia.
That's why I committed to resetting the relationship between our two nations, and in President Medvedev I've found a solid and reliable partner. We listen to one another and we speak candidly. So, Mr. President, I'm very grateful for your leadership and your partnership.
By any measure, we have made significant progress and achieved concrete results.
In particular, we're expanding trade and commerce. We agreed to deepen our collaboration on energy efficiency and clean energy technologies. And this afternoon, President Medvedev and I will join American and Russian business leaders as they move forward with a series of major trade and investment deals that will create jobs for Americans and Russians across many sectors, from aerospace and automotive engineering to the financial sector and high technology. Consistent with my administration's National Export Initiative, this includes the sale of 50 Boeing aircraft—worth $4 billion—that could add up to 44,000 new jobs in the American aerospace industry.
To deepen Russia's integration into the global economy, I reaffirmed our strong commitment to Russia's ascension to the World Trade Organization. Today we've reached an agreement that will allow the United States to begin exporting our poultry products to Russia once again. And I want to thank President Medvedev and his team for resolving this issue, which is of such importance to American business, and which sends an important signal about Russia's seriousness about achieving membership in the WTO.
President Medvedev. Thank you, Mr. President. Distinguished colleagues, of course, I must start with thanking my counterpart, President Barack Obama, for the invitation to visit the United States of America with a visit and for the exceptional hospitality and generosity we observed here. Even the weather is so warm that it leaves no doubt that everything is the result of hard work in terms of preparation of the visit.
Our delegation appreciated the hospitality. And in Moscow we met various places, and today I have managed to dine with President Barack Obama—an interesting place, which is typically American—probably it's not quite healthy, but it's very tasty, and you can feel the spirit of America.
But this is not the main thing we were engaged in. Our delegation, the Russian delegation had a very busy schedule and—which started in California, which is an unparalleled event. Besides the fact that it's a very beautiful place on the coast of the United States, it's a token place, and I hope this is a symbolic launch of cooperation between our countries in the sphere of innovation and high-tech.
We spoke about—have spoken about it today with the President and before, saying that we would have a dialogue to build confidence between our countries. We have made steps aimed at establishing a more firm construction of our relations—structure of our relations. And to a certain extent, we made our world safer. I must say this.
But this is not enough for our bilateral economic ties to change. And this visit is generally mostly aimed at achieving these goals. We are ready for that and our American partners are ready for this same thing. The President and I agreed to work in this sphere, and today the main part of our talks were devoted to economic issues, and first of all, to the very complicated issues as Russia's membership in WTO.
So we went through the national agenda and today we devoted less time to it because in our previous meetings we devoted a lot to it, so still we have managed to do something. We spoke of the Middle East crisis, and the resolution on Iran, the Korean Peninsula developments, the Kyrgyzstan developments, and some other most complicated issues that are currently on our plate.
We also spoke about European security. We believe that we share a common view that Europe should have a security system. We have some differences—and Mr. President mentioned it—in terms of, for example, the after-effects of the conflict that was initiated by Georgia's leadership in 2008. But these differences do not prevent us from discussing future and launching new mechanisms of contacts.
We discussed the situation around the New START Treaty. Our goal—the goal of the two Presidents—is to ensure tranquil ratification of the treaty by our parliament. I hope it's going to be done in the near future. For example—in the Federation Council, there are hearings in place— and in Congress, there are hearings, as far as I know, as well as in the Senate. So these active discussions should reveal the truth and synchronize the approaches of ratification.
We keep thinking of our next future steps, and this is a serious responsibility of the Russian Federation and the United States. We'll not lift this responsibility or shirk it. We will keep in touch. And I'm always ready to discuss various issues with my colleague and my counterpart. And we succeed in these discussions.
Last time the President and I spoke over the phone it was a record—my record of phone conversation—probably President Obama has some longer records—it lasted one hour, 45 minutes, which is a lot. I may say, frankly, and the ear starts getting stiff. But the result—I will not brief you on the nuances—on the topics we discussed, we were both interested and submerged into the topic. Not only our aides, our ministers should be that responsible, but we, too.
So I'm thankful to my counterpart for his active cooperation and for a warm welcome here in Washington. Thank you so much.
Q. A question to both Presidents. You said that you discussed the situation in Kyrgyzstan. Do you share the view on the problem and what are joint ways of solving it? It's known that Russia and U.S. have military bases in the republic. So do you consider opportunity to involve a military contingent if the situation in Kyrgyzstan keeps deteriorating?
President Medvedev. Yes, we have discussed this issue, as the situation in the republic is difficult. At present, the state is not operating as it should. The country, de facto, is split into parts, and civil unrest and clashes continue on ethnic grounds. Very many people have perished, and the authorities have been incapable of preventing what has happened.
So we are interested, both Russia and the States, in the state's ability in Kyrgyzstan to be able to resolve such issues, and look that all the civil rights are observed, and the tasks of ensuring food supplies and basic material facilities are ensured.
Russia is working with the temporary caretaker leadership of Kyrgyzstan. We believe that they should prove their legitimate character, nature. But we consider Kyrgyzstan to be a strategic partner. We will help them both in terms of money and humanitarian aid. We hope that during the election process, a full-fledged government will be shaped, able to solve and rest the issues that face this state. Otherwise Kyrgyzstan will degrade and will break up into parts.
All of us share a concern that under these circumstances, radical elements may rise to power in that country, and in this case, we will have to address the issues that are addressed by us in other regions. I'm referring to the goals that we have in Afghanistan.
We discussed this issue, and if we are talking about a possibility of some enforcing order, well, I believe that Kyrgyzstan should on its own cope with these problems. The Russian Federation does not plan any deployment of a peaceful contingent. And I got a letter from the Acting President of Kyrgyzstan, Roza Otunbayeva. But there is a consultations mechanism in the CSTO format. Heads of Security Council met to discuss the issue of security and of deploying a peacekeepers contingent. So far there is no need, they have decided, but things may start developing by different scenarios.
So CSTO will respond, and me, being the chairman of the organization, any time can convene a meeting of relevant bodies, and we hope that the United States does have an understanding.
President Obama. Obviously we're monitoring the situation very carefully. There already has been excellent coordination between the United States and the Russian Federation on delivery of humanitarian aid.
One of the things that we discussed is creating a mechanism so that the international community can ensure that we have a peaceful resolution of the situation there, and that any actions that are taken to protect civilians are done so not under the flag of any particular country, but that the international community is stepping in.
And so our teams will be in continuing discussions in the weeks ahead as we monitor the situation as it unfolds.
All right. Thank you very much, everybody.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton, June 24, 2010Footnote 24
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC at the U.S. Russia Civil Society to Civil Society Summit
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Secretary Clinton. [A]s President Obama said when he met with many of you in Moscow last summer, we recognize the critical nature of civil society to a vibrant democracy, and we want to create those relationships between our two countries and between civil society in each country that can assist in answering questions and solving problems.
Some quick examples that I just saw with the exhibits here this afternoon—we need creative, committed, courageous organizations like you and yours to find innovative solutions, to expose corruption, to give voice to the voiceless, to hold governments accountable to their citizens, to keep people informed and engaged on the issues that matter most to them.
As part of the Bilateral Presidential Commission that the two presidents established that Foreign Minister Lavrov and I are coordinating, we launched a Working Group on Civil Society. And I was privileged to meet with civil society leaders. I don't know if anybody—was anybody here at the meeting that I had at Spaso House last—yeah, yeah, good—last October? And I was extraordinarily impressed and moved by the stories and the level of commitment and connection.
And we want to keep building on these relationships. We want to share best practices. We want to find new avenues for collaboration. We want to disseminate new technologies. We want to expand and strengthen your work. For example, following the U.S.-Russian Innovation Dialogue last February, Russian and American NGOs signed an MOU to promote the Text4Baby model, which uses mobile service technology to provide health information to pregnant women and new mothers. And I think we saw maybe a reference to that up on the board there.
And when I saw some of the creative ways that you can use a technology to educate people about elections, to fight child exploitation, to link groups together, to promote human rights, expand access to libraries and vital health services, I was very encouraged. Because we are going to continue to focus on this area and to empower people with the tools that they need to chart their own lives and to take stands wherever necessary.
We have a dedicated group inside the State Department focused on how to use technology in the 21st century. We call it 21st Century Statecraft. I saw Jared Cohen when I came in. I don't know if Alec Ross is here or not. But who else is—anybody else here from your team, Jared? We have a great team of really dedicated young people—primarily young people—who care deeply about connecting people up. And I'm very proud of the work they're doing. They have been everywhere from Mexico to the Democratic Republic of Congo to Syria to Russia, and every place in between. And we want to be a facilitator to help empower you in this area.
In one of my early discussions with Minister Lavrov, he said, well, you know, we don't like it when you have so many NGOs coming to Russia. And I said, well, send Russian NGOs to the United States. We'll be happy to have them. And I really mean that. I think the more exchange and the more—cross-fertilization the better.
I am one who believes that despite different historical experiences, different cultural backgrounds, there is so much that connects the United States and Russia. I think that President Medvedev saw that firsthand in Silicon Valley over the last 36 or so hours. And I think he understands the necessity of modernizing not just the Russian economy, but the Russian political system as well. And I was very excited to hear reports from Mike and others about how well-received the president was at Stanford and some of the other stops he made, and to meet with some of the many thousands of Russians who live in Silicon Valley. And I think it's great that Russia is looking to try to create that kind of center for technology and growth right outside Moscow, and we want to help because we think that it's in everyone's interest do so.
But there is another element to our agenda. By shining a spotlight on the work of civil society groups like yours, we think we can help protect activists whose work can make them a target of abuse and violence. In particular, as I said last year, the United States remains deeply concerned about the safety of journalists and human rights activists in Russia. Among others, we remember the murdered American journalist Paul Klebnikov; the Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, who died in pre-trial detention last year. We continue to urge that justice be delivered in these cases. We're committed to working with you to find ways to reduce threats and protect the lives of activists.
So there's a lot that we have done in this past year, and there's more still to do in the so-called “reset” of the U.S.-Russian relationship. Our countries still have and will always have differences. There are not two countries that will agree on everything. There are not two people who will agree on everything. But we are speaking very openly, honestly and frankly about our areas of disagreement, and we're looking to narrow those and then try to make progress across the board.
At a summit like the one just concluded between our presidents, it's not only bringing presidents together. We think it is also symbolically bringing communities together. And that's what you're doing in real time here because you're helping to intertwine Americans and Russians. Under this bilateral commission that we have set up, we've had more than a hundred meetings. There is a very long report that's going up on State.gov of the report of the work of the bilateral commission. I invite all of you to look at it. We've really done some extraordinary things together, and there's a lot more that lies ahead.
So I want to thank you. Thank you for your energy, your creativity, your passion, your commitment to building a better life for yourselves, your families, and for your fellow citizens. And I really urge you to continue to take on the issues that have such a big impact on people's lives. And as you do that, we want you to know that you not only will have the support of the United States Government, but you'll have the support of organizations like IREX. You'll have the support of other NGOs, of academics, of the American private sector, but most significantly, the American people.
We will continue to seek ways to support and expand your work on behalf of the Russian people. And we are very excited and very hopeful about what we can do together. I think that the potential is just enormous, and we cannot grow weary making progress together. It sometimes seems for those of you who are on the front lines of any movement for change, that it is just excruciatingly slow and disappointing and frustrating. But if you look at the great sweep of history, the changes that have occurred—not just in Russia, but in the world, literally, in the last two, three decades—have been breathtaking.
So I see it from the position of how much has already happened, and then I think about how much energy we have behind what we need to be doing now and in the future. And I really hope that each and every one of you realizes that you're performing a great service—an act of true patriotism on behalf of not only your country, but on behalf of a better life that will provide a stronger foundation for a positive, constructive relationship between the United States and Russia.
Thank you all very much.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Hungarian Foreign Minister Martonyi, June 24, 2010Footnote 25
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Janos Martonyi delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Well, good afternoon. It's a pleasure to welcome the foreign minister here. This has been a great opportunity for me to visit with him and share our views on a range of important matters. I think it is clear to everyone that Hungary is a close friend of the United States and a valued partner. We work together to address global challenges, and we are looking to broaden and deepen our cooperation. I know the foreign minister is a seasoned, experienced hand when it comes to this work, and I'm delighted he could find time in his schedule to come so early in his tenure now.
There is a lot ahead of us in the upcoming months, including the Lisbon NATO summit, energy security efforts, social inclusion, Hungary's important role in regional cooperation and stability. This spring marked 20 years since Hungary's first free elections, and the relationship between our countries has transformed during that relatively short period of time. NATO is a key—Hungary is a key NATO ally. We are grateful to Hungary and the Hungarian people for their contributions to the NATO-led mission in Afghanistan. We recognize the service and the sacrifice of Hungarian troops serving with ISAF. We appreciate Hungary's recent commitment to increase troop levels in Afghanistan. And we are very grateful for Hungary's role in hosting the NATO Medical Center of Excellence in Budapest and the Heavy Airlift Wing at the Papa Air Base.
I also expressed our appreciation for Hungary's commitment to protecting the rights of its Roma citizens, of reaching out to Southeast Europe, of working for the further integration of all of Europe. And it is exciting to see the commitment and the fortitude that the foreign minister represents on behalf of not just this new government, but of his country.
So again, Mr. Minister, welcome to the United States.
Foreign Minister Martonyi. Thank you very much. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. First and foremost, I delighted to be here and I accepted with great gratitude this early invitation to come to Washington and, of course, I availed myself of this opportunity immediately. And also that gave me the possibility to reconfirm some of our fundamental commitments— first and foremost, our fundamental commitment to the Atlantic alliance, which believe is the cornerstone not just of our security, but also a safer and peaceful world. At the same time, I also reconfirmed our commitment to continue to make our contribution in Afghanistan. As the Secretary said, we are going to increase our contribution despite all the financial difficulties which we are perhaps running still at home. And also, we maintain our commitment in the Western Balkans. In fact, this is a new dimension of our foreign policy that we would like to strengthen our presence in the countries which are in the Western Balkans, in Southeastern Europe, and this is kind of new expanded Central European policy of Hungary.
We very much appreciate the help and assistance which we are now receiving from the United States with respect to our most difficult domestic problems or challenges, like the Roma integration, as it has been just mentioned. We believe that we have much in common. We have a value-based approach. And also we do believe in social inclusion and we are convinced that ultimately these are the basic principles, values, and human rights which are the fundamental driving force behind our policies.
It is in this spirit that we are going to open a new institute in Budapest, the Tom Lantos or Lantos Tomas—if you prefer that way—Institute in Budapest early next year. I invited the Secretary to come to the opening ceremony of that institute if she cannot come earlier. Of course, if she can do it, she is most welcome. But I think the establishment of this institute will be a very important message to the whole world that we do share the same values, the same principles, the same commitments. And we are very much committed to the legacy of a person who did so much for the successful transformation of my country, and also for the friendship and alliance between the United States and Hungary. Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. Mr. Minister, thank you again.
Q. Okay thank you very much. Thank you very much. This will have been my first question as well. But now I would like to ask what's going to be Hungary's role in the U.S. Government approach to Central Europe after or while the reset policy with Russia? Thank you very much.
Secretary Clinton. Do you want me to start?
Foreign Minister Martonyi It's to me first? Okay.
Secretary Clinton. You can go first.
Foreign Minister Martonyi. Okay. Well, we welcome this policy. We believe that we need good cooperation with Russia, both of us, not just the big powers but also the small ones. We need reliable, predictable Russia, and we also need relations with them which are based upon transparency, mutual respect, openness, frankness, and identifying some basic common interests which do exist between United States and Russia on the one hand and between Russia and Hungary on the other.
Some of those interests are the same. Small and big countries are interested in global security and in meeting global challenges and risks in the same way. At the same time, as you know very well, we definitely need healthy and safe economic relations with Russia. I think that with mutual respect and frankness, this can be assured.
Secretary Clinton. Well, I agree with the minister. The United States is committed to a whole and free Europe. We have supported the integration of Europe. Of course, it is up to European nations to determine how that proceeds. But I think it's a remarkable accomplishment of the last 20 years to see all of these developments. And the United States stands ready to work with Europe on a range of issues. Energy security is one that the minister referenced, which we believe is very much in Europe's interest. Working on other matters that are both of bilateral concern as well as regional is a core commitment of the United States Government.
We have so much in common with our European friends and allies. And we hope to see the continuation of the integration of Europe, and I applaud the Hungarian Government's commitment to that. So there's a lot to be done, but so much has already been accomplished. And the United States stands ready to be supportive in any way that's appropriate.
Thank you all very much.
G8 Summit: Joint Statement On The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict, June 26 2010Footnote 26
President Barack Obama, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, and French President Nicolas Sarkozy, delivered this statement in Muskoka, Canada
We, the Presidents of the OSCE Minsk Group's Co-Chair countries, France, the Russian Federation, and the United States of America, reaffirm our commitment to support the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan as they finalize the Basic Principles for the peaceful settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
We welcome as a significant step the recognition by both sides that a lasting settlement must be based upon the Helsinki Principles and the elements that we proposed in connection with our statement at the L'Aquila Summit of the Eight on July 10, 2009, relating to: the return of the occupied territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh, interim status for Nagorno-Karabakh guaranteeing security and self-governance, a corridor linking Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh; final status of Nagorno-Karabakh to be determined in the future by a legally-binding expression of will, the right of all internally-displaced persons and refugees to return, and international security guarantees, including a peacekeeping operation.
Now the Presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan need to take the next step and complete the work on the Basic Principles to enable the drafting of a peace agreement to begin. We instruct our Ministers and Co-Chairs to work intensively to assist the two sides to overcome their differences in preparation for a joint meeting in Almaty on the margins of OSCE Informal Ministerial.
Excerpts of Remarks by President Obama and British Prime Minister Cameron, June 26, 2010Footnote 27
President Barack Obama and President David Cameron delivered these remarks in Toronto, Canada
President Obama. Now, I want to say that all of us in the United States deeply value the special relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom. And we have been very impressed with the leadership that David Cameron has shown thus far. He has, I think, taken a series of steps on some very tough issues and clearly is prepared to make difficult decisions on behalf of his vision for his country.
We already, I think, have established a strong working relationship, as have our teams. And we are confident that that special relationship is only going to get stronger in the months and years to come.
We had an excellent conversation building off of the conversations that we've had at the G8 about the world economy and the importance of our two countries focusing both on the issues of growth, but also on the issues of financial consolidation, that we have long-term deficits that have to be dealt with and we have to address them.
There are going to be differentiated responses between the two countries because of our different positions, but we are aiming at the same direction, which is long-term sustainable growth that puts people to work.
At the same time, we had a extensive discussion about Afghanistan, and the alignment between our two countries in recognizing we have a serious threat to our safety and security that has to be addressed—that we recognize the enormous sacrifices that both British troops and U.S. troops have been making for some time now, but we are convinced that we have the right strategy to provide the time and the space for the Afghan government to build up capacity over the next several months and years.
And this period that we're in right now is going to be critical both on the political front and on the military front, and there's going to extremely close consultation between our two countries so that we can create a situation in which Afghanistan and Pakistan are able to maintain their effective security and those areas are not able to be used as launching pads for attacks against our people.
We also discussed Iran, and I thanked David for his stalwart support of the United Nations Security Resolution 1929—the toughest sanctions that have been imposed on the Iranian government through the United Nations Security Council. We now have to make sure that we follow up in terms of implementation, and that was a major discussion point.
And the key conclusion that we take out of this last day of conversations, and I suspect this will continue through the evening and tomorrow, is that on foreign policy issues the United States and the United Kingdom are not only aligned in theory but aligned in fact; that we see the world in a similar way, we continue to share the same concerns and also see the same strategic possibilities.
And so I think this partnership is built on a rock-solid foundation and it's only going to get stronger in the years to come. Thank you.
And I think that may have been my phone going off, so I'm going—
Prime Minister Cameron. Glad it wasn't mine.
Well, thank you—thank you very much for that, and thank you for what you said about the relationship between our two countries, which I believe is incredibly strong, but as you say, I think can get stronger in the years ahead.
We've had some very good conversations at the G8, and a very good meeting here today. I think particularly on the issue of Afghanistan, which is the number one foreign policy and security policy priority for my government, making progress this year, putting everything we have into getting it right this year, is vitally important. And we had very good conversations on that.
And as you said, Barack, on all the issues we discussed over the weekend so far—the Middle East peace process, Iran, how we take those forward, and the key relationships that we have in the Gulf and elsewhere—we have a very close alignment and I think we can work together, and we want to support the work that's being done. On the economy, you rightly say we have a big deficit problem which we have to address. But of course we want to do it in a way that encourages growth, and that's why we're focusing on spending reductions rather than on big tax increases. And I think it's the right approach to take.
And as we go into the G20, I think we can explain that we're aiming at the same target, which is world growth and stability, but it means those countries that have big deficit problems like ours have to take—have to take action in order to keep that level of confidence in the economy, which is absolutely vital to growth, to make sure it's there.
But it's been great to have this opportunity to meet—and the discussions that we had at the G8 and the G20—and thank you also for the lift between the two. It was—he threatened to send me a bill, but as I said, times are very tight in the U.K. so I'm afraid we'll have to take it as a free lift.
President Obama. He was a model passenger. I want everybody to know he fastened his seat belt as he was supposed to.
