Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, October 3, 2011Footnote 1
Secretary Clinton. The United States strongly condemns today's vicious attack by al-Shabaab against innocent civilians in Mogadishu. Many of the victims were students working to earn scholarships to continue their education and help them realize their potential. This cowardly act of terrorism once again demonstrates al-Shabaab's complete disregard for human life and Somalia's future.
Al-Shabaab continues to threaten and kill aid workers. They have murdered the very people they claim to want to protect. At a time when the world is focused on helping Somalis who are suffering from drought and famine, al-Shabaab is ignoring calls by the Arab League, international community, and the people of Somalia to allow the uninhibited delivery of urgently needed relief to those desperately in need of assistance.
Our condolences go out to the families, friends, and loved ones of the victims. The United States is committed to standing with all Somalis who seek peace— including Somalia's Transitional Federal Government—as they work toward stability in Somalia and throughout the region.
Statement by President Obama, November 7, 2011Footnote 2
President Obama. The Liberian people will go to the polls tomorrow to elect the next President of Liberia. This historic vote is an opportunity for Liberians to strengthen the country's democracy, and to deepen its peace, prosperity and national unity. We encourage all voters of all political preferences to exercise their universal right to participate in the democratic process—all Liberians should have the ability to exercise this right without fear of violence or intimidation.
Liberia has taken important steps to consolidate its democracy since the end of its civil war. Those gains must not be setback by individuals who seek to disrupt the political process. The international community will hold accountable those who choose to obstruct the democratic process. We encourage all security forces in Liberia to exercise maximum restraint and to allow peaceful protest. And we commend all that international election observers, the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Liberian people are doing to ensure a free, fair, and peaceful run-off election.
The United States is deeply committed to its historic relationship with Liberia and its people. We are also deeply committed to the strength of democracy on the African continent. In that spirit, we will continue to strongly support the success of a peaceful democratic process for the Liberian people, and the peace and prosperity of Liberia.
Statement by U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations Rice, November 11, 2011Footnote 3
Ambassador Susan E. Rice gave these remarks in New York
Ambassador Rice. I wanted to say a few words about Sudan, which we are discussing this morning in the Council. The United States is very gravely concerned about the escalation in tensions between the government of Sudan and the Republic of South Sudan.
In particular, we condemn in the strongest possible terms the aerial bombardment of targets by the north in South Sudan—including the most outrageous, which was the bombing of Yida refugee camp, housing 20,000 people, repeatedly by air over the course of several hours. We heard that verified by the UN representative in South Sudan, validated by UNHCR personnel who were at the site at the time, and also reinforced by the report of Under-Secretary Ladsous.
This is not the only such bombing in recent days, but it is incontrovertible. And the fact that the representative of the government of Sudan came to the Council and blatantly lied is quite disturbing to the United States and to many other members of the Security Council.
This is a moment where both sides need to show maximum restraint. In the first instance, the government of Sudan needs to halt all offensive actions against the south. Immediately. And the South needs to have the wisdom and restraint not to take the bait and not to respond in kind.
A resumption of full scale direct conflict between the two parties will serve no one's interests, and puts the future of both countries at grave risk. So in the Security Council, we are discussing the severity and the urgency of the situation. We will be talking about ways that, as a Council, collectively and individually as member states, we might prevail on the parties to de-escalate and return to the negotiating table and resolve the critical issues that divide them that can only be addressed through negotiations. I'm happy to take a couple of questions.
Q. My question is about Palestine, actually. Did the United States oppose the Palestinian application for membership because it doesn't believe the Palestinians meet the criteria for membership, or because of political reasons such as that you think it might be bad for this process?
Ambassador Rice. I think we've addressed this issue extensively, both publicly and privately. And our views are accurately reflected in the report that was delivered.
Q. What about the fighting in Southern Kordofan? You spoke about North and South. You know, fighting that seems that a lot of this has to do with Sudan sort of blocking off the area, not allowing humanitarian access. What does the U.S. think about the fighting in Southern Kordofan? What should be done?
Ambassador Rice. We're gravely concerned about the fighting in Southern Khartoum and Blue Nile. We are particularly outraged that now, many months into the fighting, there is no humanitarian access, that some 300,000 or more people have been displaced, and that they don't have the ability to receive the food and the other support that they desperately need.
We have urged the government of Sudan to open up access, as has the United Nations and its humanitarian entities, and thus far they've refused. And I hope very much that the United Nations leadership who are most focused on humanitarian issues, as well as the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the African Union, will continue their efforts to prevail upon the government in Khartoum to open up access and stop allowing their own people to suffer so much.
Q. Another question on Palestine. Ambassador Mansour indicated that the Palestinian leadership hasn't given up the option on pursuing the Security Council route in spite of them only having eight votes. What do you make of this [Inaudible]? What is the US doing to try to get the Palestinians to change course?
Ambassador Rice. The Palestinians have to make their own choice as to how to proceed. They've presented their application. The Council has done its part thus far, and, I think, reported in a timely and responsible way. And what the Palestinians decide to do next we will, I think, all be waiting to see. The United States has made its own views quite clear, both directly to the Palestinians and to the larger international community and the Council membership. We'll look to see what they choose to do.
Statement by U.S. Ambassador and Alternate Representative for Special Political Affairs to the United Nations DeLaurentis, November 14, 2011Footnote 4
Ambassador Jeffrey DeLaurentis gave these remarks at a U.N. Security Council meeting in New York
Ambassador DeLaurentis. I'll begin by thanking the Secretary-General and the Department of Political Affairs for their report. I also thank the Secretary-General's Special Representative, Abou Moussa, for his briefing. I would like to welcome the Secretary General of the Economic Community of Central African States, the Permanent Observer of the African Union to the UN, and our colleagues from the Central African Republic and South Sudan.
Mr. President, the Lord's Resistance Army is one of the most brutal terrorist organizations on the planet. Its leaders, including Joseph Kony, Okot Odhiambo, Dominic Ongwen—all under indictment by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity—continue to hold hundreds of abductees hostage, forcing them to kill, loot, and rape. There is no ambiguity here. The LRA's continued activity is an affront to human dignity and a stain on our collective conscience.
The U.S. Congress and President Obama have responded. As noted in the Secretary-General's report, and graciously mentioned by the ambassador of Gabon this morning, President Obama announced last month the United Nations∗ would deploy a small number of military personnel to the LRA-affected region, in consultation with host governments, to act as advisors to regional militaries pursuing the LRA. This deployment is in line with the LRA Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act, which was passed last year by our Congress with widespread bipartisan support. Sending American personnel in a non-combat capacity crystallizes U.S. commitment to supporting regional partners in ending this threat. Our advisors will work to enhance the capacity of regional militaries to coordinate and fuse intelligence with effective operational planning. U.S. forces will not engage in direct action against the LRA, but they will be equipped for self-defense.
The United States notes the importance of the continued leadership and cooperation of the regional governments in this effort. Over recent years, regional militaries have worked together to pursue the LRA across a vast area of dense jungle. They have had some success in reducing the LRA's numbers and keeping them from regrouping. The United States is committed to working with the governments of Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Republic of South Sudan, and Uganda, as well as the African Union and United Nations, to end the threat posed by the Lord's Resistance Army. With our enhanced support, we hope they will be able to make a final push to bring an end to this longstanding problem.
We will be working to ensure that protection of civilians is incorporated into operational planning. We are encouraged to hear that once again MONUSCO will be taking proactive steps, as it did last year, to ensure civilian protection over the Christmas period, given that massacres have occurred previously at that time.
Mr. President, as we work together to increase military pressure on the LRA, we also believe there should be a renewed push to get LRA fighters and abductees to escape and defect. In the last month, some 30 women and children have left the organization's ranks in the DRC. They are receiving food, medical attention, and transportation assistance to return home and unite with their families. Several of them are already at rehabilitation centers in Uganda where they are receiving support to reintegrate into society.
MONUSCO has done excellent work in the DRC to encourage and facilitate LRA defections, but no organization is yet playing a similar role across the border in Central African Republic and South Sudan. We encourage the UN to work with regional governments and other relevant UN missions to address these gaps and develop a coordinated regional approach to encourage LRA defections. The AU, through its Special Envoy, can also play an important role in this area.
The United States fully supports the important work of UNOCA in the Central Africa sub-region. We commend SRSG Moussa for his efforts in standing up UNOCA's operations and embarking on a very ambitious and substantive diplomatic agenda. We encourage UNOCA's continued efforts to enhance coordination of UN missions working in the region and advance cooperation with regional organizations, including ECCAS and the AU. We hope that UNOCA will work to establish a clear structure with focal points in all of the UN missions in the LRA-affected area, as well as the UN Office to the African Union to help ensure better coordination and information-sharing.
Mr. President, we join regional governments in calling on the remaining members of the LRA to disarm peacefully, come home and take advantage of offers of reintegration support. As President Obama said a year ago upon signing the LRA Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act, “We mourn those killed. We pray for those abducted to be freed. We call on the ranks of the LRA to disarm and surrender.”
Finally, Mr. President, we support the draft presidential statement which we hope will be adopted shortly. I thank you.
Press Release from USAID, November 18, 2011Footnote 5
The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), The Ad Council and GOOD have partnered to launch a challenge that encourages Americans to submit ideas for raising awareness of the crisis in the Horn of Africa. The individual or group that submits the winning idea will be awarded $5,000 from GOOD to implement the proposal.
Right now the Horn of Africa is experiencing the worst drought in 60 years, worst famine in 20, and non-stop violence. As a result, more than 13.3 million people are in crisis—a number greater than the populations of New York City and Los Angeles combined.
Despite the magnitude of the crisis, many are unaware of the situation. According to a national survey released by the Ad Council, conducted online by Harris Interactive among 2,226 U.S. adults aged 18 and older in September 2011, over half (52 percent) of the general public say that they have not seen, heard, or read anything about the drought and famine. To help raise awareness, USAID and the Ad Council launched the FWD (Famine. War. Drought) campaign, a major multimedia and public awareness campaign that aims to connect people to the relief efforts in creative ways.
“The partnership between USAID, the Ad Council and GOOD represents a new and innovative way for the government to engage the American people in our work. We look forward to seeing the creative ideas this challenge inspires, with the hope that we can take the best ideas to scale, helping communities around the world understand the scale of this crisis and the potential for long-term solutions to global hunger,” said USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah.
Proposals can be submitted between now and November 28th at 12noon PST at http://fwd.maker.good.is. Between November 28th and December 12th, Americans will be able to vote on which proposal should be implemented. GOOD will award the proposal with the most votes $5,000 for implementation. USAID and the Ad Council will feature the work on their digital and social media networks.
Statement by U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations Rice, November 23, 2011Footnote 6
Ambassador Susan E. Rice made these remarks in Kigali, Rwanda
Ambassador Rice. Good evening, everyone. Thank you very much for coming out and thank you for welcoming me to the Kigali Institute of Science and Technology. I want to thank very much and warmly from the bottom of my heart the Foreign Minister for her very kind introduction. Honorable ministers, thank you also for being here. I'd like to thank the Rector of the Kigali Institute for hosting me today and for all the great work that went into pulling this event together. And I'd also like to thank my colleague, Ambassador Don Koran, the American ambassador to Rwanda and his entire team at the U.S. Embassy for their assistance as well.
I have come to Rwanda to bear witness to the remarkable progress you have made against all odds.
Rwanda holds its own tragic place in the 20th century's grim litany of mass violence. As you know so well, the evil of genocide came swiftly, home by home, in the form of men with machetes, calls to murder hissed out over transistor radios, lists of innocents for slaughter. Deliberate, direct cruelties that still leave us shocked and shaken.
Rwanda did not suffer from so-called “ancient hatreds.” It suffered from modern demagogues: from the ex-FAR, the Interahamwe, Radio Mille Collines. It suffered from those who were willing to kill in the name of difference, from those who saw division and death as the path to power. And it suffered from the indifference of neighbors, international institutions, and individual governments—including my own—that failed to act in the face of a vast, unfolding evil.
Tomorrow, I will take my husband and two children to the genocide memorial here in Kigali, so they can experience what I have learned in my prior visits. We will pay our respects both to those forever lost and to the brave survivors, who challenge us all even to comprehend their enduring sacrifices and extraordinary strength.
Today, I am here as an American ambassador. But I also will speak for myself, from my heart. I visited Rwanda for the very first time in December 1994, six months after the genocide ended. I was a young Director on the National Security Council staff at the White House, accompanying the then-National Security Advisor, Anthony Lake. I was responsible then for issues relating to the United Nations and peacekeeping. And needless to say, we saw first-hand the spectacular consequences of the poor decisions taken by those countries, including my own and yours, that were then serving on the United Nations Security Council.
I will never forget the horror of walking through a church and an adjacent schoolyard where one of the massacres had occurred. Six months later, the decomposing bodies of those who had been so cruelly murdered still lay strewn around what should have been a place of peace. For me, the memory of stepping around and over those corpses will remain the most searing reminder imaginable of what humans can do to one another. Those images stay with me in the work I do today, ensuring that I can never forget how important it is for all of us to prevent genocide from recurring.
Here, after three long months, the genocide finally ended. But the destruction was hardly over. Up to a million dead. Another million refugees scattered across borders, including thousands of genocidaire eager to resume battle. Zaire was their rear base, and the refugees in UN-supported camps were their hostages. Rwanda, according to the World Bank, in just a few months had become the poorest country on earth. And within a few short years, it sent forces into neighboring Congo. “A frica's first world war,” as it was called, claimed millions more lives from battle and disease.
Yet, even as war still raged, another story was beginning to play itself out. The people and the new government envisioned a different Rwanda, one where reconciliation replaced division, where healing helped salve deep wounds, where self-sufficiency could eventually defeat despair.
Having endured the worst, you nonetheless aspired for the best.
First, you worked to address the past, so your future could come sooner. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda is finally winding down. Gacaca courts, adapting traditional justice practices to the overwhelming task of separating the innocent from the small fish, and the small fish from the most guilty planners and perpetrators, brought a measure of justice and reconciliation. Many former ex-FAR-Interahamwe militants have been reintegrated into society. Though much more remains to be done, the processing of cases, the commuting of sentences to community service, and the building of new jails have combined to reduce the number of prisoners by half over the past decade.
Gradually, deliberately, Rwanda has been trying to make itself whole.
Over time, you have implemented enlightened gender policies, advanced new development models, insisted on clean government, and made forward-looking investments.
You are living in the midst of astonishing change. I know that perhaps in the stress of daily life, it might not seem like much. Undoubtedly, you want more and faster change—more development, more opportunity, more freedom. And you deserve it. Your progress, of course, has been uneven, with economic development far outpacing political development. But, as you naturally strive for a brighter future, don't lose sight of how far you have come. To many Americans and other foreigners, what you have achieved in seventeen short years is truly impressive. It gives us hope and new models. It shows other developing countries emerging from conflict what can be accomplished with effective policies and committed citizens. South Sudan, Liberia, the Central African Republic, Haiti, Guinea, Nepal and many others would do well to take a couple pages from the book you have begun to write for Rwanda.
As President Obama said last year at the United Nations Millennium Development Goals Summit, when he launched our Global Development Initiative: we “seek partners who want to build their own capacity to provide for their people. Because the days when your development was dictated in foreign capitals must come to an end.”
Rwanda is just such a partner.
Starting with women. The genocide and war reduced the male population disproportionately, leaving a leadership vacuum. The government and international donors—notably the United Nations Development Program and the Inter-Parliamentary Union—turned this into an opportunity. Women were trained in parliamentary leadership, and 30 percent of parliamentary seats were reserved for women. Yet by 2003, women had won 48 percent of the seats in the lower house, more than a third of which were unreserved seats. In 2008, women as you know took an even greater share: 45 out of 80 seats, making Rwanda the only country in the world to this day with a female parliamentary majority. This puts the rest of us to shame.
Economically, you've made an astonishing recovery: per capita gross domestic product has tripled since 1994. The foundation for this growth of course has been agriculture. The government, with external support, has reduced soil erosion through terracing and tree planting. It's promoted effective use of fertilizers and pesticides, which has increased production. Consolidation of landholdings is slowly transforming farm production from subsistence to industrial levels, despite its complexities. Over the last decade, agriculture has grown at 5 percent or more per year. The United States is proud to play a small part in that growth through President Obama's Feed the Future initiative.
At the same time, you have seen your economy diversify. Eco-tourism is becoming a major success. The services sector is now the largest in the economy, growing at about 10 percent a year.
The driver of Rwanda's development is, first and foremost, the commitment of its people as well as the government to make development a priority. Combined with determined and able governance, a firm belief in innovation and entrepreneurship, and high-quality foreign aid that comes from meaningful and genuine partnerships; and a deliberate strategy for engaging the free market, this commitment is translating into tangible results.
Balancing all these factors is never easy. And let's be honest, no government today can claim to be getting it exactly right when it comes to economic governance and performance. Still, Rwanda is making striking progress. The World Bank's “Doing Business in 2012” analysis once again raised Rwanda's ranking: it is now 45 out of 183 countries. Not so long ago, Rwanda was ranked 141. That is a massive leap.
The World Economic Forum's Global Competitiveness Report now ranks Rwanda the 70th most competitive economy in the world; just two years ago, it was the 80th. The World Economic Forum gave extremely high ratings to Rwanda in three areas: participation of women in the labor force, the ease of starting a business, and the cleanliness of government. Today, I had the opportunity to visit Kigali's One-Stop Shop, One-Stop Center, the Rwanda Development Board, and saw firsthand that it is easy to start a business here in Rwanda. And Rwanda's policies aimed at rooting out corruption only make it easier. In its most recent global-corruption report, Transparency International rated Rwanda the least corrupt country in East Africa.
Yet, perhaps the greatest challenge of all, the one that takes generations to accomplish, is building human capital— raising up the health, education, and skills of a nation.
Rwanda has focused on primary education; thus, you are investing in the future. Roughly 43 percent as you know of your population is under the age of 15. Education spending has risen steadily as a share of Gross Domestic Product and now accounts for about a fifth of your national budget. The bulk of this goes to basic education, through the 9th grade. Literacy rates have risen already from 58 percent in 1999 to 71 percent in 2009. This year, the government proposed increasing free universal education from nine years to twelve and continues to invest heavily in teacher training to raise the quality of instruction.
Healthier children of course make better students, and my country has devoted much of our assistance to improving health care here. Whether you are measuring immunization rates or the use of insecticide-treated bed nets, healthcare practices here are improving. Basic health insurance is accessible to almost all Rwandans, which is more than I can say for the United States. The share of government expenditure devoted to healthcare has more than tripled since 1996. The mortality rate for children under five has, in just five years, been reduced by more than half. Yes. And thanks to agricultural policies, protein and calorie production have reached international standards.
Rwandans are swiftly becoming better educated, better fed, and better cared for.
As a small, densely populated, landlocked and mountainous country, Rwanda has few natural assets that can facilitate economies or fuel trade. So the government is looking to digital technology to build virtual ports and shrink the distance between Rwanda and the global economy. Information and communications technologies are critical to developing both the productive capacity and the human capital that together form the foundation for lasting economic growth. The number of internet users in Rwanda more than doubled in the last few years. It is certain to increase much more as the country's fiber-optic network—completed just last year—gets fully up to speed. Cellular and wireless access will help transform Rwandan society.
Advanced technology though does more than just ease communication. Most developing countries have sought to get their energy the cheapest way they can, which is usually the dirtiest: by chopping and burning trees, burning diesel fuel, or burning coal. Rwanda is taking advantage of technology and its own natural gift of water to build a hydro-power industry, which already accounts for half of the country's electricity generation. You also have projects underway to transform dangerous methane gas into a clean source of electricity.
As a member of the East Africa Community, Rwanda is helping build a larger market that will foster intra-regional trade, spur investment in infrastructure, agriculture and energy, and strengthen all of the Community's members by harmonizing policies and practices. Similarly, the U.S.-Rwanda Bilateral Investment Treaty, which was just ratified by our Senate in September, will solidify business ties between our two countries.
Rwanda's economic and social progress has also been accompanied by a parallel rise in its international stature—from a collapsed and divided state, to a respected partner in security and development. Relations with your neighbors have improved markedly. Even more, you've taken the terrible materials of the past and transformed them into a mission to bring peace.
Rwanda's peacekeeping contributions began in 2004 with the deployment of less than a couple hundred military personnel to Darfur as part of the African Union mission. Now, there are 3,500 Rwandans involved in UN missions around the world. While most of Rwanda's peacekeepers serve in Sudan, they have also proved valuable in Liberia, Cote d'Ivoire, Haiti, the Central African Republic, and Chad.
Rwanda has paid the ultimate price on these missions, losing its sons. And I want to send, extend my personal sympathies and those of my government to the families of Sergeant John Twahirwa and Private Samuel Ntakirutimana, who gave their lives in Darfur just a few weeks ago.
For Rwanda, peacekeeping is practiced not in isolation, but also within the context of development. In Sudan, Rwandan soldiers have spread the Umuganda work tradition. They've manufactured bricks to build schools, and introduced rondereza— energy-efficient stoves—so women will not run such a risk of attack while searching for firewood.
Taking its commitments onto the global stage, Rwanda is now the current chair of the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission. And it's been my privilege to work closely with your Ambassador to the United Nations Eugene Gasana in advancing that commission's agenda to help war-torn societies reconcile, rebuild and develop. The Peacebuilding Commission is part of a broad set of reforms adopted at the United Nations in 2005, including a new doctrine known as “the responsibility to protect.”
This doctrine requires that the international community protect civilians even at the expense of a national government's sovereignty, if and when that government fails to protect its own citizens—or, worse still—is attacking them itself. This is a concept with special significance for Rwanda. And as you would expect, Rwanda is known globally as a strong and principled proponent of the responsibility to protect.
Every situation is different, and of course each situation calls for a different policy response. Yet many of us heard strong echoes of 1994 when Muammar Qaddafi promised he would root out the people of Benghazi and go house to house killing innocents like “rats” as he called them. Just yesterday, as the Foreign Minister said, I was in Libya. And there, I visited a detention facility that Qaddafi's forces had torched before retreating from Tripoli. Over 100 people were killed by bullets and grenades in one small warehouse, and then their remains were lit on fire.
I knew from my visit to Rwanda in 1994 that such atrocities were likely in Libya, if Qaddafi went unchecked. I knew we should act, and so did President Obama.
Despite the risks and the costs, President Obama was determined not to sit back and watch another predictable horror unfold before his eyes. He knew that doing nothing would not only again stain our national conscience but also deliver a license to dictators to kill the Arab Spring in its very crib. He knew it would also send a terrible message about the international community's inability to act—even with a call for help from the Libyan people and the Arab League, even with the capability to stop a massacre that would have left tens, if not hundreds, of thousands dead.
My President refused to let that happen. Knowing a no-fly zone alone would be too little too late, President Obama ordered me to try to get from the United Nations Security Council a robust mandate to protect civilians, one that allowed the aggressive use of airpower to halt Qaddafi's advance. This time, the Security Council acted. And acted in time. Having failed in Rwanda, having failed in Darfur, it did not fail again in Libya. Within less than two days, American firepower played a decisive role in stopping Qaddafi's forces and saving Benghazi, and our coalition continued its efforts to protect the Libyan people.
Because we all acted, countless men, women and children were spared. Because we acted, the Libyan people had the time and the space to end the Qaddafi regime and start a new beginning. Because we acted, the international community gave meaning to the promises that have been made by so many so many times here on Rwandan soil—that we will not stand idly by when we have the capability to stop an atrocity.
That is also why the United States is sending military advisors to support Central African states as they try to put an end to decades of war crimes committed by the Lord's Resistance Army.
When it came to Libya, many African nations were silent, skeptical or even harshly critical of the decision to intervene to protect innocents. Not Rwanda. Alone among African nations outside the Security Council, Rwanda readily and publicly agreed. “Our responsibility to protect is unquestionable,” President Kagame said. And I further quote: “This is the right thing to do, and this view is backed with the authority of having witnessed and suffered the terrible consequences of international inaction.” So Rwanda has not just moved beyond its own genocide, it has consistently led by example, from Darfur to Libya, in standing up against those who would commit genocide or mass atrocities.
I have visited Rwanda now several times, and as always, I come here as a friend. This time, for the first time, I will be joined by my family. I want them to see your beautiful country and to learn what can be accomplished when a proud people unite in common cause. I want them also to witness and take inspiration from your achievements.
I believe as well that friends should speak frankly to friends.
Rwanda's economic vitality has moved the country forward. Social progress has been substantial. Yet, the political culture in Rwanda remains comparatively closed. Press restrictions persist. Civil society activists, journalists, and political opponents of the government often fear organizing peacefully and speaking out. Some have been harassed. Some have been intimidated by late-night callers. Some have simply disappeared.
Yet, the world is moving rapidly in a different direction. Across the globe, including in societies where the common wisdom was that freedom would never arrive, we're seeing people demand the right to chart their own future, to organize peaceful demonstrations, and to criticize their own governments. From an angry young fruit seller in Tunisia, the demand to be heard has spread across North Africa and the Middle East. It has been taken up in Egypt. Then Libyans demanded the end to Qaddafi's 42 years of tyranny. Today, Syrians and Yemenis are being killed by their governments simply for saying what they think about their leaders and their future. But they will keep speaking out, because they have a universal right to do so. And they know it.
These rights to freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, freedom to organize peacefully, are just as vital, just as inherent in Asia, in Latin America and in Sub-Saharan Africa as they are in Europe, America or the Middle East. As President Kagame said, and I quote, “The uprising in Libya has already sent a powerful— excuse me—has already sent a message to leaders in Africa and beyond. It is that if we lose touch with our people, if we do not serve them as they deserve and address their needs, there will be consequences. Their grievances will accumulate—and no matter how much time passes, they can turn against you.”
The deepening and the broadening of democracy can be the next great achievement of this great country and its remarkable people. In Rwanda, economic development and political openness can reinforce each other. This is Rwanda's next great developmental challenge. And, with all that you have achieved over the past 17 years, I am confident you will pass this milestone as well.
Already, you are an example to all nations of what can be accomplished. You are an example to all nations of what can be accomplished after disaster strikes. Nothing can bring back what this nation has sacrificed. Grief wanes, but it never ends. Yet, we also know that the living must do credit to the lost, by building the future they should have been here to help build. A nation, just like a people, can overcome. Rwanda is proof.
Nearly half of Rwandans today were born after the genocide ended. The generation that came through the genocide is passing on a country much more rich with possibility, healthier, better educated, and at peace. I am grateful to witness your extraordinary progress. And, I am proud to affirm that the United States will continue to stand with you, in friendship and partnership, as you take Rwanda to the next level of development and democracy.
Thank you, very, very much.
Press Release from USAID, November 25, 2011Footnote 7
The United States will host the International Engagement Conference for South Sudan December 14-15 in Washington, D.C., to honor the new nation and commence a development and investment dialogue with the Government of South Sudan. The conference will outline the Government of South Sudan's strategic development priorities and highlight opportunities for engagement with public and private sector partners. The conference will also include officials from the United Kingdom, Norway, Turkey, the European Union, the United Nations, the African Union, the World Bank, the International Finance Corporation, the Corporate Council on Africa, and InterAction.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and U.S. Agency for International Development Administrator Rajiv Shah are scheduled to speak during the two-day event, as well as foreign officials, development ministers, and private sector and NGO leaders. Participation in the conference is limited to invited guests. Portions of the event will be open to the press.
The conference builds on the U.S. Government's long partnership with the people of South Sudan. As the lead donor of humanitarian and development assistance for decades, the United States has helped to support the people of South Sudan as they establish peace and secure the strategic tools needed to build a nation.
The first day of the conference will focus on those development and policy priorities of the Government of South Sudan that will serve as the key architectural components for the new nation. South Sudan President Salva Kiir will articulate his vision for the development of his country, and Secretary Clinton will outline the U.S. Government's commitment to South Sudan being able to meet its development challenges. Government, private sector, and civil society members will discuss issues such as managing oil revenues, delivering valuable social services such as education and health care, strengthening government institutions, and building the country's human capital.
The second day of the conference will focus on private sector and investment opportunities in South Sudan, in line with the priorities of the Government of South Sudan. This will include discussions of high-priority sectors such as oil and renewable energy, agriculture, and communications technology. The conference will also include discussions of policies to develop a business-enabling environment, for example, through infrastructure and financial services.
Press Statement by NSC Spokesman Tommy Vietor, December 14, 2011Footnote 8
On December 14th and 15th, the U.S. Government and the Republic of South Sudan will co-host an International Engagement Conference for South Sudan in Washington D.C. to support the world's newest nation as it unveils its vision for development and economic growth priorities. The conference will bring together international partners, private sector and civil society leaders, to discuss opportunities for collaboration and investment in South Sudan. The conference is co-sponsored with several key international partners, including the governments of United Kingdom, Norway, Turkey, the European Union, the African Union, the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Finance Corporation, the Corporate Council on Africa, and InterAction.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton, December 14, 2011Footnote 9
Secretary Hillary Clinton gave these remarks in Washington, DC
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Secretary Clinton. []South Sudan's quest for peace and dignity has resonated around the world and in the hearts of the American people. In fact, American families sheltered and raised children fleeing from war. Our churches and our NGOs provided instrumental assistance, both on the ground and to those who had to leave their beloved country. Lawmakers like Senators Kerry and Lugar, Representatives Smith, Payne, Wolf, and Capuano, along with Sheila Jackson Lee, who is here with us today, made your cause their own. We welcome them and all of you who have made the long journey literally from South Sudan to be here with us, but also those of you who have made the long journey over so many years to help end a war and now to see a new state born.
And on July 9th, we celebrated as the world's newest country came into being. That is one part of the story. What we do today is critical if that story is to have a happy ending. We meet to help the leadership and the people of South Sudan chart their future. Now, President Kiir has laid out an ambitious vision for development, and I was briefed on the speech that he gave to you just a short while ago. And those are plans that we fully support. But I want this morning to focus on how the United States and the international community can partner with South Sudan to help create the conditions that make successful development possible.
What are those conditions? Well, first and foremost, real peace and security; an end to war; the opportunity to make it possible for children to envision a different future; transparency and accountability that will give not only reassurance to the international community, but most importantly to the people themselves—they have scarified and lost so much, and now they want to be part of helping to build their new country; policies that favor broad, inclusive, sustainable growth, and that commitment to inclusiveness is key. Everyone must feel that he or she has a stake in this future.
Now, the challenges ahead are formidable. You're here because you're interested, you're committed, but I assume you're also knowledgeable. You know there are great opportunities but some daunting obstacles. South Sudan is one of the least developed nations on earth. It faces a difficult, mutually dependent relationship with its northern neighbor. It is confronting continued violence in that border region; deficits in health, education, infrastructure, governance, the rule of law; ethnic tensions; a combustible mix of extreme poverty, natural wealth, and fragile institutions. And I would add also not yet as much of a change in attitude, an evolution in people's minds and hearts that they must move forward and they must reach out and make sure that they are working with others.
So a great deal needs to be done to translate the promise of independence into concrete improvements. Well, first, we must continue our work together to maintain peace and security, which are preconditions for successful development anywhere. While South Sudan and Sudan have become separate states, their futures remain inextricably linked. South Sudan's ability to attract and keep trade and investment depends on greater security on both sides of its northern border. Right now, conflicts in Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan threaten to spill into South Sudan. These issues must be resolved.
Reconciliation, agreements, negotiations between former adversaries are difficult. We've seen it all over the world. But we know what a difference it can make, and we know that it's essential if societies expect to move forward. Sometimes when you have been at war for so long and you have suffered so much, it's hard—mentally, psychologically, emotionally—to leave war behind and to say to oneself, to one's family, and one's neighbors, “Now let us build what we were fighting for.” Now, you cannot do this work without a willing partner in Khartoum. But the United States, our Troika partners, Norway and the UK, the African Union, which has done absolutely fabulous work in this arena, and many others stand ready to help preserve and finalize a hard-won peace.
Within its own borders, South Sudan's Government must complete the transition from armed struggle to nation building. President Kiir has rightly made it a priority to resolve longstanding local conflicts. And the United States will continue to support the new UN Mission's important work to preserve peace, safeguard human rights, and protect civilians.
Second, we must help South Sudan live up to President Kiir's pledge to build strong institutions, root out corruption, and promote transparent and accountable governance—all of which are critical building blocks on the path to prosperity. His five-point plan clearly articulates for the South Sudanese people how the government plans to address their needs. That's a good start, but, of course, as we say, the proof is in the pudding. What matters most is whether the government follows through on it.
And nowhere will the transparency and accountability that President Kiir has promised be more important than in managing South Sudan's abundant natural resources. We know that it will either help your country finance its own path out of poverty, or you will fall prey to the natural resource curse, which will enrich a small elite, outside interests, corporations, and countries, and leave your people hardly better off then when you started.
I stress this point because all we have to do is look around the world to see the two alternative visions. Norway, which has been such a strong supporter of South Sudan's independence, shows a way forward, how to put natural resources that were there by the grace of God into a trust fund that will support the needs of the Norwegian people for generations to come. But in Africa, Botswana also provides an example. Botswana put its diamonds wealth into a trust fund mechanism, and the money that was thrown off of that has paved the roads, provided clean drinking water, built schools. You can go to Botswana today and you can drive from nearly any direction into Botswana and immediately see the difference.
So the choice is clear, and I am pleased that South Sudan's legislature is already considering stronger auditing and anticorruption measures. And through the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and the State Department's Energy Governance and Capacity Initiative, friends of South Sudan are actively engaged in helping the government manage its oil sector responsibly.
I hope that when we, over the next years, go to South Sudan, we will see the roads built, the schools built, the clean water provided, the infrastructure. And every single man, woman, and child will be able to say that is because we had good leaders; we had leaders who cared about the people of South Sudan.
Third, all of these efforts contribute to the larger project of helping South Sudan create an economic environment that enables growth, attracts investment, empowers businessmen and women.
Now, we know that aid alone is not enough. Private enterprise must be there to create jobs for the people. Now, USAID and others are working with South Sudan on reforms that will help create that business climate that will attract and keep investors and businesses. What does that include? Transparent budgeting and tax collection, land ownership reforms, modernizing the health care systems. Just last week, at South Sudan's request, the United States Government modified licensing policies to allow U.S. investment in the South Sudanese oil sector—even when this involves the transshipment of goods through Sudan. We are also working to bring to bear two of the most effective tools we have to support private sector-led growth—the African Growth and Opportunity Act and the Overseas Private Sector Investment Corporation.
As we help South Sudan diversify its economy, we are especially focused on agriculture. Although its soil is fertile enough to be one of Africa's breadbaskets, most of South Sudan's food is imported. USAID has launched a major set of agricultural initiatives to change that—including a groundbreaking effort to provide loans to South Sudan's farmers. We also seek to partner with the private sector, which can provide advanced seeds and other technology that will help South Sudan's farmer increase their yields.
Fourth, none of these measures will be effective unless all elements of society participate in development, including underserved communities, ethnic and religious minorities, returning refugees, young people, political opponents, and women. And this starts with drafting a constitution that forever enshrines the rights of all people.
History teaches that failing to serve communities at the peripheries leads to instability. Two-thirds of South Sudanese are below the age of thirty, and the government will have to open up the political space to allow a young and diverse population to take part in civil society, a free press, and genuine political competition.
South Sudan's Government also understands that it must do more to ensure women's full participation at every level of society. The father of South Sudan, Dr. John Garang, called women the “marginalized of the marginalized.” Well, we want to help South Sudan change that, and we are tackling this challenge from different angles. The United States is including South Sudan in our African Women's Entrepreneurship Program. Earlier this week, we co-hosted a South Sudan Gender Symposium—and I am delighted that many South Sudanese women are also with us today. And the United States will be making South Sudan a focus in the implementation of our forthcoming U.S. National Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security.
Finally, as we help South Sudan plan for its future, its international supporters must think carefully about how we provide help to a government still developing the capacity to receive it. We cannot simply work in parallel. We must work together. And by doing so, we will help support these courageous, determined people.
Yes, the work ahead is not quick nor easy. But neither was winning independence. South Sudan defied the odds simply by being born. There was recently some stories about what happened to the tiniest of babies—I mean less than a pound, some as small as 10 ounces—that were born in the United States some years ago when we had the technology to keep them alive. Before that, there was no hope; nothing could be done. They would either die, or, if they survived, they would not develop fully. Well, we just saw pictures of 15, 18, 19 year-olds who not only survived but thrived.
Well, South Sudan survived by being born, but it does need intensive care. And it needs intensive care from all of us. And it needs all of those developmental milestones along the way to be reached. And the birth of a new country, like the birth of a child, offers a promise of a new beginning. It reminds us of everything that is possible and the potential that awaits. It gives us a chance to reflect on the virtues that are every bit as important in a young republic as they were just for the struggle to be born.
Well, I'm betting on South Sudan, and I don't like to lose bets. I don't make big bets, but I don't like to lose any bet. And so are all of the friends and partners and supporters and literally millions more who are in your corner all over the world. So we will work with you, we will stand with you, we will support you. We have come together in the past to deal with the tragedy of decades of war. Today we have a chance to raise up the first generation of South Sudanese who have not known and, God willing, never will know war. So let us work together to ensure that every man, woman, and child in this new country lives up to his or her God-given potential. That is our pledge and our promise. Thank you all.
Joint Statement by the United States and the Republic of South Sudan, December 15, 2011Footnote 10
The Governments of the United States and the Republic of South Sudan are pleased to have hosted the International Engagement Conference for South Sudan December 14-15, 2011 to highlight the national development vision of South Sudan and the opportunities for investment in the country. The United States and South Sudan appreciate the support and participation of the conference co-sponsors—the United Kingdom, Norway, Turkey, the European Union, the African Union, the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Finance Corporation, the Corporate Council on Africa, and InterAction. Senior officials from each of these governments and organizations participated in the conference, providing valuable insights and contributions.
At the conference, President Salva Kiir Mayardit presented a forward-looking development vision of South Sudan and emphasized his government's commitment to promoting a climate conducive to attracting and retaining new investment, including taking specific legislative actions and encouraging regional and international trade, especially in several key sectors. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton noted the U.S. commitment to partnering with South Sudan as it works to develop its economy and strengthen its institutions of government for the benefit of its people.
Participants in the conference saluted the people of South Sudan for achieving their independence in July and welcomed the government's early focus on and commitment to accountability, transparency and good governance. Follow-through on this commitment is critical to fulfill the aspirations of the South Sudanese people for economic and social development. The conference focused on several important themes central to this goal: responsible management of oil revenue and natural resources; effective social services delivery; investments in education, health and agriculture; human capital and institutional capacity development; promotion of women, youth and respect for diversity; and efficient coordination of international assistance. In addition, participants discussed specific investment opportunities in sectors such as oil and renewable energy, information technology, agriculture, transportation infrastructure, clean water and sanitation, capacity building services, and financial services. South Sudan proposed and participants agreed that investments, international support and development assistance will be linked to national priorities. South Sudan will engage the international community on a high-level dialogue to strengthen institutions to advance accountability and transparency.
Going forward, the United States Government and other key partners—including other donors, the private sector, and non-governmental organizations—reinforced a commitment to work alongside the Government of the Republic of South Sudan to serve as a catalyst for new partnerships and opportunities to assist in achieving prosperity and social development for the people of South Sudan. The conference emphasized that South Sudan must be supported in its desire for peace in order to enable it to concentrate on the needs of its people, who have waited long for the opportunity for a better life.
Press Statement from Secretary of State Clinton, December 20, 2011Footnote 11
The United States is deeply disappointed by the Democratic Republic of the Congo Supreme Court's decision to uphold the electoral commission's provisional results without fully evaluating widespread reports of irregularities. We believe that the management and technical execution of these elections were seriously flawed, lacked transparency and did not measure up to the democratic gains we have seen in recent African elections. However, it is still not clear whether the irregularities were sufficient to change the outcome of the election.
We believe that a review of the electoral process by the Congolese authorities and outside experts may shed additional light on the cause of the irregularities, identify ways to provide more credible results, and offer guidance for the ongoing election results and for future elections. We strongly urge all Congolese political leaders and their supporters to act responsibly, renounce violence, and resolve any disagreements through peaceful, constructive dialogue.
We have called on Congolese authorities to investigate and prevent election related human rights violations and we urge security forces to show restraint in maintaining order. The United States continues to offer our assistance and we stand with the Congolese people in their quest for greater peace and democracy at home and throughout the region.
