Background

In 1995 STTEP was launched, a few years after the husband and wife team of PhilipFootnote ⁸ and Julie Clifford moved to Pretoria from the UK. Julie was working as a violinist in the orchestra of the State Theatre, in the centre of the country's capital city, when the Mercedes Benz motor company granted funds for black orchestral cadets to join the orchestra and be educated as professional musicians. Yet there were no such potential cadets with even the basic skills needed to join the project. Julie Clifford, together with the then State Theatre orchestra conductor, Michael Hankinson, contacted some churches in surrounding townships, organised small orchestral concerts there and during these events tried to ascertain the wishes of the local residents regarding music education for themselves and their children. A group of 170 adults, mostly choir singers, were interested to learn Western music theory and staff notation. Many took their children with them to the lessons which were organised at that time at the State Theatre. Children became interested in the orchestral instruments which they saw there, and the idea of STTEP Music School was born.

Just less than a decade later, and with Philip Clifford having joined his wife Julie in running the project, some of the STTEP students were already aiming to be professional musicians. However, for most of the children, playing this music was and is just a hobby, although one which gives more meaning and flavour to their lives.Footnote ⁹ Regardless of their age, most students initially have very little or no background in music studies. STTEP tuition is started from basics. The main STTEP working day is Saturday: students arrive in the morning and then have individual instrumental lessons, orchestral rehearsals, music theory, history and aural training throughout the day. STTEP rents out instruments for a small fee: care is taken that learning to play an instrument is affordable, but commitment and responsibility for instruments must be shown.

Students come from townships and suburban areas around Pretoria and bus transportation to and fro makes the programme available to all. Despite the expense of the transport, as a large item of STTEP's budget, it has two important advantages: those children who come by bus attend more regularly than if they had to depend on other transport. Pupils who come from a wide geographic area are also able to mix – pupils from one township might not otherwise be able to cooperate regularly with pupils from another township, on another side of Pretoria.Footnote ¹⁰

Several of the more advanced STTEP players work as assistant teachers, in addition to continuing with their own studies. Here Ubuntu is seen at work as they gain important experience of tuition and taking responsibility, at the same time giving valuable help, for example in language problems between a white, non-African language-speaking teacher and a black pupil whose home language is one of the nine indigenous such languages in South Africa. Some older players still come to school to assist and play even though they are in their twenties and have already started their own careers in a different direction. They function as mentors for the current STTEP pupils, in very much the ways described by Kafai et al. (Reference KAFAI, DESAI, PEPPLER, CHIU and MOYA2008) where mentors gain experiences that connect theory and practice, participating not only as more knowledgeable peers but also as facilitators, advisors and observers and reviewing assumptions about their own learning and mentoring. In this way, a genuine ‘community of practice’ is found (Ilari, Reference ILARI2010).

Having provided a brief history of and operational information on STTEP, the theoretical lenses, through which the ethnographic and case study research for this article were viewed, will be described in the following section. These lenses were both specifically (South) African, as with Ubuntu, and international.

Theoretical framework

The background and theoretical basis for this article is very similar to that of the 2008 article by Van Niekerk and Salminen; the further work reported here was a continuation of that which preceded it. Research questions related to interviewees’ musical background and activities and probed differences between music teaching and learning in South Africa and Europe.

In addition to intercultural education theories (see especially Buttjes & Byram, Reference BUTTJES and BYRAM1991, p. 277), various social theories were considered. STTEP's activities were also viewed through the lens of the Ubuntu concept, a discussion of which is provided under that heading below. Expectancy-value theory appeared to become increasingly relevant as the results of STTEP's work were documented and considered. As a strand of motivation research, expectancy-value theory tries to offer a framework for understanding why individuals are sufficiently interested in activities that they believe might in future be important to them (see Pintrich & Schunk, Reference PINTRICH and SCHUNK2002). Four components are described: attainment value, intrinsic value, utility value and perceived cost of the activity. Although STTEP pupils’ music activities are highly subsidised, the monetary cost can still be significant for some. However, cost also refers to time and effort needed to practise instruments and attend lessons, rehearsals and performances.

Culture and power relations issues and their pedagogical relevance have always been considered within STTEP.Footnote ¹¹ This is particularly important after nearly half a century of ApartheidFootnote ¹² policies. The ‘disadvantaged’ pupils are nearly all black Africans, whereas the two researchers are white (as are most teachers in the project), and can thus be seen as belonging to the racial grouping of the previous elite, and oppressors of the black majority in the country.Footnote ¹³ However, the authors took heart from the ‘social turn’ of ‘the last few decades of educational research’, described by Belz and Müller-Hartmann (Reference BELZ and MÜLLER-HARTMANN2003, pp. 71–73): ‘This theoretical shift is in reference to the view that teachers, learners, learning, and teaching are always and everywhere embedded in cultural, historical, institutional, and power-structured contexts. Although these contexts bear significantly on the ultimate shape that learning and teaching assume, learners and teachers are not mere automatons caught in a tangle of macro-level forces; instead, their individual agencies are co-constructed by the interrelationships of their own desires, abilities, and histories and the particular mix of artefacts, cultures, institutions, people, and situations in which they are located and in which they interact . . . Social realism provides a theoretical framework and concrete investigative methodology with which to examine and interpret complex social action.’

Societal theory and social realism, mentioned above, are also linked to social learning theory, one of the salient variables in music preference. The issue of the music preferences of STTEP pupils, mostly black Africans, in a country where Gospel is the number one selling music genre, and Western music often regarded as Eurocentric and elitist, is one of great interest. Social transformation theory is clearly relevant in South Africa, with its political history and resulting social problems. These problems still obtain to a large extent, but music education can play a positive role in their amelioration.

‘Although education alone cannot change the face of many problems that exist today, it can influence the future by preparing the minds of young people to include a diversity of viewpoints, behaviors and values’ (Cushner, Reference CUSHNER1998, p. 2). Elsewhere Cushner (Reference CUSHNER1998, p. 6) notes that ‘School programs and practice teaching Eurocentric (or any other ‘centric’) experience, heritage, and perspective that exclude the views of others must be transformed, and young people must be helped to develop the knowledge, motivation, and skill to challenge and change systems characterized by discrimination and oppression.’ This article's authors may have been specifically concerned with the teaching of Western instruments and music theory to African children, but bore in mind that ‘Intercultural sensitivity is not natural . . . Education and training in intercultural communication is an approach to changing our ‘natural’ behaviour. With the concepts and skills developed in this field, we ask learners to transcend traditional ethnocentrism and to explore new relationships across cultural boundaries’ (Bennett, Reference BENNETT and Paige1993, p. 21). Furthermore, we endorse Schippers's note that musical identities can play a significant role in the process in which many societies ‘appear to be moving from socially constructed to more individually constructed identities’ (Schippers, Reference SCHIPPERS2010, p. 30).

The four approaches to multiculturalFootnote ¹⁴ education as identified by Eldering (Reference ELDERING1996) were considered: the disadvantage approach, the enrichment approach, the bicultural competence approach and the collective equality approach. The work in STTEP answers to the last three of these approaches, with the resultant advantages that Eldering describes from these foci. Although bearing in mind STTEP pupils’ backgrounds, we believe in using music in the way described by Skyllstad, in his chapter in the book by Jandt (Reference JANDT2004, p. 377): ‘Music, dance and theatre are important arenas for training in democratic participation and conflict transformation. The cultural crises we now see unfolding may be traced to our modern societies discontinuing these vital processes of social learning . . . Musical interaction creates social values.’

Helms's Racial Identity Theory, Banks's Typology of Ethnicity and Bennett's Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity, as explored by McAllister and Irvine (Reference MCALLISTER and IRVINE2000), were considered. However, no one specific model has been followed nor cultural understanding focused on ‘otherness’, as Leeman and Reid (Reference LEEMAN and REID2006, p. 58) note that educational theory has tended to do. We rather agree with Woodrow et al. (Reference WOODROW, VERMA, ROCHA-TRINDADE, CAMPANI and BAGLEY1997, p. 3) that ‘even theory . . . is culturally created and leads to different conceptualisation in different societies’. Later in their book (1997, pp. 21–27) they describe the claims of the theories of collective identity as ‘nothing less than obvious . . . it seems that the array of theories of collective identity is more a question of food for thought than a fait accompli. It is probably where social psychology and the disciplines with which it is associated . . . prove the least certain in the prediction of events and the prevention of crises. All the more reason for further work.’

Having considered the research questions related to the specific interviewees, plus general differences between South African and European music teaching and learning, in the light of social and inter-/multicultural aspects of education theories, expectancy value theory and the Ubuntu concept, the research methodology will briefly be described.

Research methodology

The basis for this article was ethnographic research and case studies, bearing in mind the strengths (‘[h]igh construct validity; in-depth insights; establishing rapport with research subjects’) and limitations (‘[l]ack of generalisability of results; non-standardisation of measurement; data collection and analysis can be very time-consuming’) of this type of research (see Mouton, Reference MOUTON2001, pp. 149–150). The second author's observations were made both in the field, while in South Africa, and subsequently back in Finland, analysing videotapes of her teaching and reviewing the detailed diary she kept while in South Africa. Data-based analysis of material gathered, as a whole, was done by identifying themes and then subsequently resynthesising these into a coherent whole, as described by Hirsjärvi and Hurme (Reference HIRSJÄRVI and HURME2000, p. 144). Later, brief questionnaires on Ubuntu were administered to both teachers and pupils by the first author, because of the clear importance of this philosophy revealed in the research.

The literature study was mainly based on material supplied by the founders of the project, the Cliffords, general background literature in fields such as education, cultural and musical identity, various social theories, Ubuntu and research reports during which STTEP pupils were utilised in music perception studies by other personnel of the University of Jyväskylä.

Background information about interviewees

Initially in South Africa Philip and Julie Clifford worked in their own fields, but having founded STTEP this became the main focus of both their working and private lives. Two other STTEP teachers of long standing who were interviewed were Snejana and Ivan Lazarov, originally from Bulgaria, from where they moved to South Africa in 1988. Both violinists, they started teaching at STTEP in 2002. The Cliffords were selected for open-ended interviewing because they were among the founders of the project, and continued with uninterrupted involvement. The Lazarovs were among the first teachers in STEPP and have continued their teaching, through all the chapters in the project's history. No other teachers have had the same degree of involvement; they come and go, and may see this teaching as merely a source of income.

STTEP's direction and underlying philosophy

Despite Mercedes Benz's original idea, STTEP's goals are not mainly to produce professional black instrument players and thus help the continuation of Western art music culture in South Africa – goals which are questioned both within and outside the country. The school founders have stressed repeatedly their main motivation – improving the lives of the pupils and developing their love for music – two aspects which are emphasised in varying degrees in different music outreach work elsewhere in the world. For example, in El Sistema, the National System of Youth and Children's Orchestras of Venezuela, ‘Its 200 youth orchestras have provided a haven from crime and drugs for young people in the barrios . . . the social benefits of El Sistema no doubt stem from the mere fact that it supplies some degree of structure and security in lives that had precious little before’ (Ball, Reference BALL2010, p. 7). The value of the music itself is also noted, but not to the extent of the title of an article on an American project: ‘It's All About the Music’ (Rauf, Reference RAUF2006, p. 4; see also White, Reference WHITE2008).

The direction the school follows is not only determined by its founders and fellow-teachers, but is also reflected by pupils’ perceptions of STTEP: this is clearly revealed in quotations from interviews conducted with some of them (Van Niekerk and Salminen, Reference VAN NIEKERK and SALMINEN2008).

Philip Clifford noted two important points: first, ‘whereas a small group of STTEP's pupils took from their work with Finns a true inspiration . . . too many others thought that they had got on to an escalator that would gently raise them to the top floor with no further effort . . .’ (email to the first author, dated 1 March 2007). The second point was: ‘Looking back on the last ten years, we see that musically we have travelled further than we foresaw in, for example, 1999; BUT it is equally clear that we should have aimed much higher from the beginning, and that we now have to pay specific attention to the development of our most talented pupils.’

STTEP's philosophy is clearly student centred. Most teachers try to accommodate pupils’ backgrounds and support pupil-initiated activity, and fusion music styles observed when pupils play together are a good example of the fruits of this attitude. Students are also asked for their opinions when important decisions are to be made. Yet the teaching methods and practical arrangements are very close to a traditional Western classical music school system – the background of all the teachers.

Musical activities

The STTEP orchestra works as an important social link between students from different areas and language groups. Instead of watching television, many pupils are now meeting their new friends and playing together during their free time. Encouragement in this is provided by the more specialised orchestra, known as AmAcademy.Footnote ¹⁵ Pupils can be selected for AmAcademy from the large, general orchestra, in which all play, from the very youngest beginners, every Saturday.

STTEP pupils are proud of their musical activity, although not all their friends and families understand or support them. It is their own progress that develops their self-esteem and many have found their best friends in STTEP. Zillman and Gan (Reference ZILLMAN, GAN, Hargreaves and North1997, p. 162) state that music is a primary objective of adolescents in industrialised society, and the large majority of STTEP pupils are adolescents. North and Hargreaves (Reference NORTH and HARGREAVES1999, pp. 71–84) suggest that adolescents often prefer styles of music to which they relate in their own subjective way, or within a social group to which they belong. Although referring specifically to listening variables in music preference, a key author such as LeBlanc (Reference LEBLANC1982) includes influence of peer group's listening preference, formal music experience, informal music experience and familiarity with music. All of these authors’ points are borne out by STTEP participants.

The music surrounding STTEP students is mostly Western popular music. TV and radio music programmes are closely followed. Many pupils, though, still also have contact with their more traditional musical roots. Traditional songs are sung on special occasions and rituals, as well as sometimes when friends and family meet. However, in some cases parents do not teach their children about their roots, preferring to ensure that they fit in well in modern, largely Western society.

Many students were first exposed to Western classical music at STTEP, and they have noted that they associated the genre with white people; not for them. However, after starting at STTEP they found this kind of music enriching their lives. STTEP's possibilities, friendly personnel and warm atmosphere are highly appreciated. A special flavour is also obtained from the school's international contacts, and the opportunities enjoyed as an outreach project of long-standing, also under the auspices of the largest residential university in South Africa, the University of Pretoria. This brings students into contact with the university as an institution, and its students as potential role models.

Western and African music education

As indicated before, the article's second author studied, taught music and also did fieldwork in South Africa for half a year in 2005. This experience showed some aspects of differences between Western and African music education. Both African and Western music education systems have a long history, but the way of teaching is usually different. In South Africa there are schools and projects, like STTEP, which are arranged very much like a Western classical music school system, but there is not a music education system in the Western manner as such among the indigenous people of the country. Comparing the situation between the European Union and South Africa, one notes how many South African music schools lack financial support, suitable facilities/venues, qualified music teachers and teaching material. This clearly affects students’ progress.

STTEP pupils have demonstrated in their community that they can play classical, African traditional and crossover music on their Western classical instruments. The boundaries are fading and interest growing, with the long-term prospect that when STTEP students become parents some of them will surely want to send their children to a place like STTEP which will then enjoy stronger support from the parents and community.

African instrumental music teaching concentrates on joy and experiences, not so much on rules, as in Western teaching.

Western classical music education tends to be systematic and precise, requiring great patience from the students, especially from the beginners. According to Julie Clifford's experience, music teaching in South Africa progresses more quickly in the beginning, with pupils at first concentrating on how to play the music and only later learning more about technical aspects:

STTEP students and their (musical) identity/identities

STTEP Music School students are no ‘Peas in a cultural pod’.Footnote ¹⁷ They are widely surrounded by global culture, and usually several generations of their forefathers have already lived in the city area. It would be naive to blame the hobby of playing an orchestral instrument for destroying their traditions. In fact, among the interesting fusions they have started to play are some traditional songs and kwela music,Footnote ¹⁸ using their Western instruments. It is clear that being exposed to different music cultures such as Western classical music and Finnish folk fiddelling has raised their interest in different cultures – including their own.

For the identity of STTEP pupils, their roles at the school or in the orchestra have become very important to them. A part of their self-concept has been formed in comparison to other players and to their role in the orchestra. In addition to forming real elements of the identity of the students, the hobby has also produced an important tool to be used in identity processes. Playing helps the youth in processing, adapting and analysing their feelings. Yet the contrast between a formal violin performance and a traditional relaxed singing and dancing event during a music camp is striking, and these researchers, plus other Finns involved in the project, wonder to what extent the pupils’ musical identity is yet solidly established. It is, for example, notable that playing orchestral instruments, some pupils have suffered from the same kind of performance anxiety familiar to many Western classical music students.

The second author noticed in South Africa that many music students saw violin playing as something special. Many held a violin in their hands for the first time and were really interested in making music. She found students motivated, excited, grateful and always ready to try. They were not so self-critical (if compared with European students) as to how and what they played; the most important thing was enjoying the music. The biggest difference between Finland and South Africa, she observed, was the understanding of what is a master violinist – due to lack of experience and standards of comparison, some South African students felt this could be achieved after half a year's study!

Further comparative aspects between Finnish/European and STTEP music students have been noted in research experiments conducted by colleagues of the authors, based at the University of Jyväskylä. In a study by Toiviainen and Eerola (Reference TOIVIAINEN and EEROLA2003), it was not surprising that the research results showed the African students not to differ significantly from the European group with respect to the mechanisms employed in finding the pulse in European melodies. However, results suggested that the African group utilised style-specific knowledge in deducing the beat in the African melodies.

A 2006 article by Eerola et al. reports on further research utilising STTEP pupils in comparison with 36 Finnish participants. A cross-cultural comparison was used to investigate the ratings of melodic complexity of Western and African participants for Western and African folk songs. This research suggests that melodic complexity ratings are influenced by musical enculturation, posing important questions in connection with the directions followed by the STTEP project.

Conclusions and considerations for further research

The results of the second author's research confirm the assumption that cultures affect teaching, which in the case of STTEP appears as different ways of teaching and different music education systems. Multicultural situations are indeed challenging to teachers and despite being aware thereof, the teacher's position remains very challenging as his or her own culture influences himself or herself. When meeting a pupil from a different culture a process begins where a teacher has to question his or her own behaviour and values and possibly leave out familiar things because of pupils’ different ways of learning music. This process often opens new ideas, gives a greater meaning to cultural understanding and develops respect. These multicultural meetings are educative for all concerned, where every person is both sender and receiver.

‘Cocooning’Footnote ¹⁹ is not successful in the maintenance, let alone continuation and development, of culture. This knowledge was the raison d'être of the initial Finnish development cooperation project with STTEP. Having survived for over 13 years, STTEP has proved itself remarkably sustainable,Footnote ²⁰ in comparison with many other similar projects. And in all this time, rather than having a deleterious effect on the students’ traditional culture, their involvement and identification with the music of an ‘other’ culture (if Western classical music can be so described) has actually awakened and strengthened students’ interest in their cultural heritage and traditions.

What can Westerners in general learn from the social, African way of learning and playing music when mistakes made could even be described as joyous occasions, demonstrative of shared humanity and not of shame?Footnote ²¹ If cultural outsiders are concerned about the ‘saving’ of traditional African music culture, can they not as well learn some elements from it, and apply them, too, within Western music and its teaching? The authors of this article envisage ‘Umuntu ungumuntu ngabantu’ as offering a great deal to education, and specifically music education, around the world.