Secretary Hillary Clinton and Secretary Yayale Ahmed delivered these remarks in Washington, DC at the signing ceremony for the U.S.-Nigeria Binational Commission

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon. It is a great pleasure for me to welcome Secretary Ahmed to the State Department for the official launch of the United StatesNigeria Binational Commission. Today, we are taking a concrete step forward that will strengthen and deepen the partnership between our two nations. The Commission will help us work together on issues of common concern and shared responsibility. And we hope it will support the aspirations of the Nigerian people for a peaceful, prosperous, stable, democratic future.

This new vehicle for cooperation grew out of discussions we began during my visit to Nigeria last August. And it reflects the commitment of the United States to this absolutely critical bilateral relationship. Nigeria is Africa's most populous nation, its largest contributor of peacekeepers, a significant trading partner for the United States, its largest producer of oil, and the largest recipient of direct investment by the American private sector in sub-Saharan Africa. So we have much to learn from each other and we have much to gain from working together.

The Commission will seek to make progress in many areas, but there are four key areas that I want to mention.

First, we will work together on good governance and transparency, which are essential to Nigeria's democracy and its prosperity. All over the world, we have seen that sustainable economic development that truly is spread equitably among the people depends on responsible government that rejects corruption, enforces the rule of law, and delivers results. The Commission will focus on electoral reform and election preparations in order to achieve free, fair, and peaceful elections in Nigeria in 2011 and beyond. And we will support efforts to strengthen Nigeria's democratic institutions and civil society, along with working with Nigerians themselves to fight corruption.

Second, the Commission will promote regional cooperation and development that creates opportunities and delivers results for all of the people of the Niger Delta. Part of that cooperation will be broader collaboration on security and counterterrorism.

Third, we will work together on energy reform and investment. Nigeria is blessed with natural resources, including oil and gas, yet electricity remains too scarce and profits have not always been invested in ways that benefit all Nigerians, particularly the poorest.

And fourth, we will focus on food security and agricultural development. We want to help provide Nigeria's farmers with the tools they need to feed their people and lift rural families out of poverty.

These four areas are mutually reinforcing, interrelated, and we believe working on each of them will help to bring progress.

Nigeria will soon celebrate 50 years of independence, an achievement that rightly brings great pride to the Nigerian people. But now, Nigeria, like many countries, must look to the future, and how to create conditions that will protect the gains that independence brought, guard against ongoing and serious threats to its progress.

I know firsthand that Nigerians are strong, determined, resilient, intelligent, but the past year has been a trying one for the Nigerian people. We encourage Nigeria's leaders to continue working together to address political uncertainties, to strengthen democratic institutions, and ensure stability and accountability. And I want to assure the secretary, the government, and the people of Nigeria that President Obama, the Obama Administration, and the people of the United States will stand with Nigerians.

So let me thank the secretary again for his visit, and I look forward to signing this framework to establish the Binational Commission. Thank you so much, Mr. Secretary.

Secretary Ahmed. Thank you very much. Madam Secretary of State, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, it is with deepest sense of responsibility, humility, and commitment that I stand before you to address you on this momentous occasion.

First of all, let me, on behalf of the government and people of Nigeria, convey our full appreciation to President Obama and you in particular, Secretary Clinton, for making this day a reality. I know the individual effort you have put in order to actualize the signing of this framework this afternoon. It is very important to us at this point of our history, when we are able, to show as a nation that we are capable of survival. The fact that we have gone through the last few months as a very strong nation indicates that we are a very strong democracy. For it is my belief that no country in Africa would have gone through this and would come out stronger than we did.

We are committed to contributing our quota, but in doing that, we must understand each other. The basis of progress in any part of the world hinges on respect and accommodation.

The United States of America is known for accommodation, is known for respect, is known for commitment to its human rights record, is known for peacekeeping and ensuring that the world is a safer place for all of us.

We will learn and will continue to learn from you. In doing that, our presidential system of government, which has been modeled after your own, would need to be assisted now and in the near future. You have highlighted some of the challenges that we face, but we believe they are not insurmountable because we are open to criticism. Much more importantly, we are aware of our role as sub-regional leader in Africa and a shining example of accommodation and making sure that everybody feels free in a country which is very, very highly complex in terms of multiculturalism, ethnic groupings, and (inaudible) leaders.

Madam Secretary, I am humbled that by signing this Binational Commission Framework, we will move forward in a more responsible way to enhance our chance of being a great nation. And I believe that it is more on our side to gain, even though, as you did say with the deepest sense of modesty, you are also going to learn from us.

Before I conclude my speech, Your Excellency, let me also express our appreciation to your government for having (inaudible) of the country of interest which you have now delisted. It is, in fact, very gladdening news to all Nigerians and all black people that people should not be just taken as a country, especially when we don't have history of state-sponsored terrorism. We are working very much hard on this and our legislations are going to prove that we'll be a very important partner in terms of fighting global terrorism and other vices.

Accept my warmest regards, and through you, Your Excellency, my personal warm regards to that very, very important American world leader, Mr. Clinton, and your daughter, Chelsea. I thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much, Secretary.

Moderator. The Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Government of the Federation are signing the Framework for the Establishment of a Binational Commission between the Government of the Republic of Nigeria and the Government of the United States of America.

(The agreement was signed.)

Secretary Ahmed. Very good. Good.

Secretary Clinton. Very good, very good. Thank you so much, and thanks to your distinguished delegation as well. Thank you, sir.

Secretary Ahmed. You're welcome.

President Barack Obama delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

President Obama. Good afternoon, everybody. I want to officially welcome the South African delegation to this nuclear summit and thank President Zuma for his extraordinary leadership.

So far today I've already met with Prime Minister Singh of India, as well as the President of Kazakhstan, and now we are meeting with the President of South Africa. I'll be meeting with the Prime Minister of Pakistan after this meeting.

The central focus of this nuclear summit is the fact that the single biggest threat to U.S. security, both short term, medium term and long term, would be the possibility of a terrorist organization obtaining a nuclear weapon. This is something that could change the security landscape of this country and around the world for years to come. If there was ever a detonation in New York City, or London, or Johannesburg, the ramifications economically, politically, and from a security perspective would be devastating. And we know that organizations like al Qaeda are in the process of trying to secure a nuclear weapon—a weapon of mass destructionthat they have no compunction at using.

Unfortunately, we have a situation in which there is a lot of loose nuclear material around the world. And so the central focus for this summit is getting the international community on the path in which we are locking down that nuclear material in a very specific time frame with a specific work plan. And one of the things that I'm very pleased about is that countries have embraced this goal and they're coming to this summit, not just talking about general statements of support but rather very specific approaches to how we can solve this profound international problem.

I wanted to especially single out South Africa because South Africa is singular in having had a nuclear weapon program, had moved forward on it, and then decided this was not the right path; dismantled it; and has been a strong, effective leader in the international community around nonproliferation issues.

And so South Africa has special standing in being a moral leader on this issue. And I wanted to publicly compliment President Zuma and his administration for the leadership they've shown. And we are looking forward toward the possibility of them helping to guide other countries down a similar direction of nonproliferation.

But I feel very good at this stage in the degree of commitment and sense of urgency that I've seen from the world leaders so far on this issue. We think we can make enormous progress on this. And this then becomes part and parcel of the broader focus that we've had over the last several weeks, with the signing of the START treaty between the United States and Russia, reducing our nuclear stockpiles; a Nuclear Posture Review that has been released that sends a clear signal that those who abide by the nonproliferation treaties will have negative assurances, meaning that if they're abiding by their obligations, then they will not be targeted for potential nuclear weapons. And this then becomes a central part of a process that is probably the most urgent one and one that we're most concerned with in the short term.

So, thank you again, Mr. President, for your participation and your leadership. Thank you.

Thank you, everybody.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Maite Nkoana-Mashabane delivered these remarks in Washington, DC upon signing a Memorandum of Understanding Establishing the U.S.-South Africa Dialogue

Secretary Clinton. Well, this is such a great personal pleasure for me to welcome my friend and colleague, the foreign minister of South Africa. And I just can't thank her enough for the gracious hospitality that she extended to me when I first came shortly after her tenure began and we were both new foreign ministers together. I cannot match the wonderful dinner, dancing, and singing she made me do when we were together. But I could give her a meal, at least.

The partnership between the United States and South Africa is grounded in mutual respect and mutual interest. We have a lot to learn from each other and we have so much we can accomplish together. South Africa's leadership is critical to the prosperity and security of the South African people and to Africa and the world. Its sound fiscal policies and commitment to sustainable economic development provide a model for the region. And South Africa's willingness to embrace political reconciliation and adopt a modern and progressive constitution, to diversify its economy, to empower women as citizens and entrepreneurs, and to work with its neighbors to advance regional stability, have all contributed to expanded trade, rising investment, new jobs, a dynamic economy, and a more equitable society.

During my visit last August, the foreign minister and I discussed launching a strategic dialogue that would expand bilateral cooperation and engage our entire governments. So in between the times we were meeting, there would be a lot of work going on to develop relationships, to identify areas of mutual concern, problems that we could work on together. And I'm pleased that today, we're taking a significant step toward making that vision a reality.

This memorandum of understanding represents the breadth of our partnership and the strength of our friendship. It establishes the framework, guidelines, and priorities for a strategic dialogue that will focus on the full range of our common concerns, including but not limited to health, education, food security, trade and investment, nonproliferation, and disarmament. This is the culmination of a very productive year.

As a member of the G-20, South Africa is a crucial economic player. And we have worked together to respond to the worldwide recession. Last year in Pretoria, the minister proposed establishing a joint business council to strengthen our bilateral, economic, and trade relations. And in September, during the Corporate Council on Africa meetings, we reestablished the U.S.-South Africa Business Council through another memorandum of understanding.

Energy continues to be a key concern for both our nations. Secretary of Energy Chu and South African Minister of Energy Peters have signed an agreement to boost cooperation in research and development of nuclear energy. And just two days ago, Minister Peters and Deputy Secretary of Energy Poneman launched U.S.-South Africa energy dialogues. And our teams also worked closely together at the climate change talks in Copenhagen.

And I've never had the chance to say this publicly before, Minister, but President Zuma played a very constructive role, both in the large meetings and in that very small meeting that President Obama and I crashed that—led to the accord that came out of Copenhagen. But President Zuma was extremely helpful in that process.

Last fall, we launched a nonproliferation and disarmament dialogue which laid the groundwork for our successful collaboration at this week's Nuclear Security Summit. And we were, again, very pleased that President Zuma could participate in this excellent summit, and I was a participant in the bilateral meeting between our two presidents on Sunday. And as one of only—I think one of the only nations that have voluntarily dismantled its nuclear arms program, South Africa brings great leadership to this cause.

We've continued to work together on HIV/AIDS, especially through PEPFAR, and we are collaborating closely on security for the upcoming World Cup. And President Obama was very proud to tell President Zuma that we know that the largest number of tickets bought so far from outside of South Africa are Americans. So we are looking forward to that. And later, I will ask the minister to sign with me a soccer ball as a surprise gift to one of my aides who is soccer-crazy and is going to the World Cup.

So thank you, Madam Minister, for your leadership, and I look forward to working closely with you and strengthening the ties even more between our two nations.

Foreign Minister Nkoana-Mashabane. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much.

Foreign Minister Nkoana-Mashabane. Thank you. Thank you. Well, Your Excellency, Madam State Secretary, Hillary, friend and colleague, permit me on behalf of our government to congratulate you on the successful nuclear summit convened by your good self and President Obama.

I would like to take this opportunity to once again—to assure you of our government's commitment to ensuring that this collaboration with your good country and other stakeholders, important stakeholders who came to the summit achieved—that we all achieve the ultimate goal of disarmament, nonproliferation, most importantly, the peaceful use of nuclear energy. That can be attained if we work together. I'm quite pleased with the work that our Energy Secretary and Minister Peters have so far committed to.

I would also want to say to you that I'm very pleased that your good self, as the State Secretary, and I could schedule time to meet, though we're still recovering from this hectic schedule for the past two days with our bosses, following on—also on the sidelines of this very important summit, a very, very important bilateral meeting that our two presidents held. It was, for the first time in the 10 months of President Zuma's ascent to the leadership of South Africa, that would come to this wonderful country and have President Obama saying we are here with you for the long haul, we will be here with you, we will support your five key priority areas, and make sure that your government succeeds, that we will continue to work together in the multilateral fora.

This I've never had before where there is unconditional commitment to work with us to make South Africa, our region in Africa, a better place for security and development. I can assure you that we're quite pleased that you've sent us one of your very best ambassadors.

Secretary Clinton. That's what he told you to say.

Foreign Minister Nkoana-Mashabane. Yeah, yeah, yeah. See, it's one thing to try and encourage the ambassador to do his work, but (inaudible) find him ready. I can also tell you that he attends all our important parliamentary sessions. I always look out and see him sitting there listening attentively. So he's really a good friend of South Africa. I also want to take this opportunity to say to you, a good friend, that we've completed our processes of selection of an ambassador to come and represent us. And I can assure Ambassador Gips that he's equally a good match for him.

I'm also quite heartened by the fact that as we work together to keep Africa safe and a place where development will take place unhindered, we also hope to achieve our millennium development goals working in partnership with you. I am really quite heartened by the warm rapport that you and I have established in this very short period of time that have been working together. And I am committing myself to continuing working with you. As I said as I was signing the book there, to use both our passions and our love for our people to improve the lot of our people in both countries.

The MOU that we are signing today of strategic dialogue between ourselves will help us to continue to coordinate activities of all our departments, and above everything else, to just do a catch-up of the time lost. You know what I'm talking about. Our working groups have not been good to do at what they had intended to, and among the working groups that will be working under us from other (inaudible) departments, key to them would be health, as you said, education, working with you to get access to your technology in improving the lot, particularly yield per hectare in terms of agriculture, to reach out to (inaudible) produce, but also to improve on rural development. Because South Africa, Africa has the potential to provide food security to our people in the continent, but also to the world. We really cannot continue to become the net importer of food products when our people are best in doing exactly the same.

I really don't want to waste our time in repeating the good words you've said about the collaboration and cooperation that took place between our two presidents in Copenhagen. (Inaudible) when you called that strategic tactics, it had to have been. So the accord came into being and actually saved the day, because if it didn't happen, our people would have come back home empty-handed.

I want to repeat, Madam Secretary, that we look forward to continuing working with you, indeed, in our peace efforts, particularly conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction in many of our countries in Africa. And we think that your commitment to work with us would help us achieve that through the AU mechanisms.

Yes, we wish we could receive President Obama in South Africa. When our two presidents met, he said—President Obama said he really would have loved to be part of this soccer spectacular. I call it our greatest party, the greatest spectacle that will be taking place for the first time on African soil, where South Africa chose just to be the theater. And we're pleased that with this partnership, the Americans have chosen to come to Africa in large numbers, but we would have been pleased if President Obama could come. I remember him saying that if—he would maybe consider coming if the American team goes to the quarterfinals—might come if they reach the semifinals and will come if they are—

Secretary Clinton. That's right.

Foreign Minister Nkoana-Masha-bane.—to the finals.

Secretary Clinton. I was a witness.

Foreign Minister Nkoana-Mashabane. But we will appreciate that, even if he doesn't afford to come because of other commitments. We would be more than keen to receive the Vice President. He didn't put any conditionalities. I'm sure he would be happy just to be there and be part of this excitement. We are really quite pleased that, like a true friend, you've reached out to us to help us as we prepare particularly the security sector, preparing for a incident-free (inaudible) World Cup in South Africa. And we are quite happy—our security sector is very happy with the collaboration that we are getting from your good selves.

As for South Africa's performance, Bafana Bafana, President Zuma says he still hope and wish and believe that Bafana Bafana can surprise many skeptics and remain just there, but—well, if all goes well, maybe we'll see the finals between Bafana Bafana and the Americans.

Once again, dear friend and colleague, let me thank you most heartily on behalf of myself and our delegation that within seven months since you came and celebrated with us, the Women's Day in South Africa, and that we were blessed with the presence of many of our stalwarts and veterans of the women's struggle for emancipation—(inaudible) emancipation in South Africa, they are still talking about your warmth and the time they spend with you. I don't get to invite them every day. They don't accept my invitation all the time. I took advantage of your presence and we had good fun.

I believe that there's just so much passion and energy, as I said, to work for people that, in hardly seven short months, here we are, coming in here today to sign this very, very important MOU, which really would assist us to accomplish a lot in making sure that we coordinate all the work done by our (inaudible) departments to make sure that this relationship realizes its full potential.

Let me say in closing that—count on me to continue supporting you on your efforts in Haiti. We're also trying to do our bit because Haiti means a lot to many of us in the African continent—the first republic run by black people in the Western Hemisphere 200 years ago. They remain a torchbearer for us and we don't want Haiti to sink. But in you as their neighbor, we think they will not. And count on us to support you.

(Inaudible), when you thank a good friend for hospitality, you say (inaudible). In my mother tongue, we say (inaudible). All I'm saying is that I'm going to become a regular visitor, so remember that—just to remain patient with me, because you and I have a lot to do together. I thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much.

Foreign Minister Nkoana-Mashabane. Thank you. Thanks. Thank you.

Moderator. The Secretary of State and the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation are signing a memorandum of understanding for the establishment of a bilateral strategic dialogue between the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the United States of America.

(The memorandum of understanding was signed.)

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Kamel Morjane delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, I am pleased to welcome to the State Department Tunisia's foreign minister. Minister Morjane is an experienced diplomat. He has a great deal of knowledge about the relationship between our two countries and the work and the role that Tunisia is playing not only in the region but more broadly. So we have a lot to talk about, and I am looking forward to our conversation.

Foreign Minister Morjane. Thank you, Madam. Thank you, thank you. I must say that I am honored and pleased to be here, especially to meet with Her Excellency Mrs. Clinton. I think we all know the good relations which exist between our two countries for a long time. Some people are saying it go back to two centuries.

Secretary Clinton. That's right.

Foreign Minister Morjane. And this is mainly for me a mission in order to see how we can reinforce this relation in all fields and in all domains, because we want this relation to be a strategic partnership between our two nations. I'm very pleased, Madam, and thank you for the invitation.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. My pleasure, Minister. Thank you all very much.

Deputy Secretary Neal Wolin delivered this speech to the Corporate Council on Africa

Deputy Secretary Wolin. Good evening and thank you for that kind introduction, Steve. The work that the Council is doing to build business links between the United States and African countries is vital, and I appreciate the opportunity to address this group this evening.

When I spoke at CCA's U.S.-Africa Business Summit last September, we were still assessing the impact of the global economic crisis on Africa. Steep declines in commodity prices, the prospect of fewer remittances, and a drop in capital inflows threatened to undermine the nearly decade long economic expansion in sub-Saharan Africa. Leaders were bracing for a dramatic setback.

Six months later, some of these concerns have been borne out. The IMF estimates that Sub-Saharan Africa grew by only 2 percent in 2009 after averaging more than 5 percent for the last five years. Africa's three largest economies—South Africa, Nigeria and Angola—accounted for the bulk of the decline.

And there has been a significant social cost to the crisis. While we can't know precisely how many people have been pushed into poverty by the crisis, the slowdown clearly reversed some of the gains of recent years.

As elsewhere in the world, including here in the U.S., we have work to do— together—to repair the damage of the past two years.

But at the same time, there are reasons for optimism. The financial sectors of most sub-Saharan African countries largely escaped the turmoil that ravaged our financial system. Low-income countries, while experiencing a lower rate of growth, did not go into recession. And the IMF predicts growth of almost 5 percent this year and almost 6 percent in 2011.

Much of the credit for the quick rebound in African economies can be attributed to the foresight of Africa's finance ministers and central bank governors. In countries like Uganda, Tanzania, and Mozambique, sound economic policies adopted in recent years reduced government deficits and inflation and facilitated the flow of more credit to the private sector, fueling more robust domestic demand.

So even as we work to repair the damage of the crisis—here in the U.S., in Africa, and around the world—now is the time to look beyond repair and recovery. With a rebound on the horizon, now is the time to get to work building the foundation for long-term, sustainable growth in sub-Saharan Africa. And that means confronting two basic, unavoidable challenges: infrastructure and environmental sustainability.

Everyone in this room recognizes that Africa's acute infrastructure deficit is a significant constraint on growth and direct investment.

When I visited Rwanda last November, I was struck by the vibrancy of the economy. Rwanda has quadrupled exports over the past ten years, led by large increases in its agricultural production, particularly in the coffee and tea sectors. But the country's growth is held back by the high costs of exporting its goods—50 percent higher, according to the World Bank, than the already high African average. President Kagame speaks—with understandable urgency—about the need to construct a modern rail link between Kigali and the port of Dar Es Salaam.

On the other end of that trade route, in Dar Es Salaam, I saw tremendous lost opportunity as well. Traffic jams on the roads into and out of Dar make the DC Beltway look tame. Ships stretched out for miles along the Tanzanian coast waiting to enter the port of Dar because of antiquated port facilities and burdensome customs procedures.

In South Africa, too, the costs of inadequate infrastructure were clear. I visited the factory of a South African manufacturer who needed reliable grid power in order to power a high tech industrial coating process. But he was deeply concerned about the reliability of South Africa's grid after the brownouts the country experienced in 2008.

Meeting the vast infrastructure needs of sub-Saharan African countries will require substantial investments, and the United States Government is committed to doing its part. Of the $5.1 billion that the Millennium Challenge Corporation is investing in Sub-Saharan Africa, $3.5 billion will go to infrastructure. The Overseas Private Investment Corporation has invested nearly $900 million in African infrastructure. The United States ExportImport Bank has completed approximately $1 billion of infrastructure-related transactions in the last 5 years, including a $350 million loan to support rural electrification in Ghana. USAID is also playing a leading role to bring infrastructure deals to closure and create a favorable investment environment.

Alongside those public investments, the private sector is an important part of the solution.

One of the biggest success stories in Africa has been the rapid expansion of cell phone services, led by private African companies.

Everyone in this room recognizes that Africa's acute infrastructure deficit is a significant constraint on growth and direct investment.

We have seen the private sector exploring exciting new opportunities in the energy sector, too. I visited an innovative pilot power project on Lake Kivu that removes methane from the lake's depths and converts it to badly needed clean power. A U.S. energy company is helping to scale that pilot up to produce 100 megawatts— significantly increasing Rwanda's generating capacity.

And in Mozambique, the private sector is investing more than $15 billion in major hydro power generation and transmission projects that will help meet not only Mozambique's power needs but those of her neighbors.

Between public commitments of assistance and increasingly important public-private partnerships, African nations will have strong support as they work to tackle the infrastructure challenge.

Of course, resources alone will not guarantee success. Strong governance and accountability are equally important—to ensure that public and private investors alike can be confident in committing their capital.

And at the same time, everyone with an interest in building Africa's infrastructure—African nations, donor nations, private investors—has a responsibility to ensure that infrastructure development does not come at the price of environmental sustainability.

Environmental responsibility should not—must not—not be viewed as a barrier to development. To the contrary, environmental responsibility is vital to the growth and well being of African economies, where the livelihoods of so many remain closely tied to the land.

Approximately 70 percent of families in Africa are dependent on agriculture in one way or another. Achieving meaningful reductions in poverty in Africa will require significant increases in the productivity of Africa's smallholder farmers.

This Administration is ready to help committed African governments achieve that goal. The President has pledged to spend at least $3.5 billion over the next three years on agricultural development. Just last week, Secretary Geithner, his counterparts from Spain, Canada and Korea, as well as Bill Gates launched a new multi-donor trust fund focused on the agricultural sector of low-income countries, and we anticipate that a number of African nations will tap into this fund.

But efforts to improve agricultural production and food security in many African countries and regions are likely to be severely compromised by climate change and climate variability. We have already seen millions of people in East Africa face food shortages as a result of severe droughts that have increased in severity since the mid-1990s. While climate projections involve a great deal of uncertainty, we cannot afford to be complacent.

That is why, in his speech to the Ghanaian parliament last July, President Obama challenged us “to find a route to high growth rates while ensuring environmental sustainability.”

The United States is committed to helping find that route. In 2010, our budget contains $595 million to support efforts to develop and deploy clean energy technology in developing countries and we have requested 35 percent more for 2011.

We will support clean energy assistance programs to provide Africans renewable energy alternatives to burning wood and fossil fuels—wind energy in Namibia and Mozambique, geothermal power in the Rift Valley countries, hydroelectric power in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the development of regional electricity grids in southern Africa.

U.S. support to multilateral adaptation programs complements these bilateral efforts. The Climate Investment Funds' Pilot Program for Climate Resilience is providing financing to three African countries to help integrate climate issues into their development planning and implementation. The United States contributed $55 million to the program in 2010 and has requested another $90 million in FY11.

And the United States is channeling significant financial resources through multilateral institutions to scale up support for adaptation and clean energy activities in developing countries.

We are contributing to the Clean Technology Fund—$300 million in FY10 and $400 million requested in FY11—which is developing renewable, energy efficiency, and public transportation programs in South Africa, Morocco, and Egypt, as well as a regional program across North Africa to develop 900 megawatts of concentrated solar power.

We have asked Congress for $50 million in FY11 funding for the Program for Scaling-up Renewable Energy in Low Income Countries, a new program to demonstrate how the poorest countries can use renewable energy to expand energy access and stimulate economic growth.

And finally, as you know, the United States is encouraging the multilateral development banks to work with client countries to develop low-carbon energy sources and move away from more carbon-intensive sources such as coal.

These efforts to promote environmentally sustainable infrastructure development are vital to Africa's long-term growth. The United States is committed to doing its part. But again, there is also an important role—and, I believe, significant potential opportunity—for the private sector to partner with African countries and develop more environmentally sustainable power sectors.

Some of you have already recognized that opportunity and are taking the lead. In Kenya, a consortium of private companies is investing in a 300 megawatt wind turbine farm in the Lake Turkana region that, when completed in 2012, will provide nearly 17 percent of Kenya's total installed power. And a number of investors are looking to tap the geothermal energy potential of the Rift Valley.

Through innovation, creativity and commitment, the public and private sectors are already demonstrating that there is no inherent tension between economic development and environmental responsibility.

One more point: As I said here last November, success ultimately depends on African leadership. Without African leadership, nothing the U.S. or the international community does will be enough to address the daunting infrastructure, energy, environmental, and climate challenges facing the continent.

In order to attract private investment in low-carbon infrastructure, African leaders will need to dismantle broader barriers to infrastructure investment. In too many countries in Africa, lack of rule-of-law or nontransparent regulation leads investors to go elsewhere.

And African governments must recognize that they have a stake in preserving fragile ecosystems. In her Nobel Prize Lecture in 2004, Ms. Wangari Maathai called on African government and communities to recognize their role as the custodians of Africa's environment and the links between African cultural traditions and environmental preservation.

There are already positive examples: In Tanzania, the government has introduced new regulations governing small independent power producers. In Mozambique the government has begun to tap its enormous hydropower potential, about 12,500 MW, with the help of foreign investment.

By combining local leadership with American know-how and ingenuity, we can achieve a better future. I hope that this infrastructure conference—and future ones—will be an important part of this partnership. I hope it will remind investors that there are significant business opportunities in Africa and that this continent has enormous potential.

This conference is a chance to affirm that the private and public sectors can partner to increase Africans’ access to power while skipping the dirtier phase of development. Together, we must work aggressively to build the infrastructure that holds the key to Africa's infrastructure.

And we must do it while protecting and in some cases repairing the tremendous— and tremendously valuable—natural resources on which so many on the continent depend.

The United States looks forward to partner with African governments to achieve these goals.

Thank you.

President Barack Obama delivered this statement in Washington, DC

President Obama. We are saddened by the news of Nigerian President Umaru Yar'Adua's passing, and our thoughts and prayers are with the Yar'Adua family and the people of Nigeria as they mourn his loss. Tonight, we remember and honor President Yar'Adua's profound personal decency and integrity, his deep commitment to public service, and his passionate belief in the vast potential and bright future of Nigeria's 150 million people.

President Yar'Adua worked to promote peace and stability in Africa through his support of Nigerian peacekeeping efforts as well as his strong criticism of undemocratic actions in the region. He was committed to creating lasting peace and prosperity within Nigeria's own borders, and continuing that work will be an important part of honoring his legacy.

Under President Yar'Adua's leadership, Nigeria and the United States took steps to deepen the strong bilateral relationship between our two nations and that work has continued even in recent months when President Yar'Adua's illness forced him to step back from his governing duties. The Nigerian people and government should know that in this time of national mourning they have a friend and enduring partner in the United States and that together we will continue to work to address the common challenges we face.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, I'm delighted to welcome the prime minister back to Washington. We had very productive meetings last time when he was here. We continue to support the efforts for reform and positive changes inside Zimbabwe. And of course, the prime minister has played a major role in attempting to move his country on the right path. So again, welcome, Prime Minister.

Prime Minister Tsvangirai. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much. Good to see you.

Prime Minister Tsvangirai. Good to see you again.

Q. Mr. Prime Minister, how important or how significant is it that Roy Bennett was acquitted today?

Prime Minister Tsvangirai. Well, it's good news. It's very positive. As I've always said, he's not being prosecuted; he's being persecuted. So I hope that the persecution has ended.

Q. But there are many other steps needed to restore confidence in the unity government, right?

Prime Minister Tsvangirai. Obviously, obviously. There's more to do.

Q. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

Prime Minister Tsvangirai. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Today, the Government of Egypt announced that it is extending the State of Emergency for an additional two years. This extension is regrettable given the pledge made by the government to the Egyptian people in 2005. A broad range of Egyptian voices, including Egypt's National Council on Human Rights, have called for the elimination of the State of Emergency.

Egyptian Government also announced today that it would restrict the use of the Emergency Authority to certain categories of cases, and pledged once again to work to pass counterterrorism legislation and lift the State of Emergency. Any move to significantly narrow the application of the Emergency Law would be a step forward if it means greater protection of civil liberties for Egyptian citizens in practice. We are confident that Egypt can draft and adopt effective counterterrorism legislation that conforms to international standards for civil liberties and due process. And the United States urges Egypt to complete this legislation on an urgent basis and to rescind the State of Emergency within the coming months.

The United States understands the challenges that terrorism poses to free societies and we believe that effective counterterrorism measures can be based on legal principles that protect the rights of all citizens.

Testimony for the record before the Committee on Foreign Relations United States Senate: A Critical Moment: the CPA, Darfur, and the Future of Sudan

For five years, we have discussed the roadmap of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and what we are doing to support its milestones. Now that discussion is changing. In eight months, millions of Sudanese will decide their future as a nation. Next year, our current roadmap will end, and our path ahead could go in many different directions.

What does the future hold? The United States is committed to supporting the Sudanese as they invest in a better tomorrow for all of Sudan, and we have already contributed billions of dollars in humanitarian, security and development assistance toward that end. In Darfur, the Three Areas, and southern Sudan, our assistance has saved lives, improved living conditions, and given people hope that the opportunities of coming generations will be better than the last. The challengesare daunting, but we have a stake in Sudan's future, and we plan to continue our walk alongside our Sudanese partners through the end of the CPA roadmap and beyond.

Just weeks ago, the Sudanese people voted. The overall lack of an adequate enabling environment in Sudan largely prevented a credible electoral process from taking place. A national security act that bestows security forces with extensive powers to arbitrarily detain citizens without charge facilitated the detention of activists and the breaking up of campaign gatherings during the pre-election period. Political parties had limited abilities to exercise their freedom of assembly, and the press remained heavily censored. As a result, most major northern parties boycotted the elections, and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement withdrew its candidates from the presidential and most northern races. The elections took place despite these challenges.

The Carter Center said the process did not meet international standards, and observers noted widespread procedural irregularities that provide important lessons for all of us as Sudan moves toward the final phase of the CPA. We have yet to complete inaugurations and the final round of postponed elections-including in Southern Kordofan, where popular consultations are to take place-so it may be too early to make a final assessment. USAID will monitor what occurs once the National Assembly convenes, and a new government is formed. Will it really be a new unity government of multiple parties all working together? Or will it be politics as usual?

But, in setting a context for the flawed elections last month, we should not lose sight of the fact that, just six years ago, Sudan was in the throes of a brutal, bloody, two-decade civil war, that southern Sudan is still one of the most inaccessible regions in the world, and that its people speak dozens of languages and have had little or no experience with participatory democracy. Despite the significant shortcomings, the elections brought about increased levels of political competition and civic participation in the preelectoral period, and witnessed commendable efforts by the vast majority of poll workers, voters, domestic observers and party poll agents to make polling successful and largely peaceful. The Sudanese people, many for the first time in their lives, had a say in who represents them.

Now we must look toward the next, most critical milestones, the popular consultations in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile and the landmark referenda on Sudan's future status, and do what we can to ensure a peaceful post-2011 Sudan or an orderly transition to two separate and viable states at peace with each other.

THE SOUTH

Building capacity in the south has been the cornerstone of USAID's strategy in Sudan since 2004. USAID's goal is to help establish a transparent, just, democratic government able to deliver basic services to its people, whether southern Sudan chooses unity with the north or independence in 2011. The Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS) did not exist before 2005. Every government structure and system has had to be crafted from scratch. The committed men and women who serve in the government are not career politicians, nor have they benefited from the lessons, assumptions, and experience of a life lived in a democratic, transparent state. Initially, the GOSS had no offices, no pens, no paper, and no staff to undertake the most basic tasks needed for a government to function. But with our assistance, the key GOSS ministries have established systems for hiring people, for formulating budgets, and for establishing office systems. This has required tremendous dedication on the part of GOSS officials, who have been willing to roll up their sleeves and persevere through each one of these processes. Considerable progress has been made in establishing functioning institutions where there previously were none. Ministries are functioning, revenue is coming in, payments are being made, and a legal framework is being built.

Today, USAID is working with the GOSS to intensively address logistical and training needs to prepare for the upcoming referenda and mitigate conflict. We have concentrated our support on public sector financial management, and we are helping establish legal and regulatory frameworks that will facilitate growth in the private sector.

At the same time, USAID is continuing its development programs in the south to improve people's lives and provide them with an opportunity to make their needs understood, and working in close coordination with the GOSS to ensure that the gains are sustainable.

Southern Sudan has among the highest maternal mortality rates in the world-one woman dies for every 50 live births. Infant mortality is also unacceptably and shockingly high, at 1 death for every 10 live births. For years, USAID has worked to improve these indicators, expanding urgently needed services to 13 counties in the south. As a result, more than 2 million people in southern Sudan have improved access to high-impact maternal, child health, and family planning services.

Less than half of people living in southern Sudan have access to potable water and only 7 percent have access to proper sanitation. This threatens the lives of southern Sudanese-especially children-so USAID is working to improve water supply and sanitation facilities in four southern states and the Three Areas through borehole drilling, hand pump repair, and latrine construction, as well as hygiene promotion. USAID is also marketing purification tablets in 16 urban and semiurban market towns to promote better household hygiene and create demand for sanitation.

Improving access to education is vital to building Sudan's long-term human capacity. USAID programs focus on primary education, girls’ education, teacher training, and institutional development. Activities target out-of-school youth, women, girls, and other vulnerable and marginalized groups. They also enhance GOSS capacity to sustainably manage the education system and establish more equitable gender-based policies in education. As a result, Sudanese citizens have greater access to improved education services and English language instruction. They also have more confidence in the government's ability to deliver these services. Primary school enrollment has increased markedly-from 1.1 million in 2007 to 1.4 million in 2009.

To improve the south's devastated infrastructure USAID is rehabilitating hundreds of kilometers of roads and building electricity-generating systems across southern Sudan and the Three Areas. In 2009, seven permanent bridges were completed along the Juba-Nimule road, the entire road was maintained, and criticalrepairs were completed. As a result, travel time has been reduced from 6 to 3.5 hours between the two towns, and daily traffic has nearly doubled. In 2010 and 2011, the road will be paved, creating the south's first paved road outside the state capital of Juba. This year, USAID began implementing a five-year, $55-million project designed to ramp up agricultural productivity, increase trade, and improve the capacity of producers, private sector, and public sector actors in southern Sudan to develop commercial smallholder agriculture. A primary focus is helping smallholder farmers’ and producers’ associations to enhance production, facilitate marketing, extend agricultural credit, and promote post-harvest storage and processing technologies in high-production areas near improved road networks in southern Sudan.

However, make no mistake: the situation in the south remains volatile. Community insecurity and inter-ethnic clashes worsened in 2009, killing more than 2,000 people and displacing at least 250,000 others. An alarming new aspect of the conflict is that women, children, and elderly are now routinely victims of the violence. There are several reasons for these clashes. Southern Sudan is only very slowly emerging from nearly a half century of violent conflict. The GOSS is not yet functioning at a high enough capacity to protect the people who live in rural and remote areas. Rule-of-law institutions including the police, courts, and prisons are understaffed, ill-equipped, and only functional in major urban centers. Poverty and lack of economic opportunity is widespread, and small arms are widely prevalent among the civilian population, especially the youth in cattle camps. Armed youth are well-organized and well-equipped, with some operating in criminal gangs that lack respect for government authorities or traditional leaders.

The Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) also continues to terrorize the people of southern Sudan, killing over 200 people and displacing 70,000 during the past 18 months alone. We appreciate the efforts of Senators Feingold, Brownback, and Inhofe to sponsor the Lord's Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act and hope that the LRA will soon cease to be a threat to the men, women, and children of southern Sudan.

USAID continues to respond to emergency needs resulting from ongoing conflict and associated displacement in southern Sudan. Humanitarian programs include provision of primary health care, nutrition, agriculture and food security, water, sanitation, and hygiene services. They focus on mitigating tensions caused by a lack of resources or their inequitable distribution and ensuring the successful return and reintegration of more than 2.2 million people to southern Sudan and the Three Areas. USAID continues to prioritize delivery of essential basic services in areas of high population returns, while incorporating disaster risk reduction activities to better address long-term recovery challenges. Working closely with the GOSS, USAID humanitarian programs provide a vital link between relief and long-term development initiatives, while minimizing potential gaps in assistance.

However, make no mistake: the situation in the south remains volatile. Community insecurity and inter-ethnic clashes worsened in 2009, killing more than 2,000 people and displacing at least 250,000 others

To build up the capacity of southern Sudan, USAID is also a central contributor to the Juba Diplomatic Expansion, mentioned by Special Envoy Gration in his testimony. This diplomatic expansion in the Juba Consulate General will include staffing and material assistance aimed at expanding our existing foundation of long-term U.S. presence in the south, no matter the outcome of the January 2011 referendum. During the lead up to and immediately after the referendum, USAID personnel from the Civilian Response Corps will likely deploy as interagency subject matter experts to complement ongoing efforts to strengthen Government of Southern Sudan capacity during this critical period.

THE THREE AREAS

Stability is the most essential aspect of a peaceful transition in the Three Areas of Abyei, Blue Nile, and Southern Kordofan. In peaceful times, communities on both sides of the border share natural resources, trade and economic interests, movement of pastoral populations, and an array of local cross-border political and security arrangements. During the civil war, southern Sudanese communities that border the north suffered tremendously from repeated attacks by the Sudan Armed Forces and by northern tribal militia groups resulting in killings, burned villages, stolen cattle and repeated displacement. These grievances have yet to be reconciled. High expectations for visible benefits of peace remain unmet, and tensions and instability remain high.

However, progress is being made. Two years ago, people and local authorities in Kurmuk, Blue Nile, were disillusioned by the lack of peace dividends and tangible improvements in political integration, economic opportunity, and access to services promised by the CPA. At that time, it was quite possible that Kurmuk could return to war because many residents believed that they were better off before the peace. In 2008, USAID began a robust program that made $6 million of small, in-kind grants to Sudanese authorities, organizations, and companies for a range of activities including infrastructure (air strips, staff residences in isolated areas), reconciliation meetings, and expanded social services such as education (a large new secondary school), health (two training institutes), and water. We sought to concentrate activities in one place, implement them rapidly, support state and local government ownership and eventual management, and link to civil society to build capacity and accountability. This model resulted in a critical mass of visible improvements in Kurmuk that has changed the mentality of citizens who are now more contented with peace and with the performance of their local and state governments. Many of Kurmuk's residents now believe their government is committed to peace and development. They are also more confident that they and their government are better prepared to take on future challenges.

Simultaneous with southern Sudan's referendum on unity in January 2011, the people of Abyei will vote in their own referendum on whether they want to be part of southern or northern Sudan, regardless of the outcome of the south's referendum on unity. Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan will remain part of northern Sudan, but they will go through popular consultations to ascertain the will of the people on constitutional, political, and administrative issues. Both of these processes have the potential to have game-changing effects on the country. Abyei is a critical, resource-rich area, and its status will be critical to planning the future. And the popular consultations, if implemented well, could stand as an example of federalism and popular engagement that could guide Sudan in creating a new constitution when the interim constitution expires in 2011.

In addition to our ongoing humanitarian and development assistance programs, USAID has planned a comprehensive program to support these political processes, including technical assistance for administering the referendum and implementing popular consultations, promoting and enabling civic participation, and conducting international observation. The involvement and support of Sudan's national and state governments are critical for international efforts to be effective.

DARFUR

Since 2003, the crisis in Darfur has affected an estimated 4.7 million people, including 2.7 million people that were driven from their homes. The conflict in Darfur has evolved to include more local, intra-communal conflict and opportunistic banditry, with primarily economic rather than political motivations, in addition to attacks between armed movements and the government, and rebel-on-rebel attacks. USAID and the international humanitarian assistance community continue to provide immediate, life-saving assistance to conflict-affected populations as security and access permits. However, many needs remain, particularly in remote, rural areas outside of the camps. USAID provides support to conflict-affected people both within and outside camps through nongovernmental organizations, U.N. agencies, and U.N.-managed cluster-based humanitarian coordination mechanisms. We encourage partners to actively coordinate to ensure that assistance is complementary, comprehensive, and consistent, and that assistance provided meets appropriate international standards. USAID partners provide emergency relief supplies and implement emergency programs in a variety of sectors, including health, nutrition, water, sanitation, hygiene, food security, agriculture, shelter and settlements, economic recovery, protection, and coordination.

However, ongoing violence continues to significantly hinder delivery of humanitarian assistance to vulnerable people in Darfur, as do bureaucratic impediments imposed by the Sudanese Government. The increased frequency of kidnapping, carjacking, robbery, and inter-ethnic violence has caused a number of international humanitarian organizations to either temporarily suspend their programs in Darfur or relocate international staff from remote field locations to urban centers. In addition, despite peace negotiations, the Sudanese Government and armed opposition groups have restricted humanitarian access to civilians affected by significant conflict in the Jebel Marra region of Darfur in early 2010.

Following the Sudanese Government's March 2009 expulsions of humanitarian organizations, the agencies that remained- and to some extent Sudanese Government ministries-adapted to ensure delivery of life-saving assistance in Darfur. Although swift actions successfully averted a humanitarian crisis, service provision in many sectors remains challenged primarily by the reduced presence of the United Nations and nongovernmental organizations in many locations and poor access due to continued insecurity. We do not have the eyes and ears on the ground in Darfur that we used to, which hinders our ability to monitor our assistance.

However, more than a year after the expulsions, we are trying to shift our focus from gap filling to the evaluation of program quality and ensuring effective need-based aid delivery within the existing humanitarian context. The Sudanese Government has demonstrated a willingness to support some humanitarian efforts through primary health care service delivery and safe drinking water provision. As other critical needs remain, additional engagement and support is necessary, and USAID continues to support the United Nations in advocating for increased Sudanese Government support in all humanitarian sectors, including protection.

The expulsions resulted in a significant loss of capacity for humanitarian protection activities in Darfur and measurably slowed ongoing activities such as women's centers and livelihoods activities. Remaining relief organizations have continued to conduct humanitarian protection activities, including support for victims of sexual and gender-based violence and development of child-friendly spaces, and the U.N. Population Fund (UNFPA) has made some progress in garnering state and federal support for programs in sexual and gender-based violence. In North Darfur, the Sudanese Government Humanitarian Aid Commission has authorized the reestablishment of nine women's centers, and UNFPA has government approval to revitalize a women's center in a camp in West Darfur, including a training curriculum on sexual and gender-based violence.

USAID continues to seek opportunities to expand humanitarian protection activities and encourages partners to mainstream these activities within their ongoing and proposed programs. Some examples of protection mainstreaming include distributing food aid to women and monitoring vulnerable children after distribution; ensuring that latrines are well-lit, lockable, and separated by gender; and providing training for livelihoods that do not require women to walk significant distances from the safety of their communities.

While continuing to provide crucial emergency assistance, USAID has also begun to look toward opportunities for early recovery in Darfur. In areas of relative security, windows of opportunity exist to build on our current programming with activities that are more developmental in nature. Our early-recovery initiative will start several quick-implementation projects that aim to rapidly deliver benefits for selected communities, while building experience among local partners that will allow USAID to more easily scale up into a larger development program when peace and security return and the situation stabilizes.

CONTINGENCIES

With all of these uncertainties, USAID has placed a high priority on planning for contingencies and improving our ability to respond to them. Around the world, our emergency programs are designed to be flexible, need-based, and ready to respond rapidly to issues as they emerge. International Disaster Assistance funds are, by their very nature, flexible, allowing us to reallocate resources to respond to situations. After the March 2009 expulsions, for example, it was this flexibility that made it possible for us to rapidly shift funds to expand programs among our remaining partners.

We are also supporting an enabling environment for community security in southern Sudan. These efforts aim to address some of the root causes of conflict and put in place rapid, demand-driven responses to bolster understaffed and underequipped state and local government officials through the provision of equipment, training, and visible infrastructure projects. In Jonglei, a USAID-provided riverboat now allows a county commissioner to quickly visit villages that have become flashpoints for violence and work to resolve conflict before it erupts.

But perhaps most vital to our ability to respond to situations as they emerge is our long-term presence throughout Sudan's most volatile areas. Two years ago, Abyei erupted in violence that devastated the town and displaced more than 25,000 people. The Abyei area has long been a priority for USAID, and our ongoing presence there allowed USAID and its partners to rapidly assess the situation and provide essential emergency assistance to those most in need. With USAID funding, a group of USAID partners was able to mobilize and coordinate a response to mitigate the impact of the emergency because they were already on the ground, and because they had already spent years building trust among the local community.

Nobody knows for certain what the future holds for Sudan. In 2000, could anyone have predicted the extraordinary signing of the CPA and the relatively sustained peace that has followed? Could we have foreseen the sheer devastation that would visit Darfur and its people? Could we have anticipated an orderly census and elections and the opportunity for self-determination among a people who had only known war?

Twenty years of civil war not only destroyed farms, roads, and buildings, but also families, communities, and hope. Today, we continue our efforts to restore hope for the people of Sudan by giving them our commitment to work together to build a new future, full of promise and opportunity, and to walk with them to the end of the roadmap and beyond.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee, for giving USAID the opportunity to submit this testimony for the record. We appreciate your attention to Sudan and your ongoing support to our work in Africa.

President Barack Obama delivered this statement upon signing the Lord's Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act of 2009

President Obama. Today, I signed into law the Lord's Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act of 2009. The legislation crystallizes the commitment of the United States to help bring an end to the brutality and destruction that have been a hallmark of the LRA across several countries for two decades, and to pursue a future of greater security and hope for the people of central Africa.

The Lord's Resistance Army preys on civilians—killing, raping, and mutilating the people of central Africa; stealing and brutalizing their children; and displacing hundreds of thousands of people. Its leadership, indicted by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity, has no agenda and no purpose other than its own survival. It fills its ranks of fighters with the young boys and girls it abducts. By any measure, its actions are an affront to human dignity.

Of the millions affected by the violence, each had an individual story and voice that we must not forget. In northern Uganda, we recall Angelina Atyam's 14-year old daughter, whom the LRA kidnapped in 1996 and held captive for nearly eight years—one of 139 girls abducted that day from a boarding school. In southern Sudan, we recall John Loboi—a father, a husband, a brother, a local humanitarian assistance worker killed in an ambush while helping others in 2003. Now, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic, the people of Dungu and of Obo, too, have their stories of loss and pain.

We mourn those killed. We pray for those abducted to be freed, and for those wounded to heal. We call on the ranks of the LRA to disarm and surrender. We believe that the leadership of the LRA should be brought to justice.

I signed this bill today recognizing that we must all renew our commitments and strengthen our capabilities to protect and assist civilians caught in the LRA's wake, to receive those that surrender, and to support efforts to bring the LRA leadership to justice. The Bill reiterates U.S. policy and our commitment to work toward a comprehensive and lasting resolution to the conflict in northern Uganda and other affected areas, including northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo, southern Sudan, and the Central African Republic. We will do so in partnership with regional governments and multilateral efforts.

I commend the Government of Uganda for its efforts to stabilize the northern part of the country, for actively supporting transitional and development assistance, and for pursuing reintegration programs for those who surrender and escape from the LRA ranks.

I also want the governments of other LRA-affected countries to know that we are aware of the danger the LRA represents, and we will continue to support efforts to protect civilians and to end this terrible chapter in central African history. For over a decade, the United States has worked with others to respond to the LRA crisis. We have supported peace process and reconciliation, humanitarian assistance and regional recovery, protection of civilians and reintegration for former combatants, and have supported regional governments as they worked to provide for their people's security. Going forward, we will call on our partners as we all renew our efforts.

I congratulate Congress for seizing on this important issue, and I congratulate thehundreds of thousands of Americans who have mobilized to respond to this unique crisis of conscience. We have heard from the advocacy organizations, nongovernmental organizations, faith-based groups, humanitarian actors who lack access, and those who continue to work on this issue in our own government. We have seen your reporting, your websites, your blogs, and your video postcards—you have made the plight of the children visible to us all. Your action represents the very best of American leadership around the world, and we are committed to working with you in pursuit of the future of peace and dignity that the people of who have suffered at the hands of the LRA deserve.

Statement by NSC Spokesman Mike Hammer on Ethiopian Elections

We acknowledge the conclusion of Ethiopia's parliamentary elections on May 23, 2010. We commend the people of Ethiopia for their civic participation and note that the voting proceeded peacefully.

We are concerned that international observers found that the elections fell short of international commitments. We are disappointed that U.S. Embassy officials were denied accreditation and the opportunity to travel outside of the capital on Election Day to observe the voting. The limitation of independent observation and the harassment of independent media representatives are deeply troubling.

An environment conducive to free and fair elections was not in place even before Election Day. In recent years, the Ethiopian government has taken steps to restrict political space for the opposition through intimidation and harassment, tighten its control over civil society, and curtail the activities of independent media. We are concerned that these actions have restricted freedom of expression and association and are inconsistent with the Ethiopian government's human rights obligations.

As voting concludes and the results are announced, we call on all parties to reject violence. We await the final assessments of the electoral process from independent observers, and encourage the government to address in good faith and impartially any concerns and disputes that are raised.

Ethiopia and the United States have a multifaceted relationship and share a number of important interests. We urge the Ethiopian government to ensure that its citizens are able to enjoy their fundamental rights. We will work diligently with Ethiopia to ensure that strengthened democratic institutions and open political dialogue become a reality for the Ethiopian people.

President Barack Obama and President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

President Obama. Well, I want to officially welcome President Sirleaf to the Oval Office. I have been an extraordinary admirer of her work for many years now. I fondly recall the speech that she delivered in a joint session of Congress when I was still in the Senate.

The United States and Liberia are close friends, long-standing partners, and Liberia is now emerging from a very difficult period in its history. Part of the reason that it has been able to emerge is because of the heroism and the courage of President Sirleaf. Her own personal story obviously is extraordinary—somebody who came from being a prisoner to the first female President not just of her own country but also on the continent.

And over the last several years, what we've seen is a continued determination on her part to have a full accounting of some of the tragedies that took place earlier—making sure that the country is refocused on development, being willing to tackle corruption, which obviously plagues not just Liberia but countries throughout the continent of Africa. She has been committed to rule of law. She has made strides in reforming her judiciary.

And in all these endeavors, I want to make sure that the people of Liberia understand and I certainly want you, Madam President, to understand that the United States is going to be a constant friend and partner in these efforts. We are working with Liberia on a food initiative that will help to create greater food security and independence in the country. We continue to work with the Liberian government on issues like maternal health and education.

There has been extraordinary cooperation between our two countries in the issue of counterterrorism as well as drug trafficking, because unfortunately the western coast of Africa increasingly is seen as a place where drug traffickers internationally may be able to operate with impunity. And so on all these issues, we have been able to cultivate a strong partnership, a strong relationship, and I want President Sirleaf to know that that will continue.

I also want to commend her for her commitment to democracy. There are going to be legislative and presidential elections in 2011. And part of President Sirleaf's legacy is that she will continue to usher in a sense that democracy is the regular way of doing business in Liberia. And in that way, she can be an example for countries like Guinea and Cote d'Ivoire and Niger that I think can—should look to Liberia as an example for democracy and rule of law.

So, Madam President, welcome. We are grateful to you for your extraordinary work. I still recall in your speech that part of the reason you ran was because you wanted to see the children of Liberia smiling again, and I want you to know that we have that same hope and that same dream for Liberia and will be there with you every step of the way.

President Johnson Sirleaf. Mr. President, I want to thank you very much. I'm extremely proud, extremely pleased, to have this opportunity to meet with you. In 2006 when our government stopped, we inherited a broken country—devastated by war, people displaced, infrastructure broken, institutions dysfunctional—but we said that we were going to make Liberia rise again.

I come today on behalf of the Liberian people to say that we've made a lot of progress in that commitment. We've beenable to maintain peace for seven years now. And I say that today, our children who are entering first grade have known—not known a gun and not had to run, and that's great progress.

Our security sector reform, with the United States’ support, has come a long way with the training of our new army. Today, we're reopening our economy— our mining, forestry, and agriculture sectors. We've tackled our debt. We're beginning to provide basic services by restoring infrastructure such as roads, clinics, and schools and lights and water—things that our people have been deprived of for more than two decades.

And we're also establishing the rule of law and governance. Freedoms—we say today, that all freedoms, basic fundamental freedoms, are allowed in the country. And we're very proud of that.

We have challenges, and I'll be the first to admit that—challenges in national capacity because most of our brains left the country. I want to thank you for your approval of the DED that extended them for 18 months, allowing them to stay a little bit while we prepare to receive them. Corruption; the rule of law; our judiciary system and its weakness; unemployment among the many young who did not have the opportunity to go to school, who knew only war and violence in their young days.

But those challenges we see as the ones that we have to tackle. And the progress we have made enable us to have the commitment and capacity to meet those challenges.

I want you to know that the United States has been a great partner to us. We could not have achieved the progress that we have had if we had not had the support in those initial days when we were just scrambling and looking for the ways to be able to go forward. The U.S. was there as a great partner.

And so the administration as well as the Congress have been very supportive of us. It has continued through these four years. And I'm just here to say that the return on your investment is beginning to come. We hope that that return will be even greater in the next few years when we consolidate the peace and when we are able to deliver basic services to our people. I bring you greetings on behalf of the Liberian people.

President Obama. Excellent. Well, thank you so much. Thank you, everybody. Thank you, guys.

Assistant Secretary Marisa Lago delivered this statement in Abidjan, Cote d'lvoire at the 45th Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors of the African Development Bank

Assistant Secretary Lago. This 45th Annual Meeting of the African Development Bank Board of Governors takes place at a time of continued uncertainty, as the global economic recovery has not yet found firm footing. At last year's meeting, African leaders were bracing for significant economic impacts, through trade, remittances, and investment channels. As expected, 2009 turned out to be a difficult year, with GDP growth in Sub-Saharan Africa dropping to 2%, from the recent average of 5% per year. While the brunt of the decline fell on the large commodity-exporting economies of South Africa, Nigeria and Angola, negative social impacts were felt more broadly. The good news is that the downturn was not as severe as predicted, partly due to the improved policy environment in the African continent over the last decade, especially among countries that adopted reforms to support private sector development. As a result of this resiliency, the IMF projects that economic growth will return to 5% in 2010 and 6% in 2011.

The African Development Bank, under the capable leadership of President Kaberuka, has stepped up to the challenge of supporting African economies at this difficult time. The Bank moved aggressively to increase lending in 2009, supporting counter-cyclical investments in infrastructure and social safety nets, and partnering with the IFC to ensure a steady flow of trade finance. The Bank's concessional window responded flexibly to permit reprogramming of existing project resources toward crisis-related priorities in the poorest countries.

The African Development Bank is also realizing its potential as a convening authority, advocate and platform for amplifying African voice within the global economic and financial community. President Kaberuka played a key role in creating the C-10 finance and central bank governors group, which has already established itself as a recognized voice on global economic issues. The Bank, in cooperation with the African Union, is also playing an important advocacy role on international climate issues and is stepping up its work on food security issues.

This Annual Meeting is a pivotal one. Through the actions taken here, shareholders will affirm their confidence in the Bank by agreeing to a very significant general capital increase and considering the re-election of President Kaberuka. Deputies will also hold another round of consultations for the twelfth replenishment of the African Development Fund, which we hope will lead to an early conclusion of negotiations later this summer and an increase in resources for the poorest. Bank management and staff, as well as all shareholders, should be proud of the hard work that has brought the Bank to this point.

With these increased resources comes increased responsibility to ensure that shareholder investments are put to effective use and managed well for the long-term. This is especially important as the substantial investment in the AfDB comes at a time of tight budgets in the United States and around the globe. Recent reform accomplishments and commitments give us confidence that the Bank is heading in the right direction. For example, the Bank has articulated a set of strategic priorities in which it has a comparative advantage including: infrastructure, economic governance and private sector development. We applaud Management's discipline in focusing on what the Bank does best while leaving important work in other sectors to its partners. Through this prioritization, the Bank has strengthened its role as a lead donor for infrastructure and become the leading source of official assistance for the private sector and regional operations in Africa. It is important that the Bank retain this strategic focus, particularly now as the medium-term strategy will be reviewed and the GCI will come into effect.

In addition, the Bank is making progress on improving the quality and effectivenessof its operations by implementing results reporting and project completion systems. It is also adopting measures to enhance project supervision and considering how to tailor the decentralization process to better meet the needs of the Bank's clients.

The Bank has agreed to a range of additional forward-looking reforms, a few of which I would like to highlight.

*The Bank will strengthen its risk management, including through upgrading the risk function and establishing a separate credit committee. The Bank will also establish a comprehensive financial model, which will preserve capital, incorporate incentives for budget discipline and assure strong net income transfers to the concessional window and other low-income country initiatives.

*The Bank will increase transparency through a strengthened disclosure policy and practice. Improvements to the Bank's website are already evident, and we look forward to seeing additional web content on project implementation status and results. The Bank has also committed to revamping its outreach to civil society and other stakeholders.

*The Bank is modernizing its organizational structure in order to better address fraud and corruption, and has agreed to a new policy under which fraudulent and corrupt firms are cross-debarred in all the MDBs.

There will be many competing demands placed on the organization in the coming years. An ambitious reform agenda is best implemented by a strong cadre of motivated employees operating under a clear plan. It will be incumbent upon the leadership of the Bank to exercise prudence and good judgment in budgetary matters to ensure that the appropriate priorities are funded.

We see a strong, growing African Development Bank as a key partner in advancing vital cross-cutting policy priorities of food security, regional integration and climate change adaptation and mitigation. The Bank's areas of comparative advantage, particularly infrastructure and economic governance, position it to be effective in these initiatives.

*Addressing food security and global hunger is both a moral imperative and an essential element of sustainable economic development in Africa. The Bank has a number of important roles to play:

*in infrastructure, by building irrigation systems, rural roads and storage facilities; and

*in governance, by building policy environments needed to help farmers grow more, earn more and lift themselves out of poverty.

*Strengthened regional integration is critical if this region is to realize the increased economic benefits from globalization that other emerging market countries already enjoy. We look to the Bank to play an even stronger leadership role on regional integration, through economic governance investments to strengthen policy coordination and regional economic institutions as well as “hard” investments in regional infrastructure.

*Climate change is one of the century's greatest challenges, and climate-resilient, low-carbon growth must be a priority. The Bank's infrastructure and economic governance work can address both sides of this issue. On the one hand, Bank engagement can spur the deployment of clean energy technologies to hasten the transition to low-carbon growth, reduce the need for carbon-intensive projects, and strengthen policy and market conditions that are conducive to climate-friendly private investment. On the other hand, The Bank will play a critical role in helping the most vulnerable countries prepare for and respond to climate change impacts.

With the conclusion of the GCI, we look forward to a new chapter in the Bank's institutional history. All of us—management, staff and shareholders—have a lot of important work ahead to ensure that the Bank realizes its potential as a key development partner, effectively contributing to improved development outcomes in Africa.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. I join President Obama in applauding President Bingu wa Mutharika for his wise and courageous decision to pardon Tiwonge Chimbalanga and Steven Monjeza. He has provided an example for nations across Africa and the world as they debate laws that criminalize sexual orientation.

Human rights belong to all, and must be respected by all. Sexual orientation and gender identity should under no circumstances be the basis for criminal penalties, in particular executions, arrests or detention.

This is a good day for Malawi, for Africa, and for people of conscience everywhere.

Vice President Joseph Biden and President Mwai Kibaki delivered these remarks in Nairobi, Kenya

President Kibaki. I think we are all ready. Members of the media, this morning we held very useful discussions with the visiting United States Vice President, the Honorable Joseph Biden, on a broad range of issues touching on both bilateral and regional matters. In the meeting, the Kenyan side included the Right Honorable Prime Minister Raila Odinga, the Vice President, Honorable Kalonzo Musyoka, and some cabinet ministers.

As a government, we are happy that Kenya and the United States enjoy extremely warm and friendly relations that go back to our independence. Our meeting today, therefore, provided a welcome opportunity to review our bilateral relations and exchange the views on key issues of mutual interest in a candid and cordial atmosphere.

I briefed the visiting U.S. Vice President of the important milestone that have covered—that we have covered in implementing our reform agenda. The referendum on a new constitution, scheduled for 4th August this year, is the most important reform initiative for the Grand Coalition Government. We are confident that through this process, Kenyans will get a new constitution.

We have also expressed our appreciation for the U.S. support in many areas of cooperation, especially in health, agriculture, and security. We have requested that assistance be extended to other sectors, including transport, housing, energy, and water.

We also requested the U.S. administration to encourage American investors to take advantage of the single East African Common Market that will become a reality next month. The single market will also—will allow free movement of people, goods, services, and capital throughout the five member countries that compromise—Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi.

We also discussed other regional matters, including Somalia. Stabilization of Somalia is a high priority in our common efforts to secure regional peace and stability. Both the United States and Kenya are concerned about the growing acts of piracy off the coast of Somalia and the instability caused in Somalia by extremist groups. This matter must be addressed with greater urgency. We have asked the U.S. government to provide the leadership to forge a concerted international effort to stabilize Somalia.

We also discussed present developments in Sudan, in the context of the implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement, of which both our governments are guarantors. We have noted the recent elections in Sudan. We expect that the referendum planned for January next year will take place as scheduled. In our view, the best way of supporting Sudan's internal stability, regional peace, and prosperity is to respect the verdict of the people, irrespective of the outcome of the referendum.

At our meeting, we also appreciated the continued keen interest that President Barack Obama has continued—has shown in Kenya. We thank President Obama for his support, and count on his administration's goodwill and cooperation.

Ladies and gentlemen, I now wish to invite the United States Vice President, Joseph Biden, to make his remarks. I thank you very much.

Vice President Biden. Thank you, Mr. President. I am honored to be here in this beautiful country with such a rich and diverse culture and so many qualified leaders. It's great to see you all. And thank you for giving me all the time you did this morning.

Mr. President and Mr. Prime Minister, I have had—I think we've had some very productive discussions today and covering many interests, some of which you've mentioned, Mr. President. But I must tell you, I was truly impressed by the mutual cooperation between you and the Prime Minister and your commitment—your commitment to—your mutual commitment to reform.

We reaffirmed our commitment to work together and to deepen Kenya's democracy, and to strengthen the rule of law and advance the prospects for a peaceful, prosperous future.

We focused as well on the need to fully implement Kenya's reform agenda, and the importance of the constitutional reform process.

And we share the wish of the people of Kenya for a peaceful constitutional referendum that unites Kenya and accelerates the implementation of these reforms.

As President Obama said in a recent interview, the upcoming constitutional referendum is, as he said—and I quote—“a singular opportunity to put Kenyan governance on a more solid footing that can move beyond ethnic violence, and move beyond corruption, [and] can move the country toward a path of economic prosperity.”

And we talked a lot about economic prosperity. Better governance is just not an end in itself—it is a path to job creation and to a better economy. Two-thirds of your citizens are under the age of 25, and they are an incredible source of strength. But they also represent a challenge to create positive, creative, and productive outlets for their energy and enthusiasm in a prospering economy.

And as Kenya moves forward, so too will the United States in strengthening our relationships with you, both economically and politically. Kenya is already the largest recipient of U.S. support in sub-Saharan Africa. Putting in place a new constitution and strengthening your democratic institutions with the rule of law will further open the door to major American development programs such as the Millennium Challenge and will, I predict, bring about reinvestment by American corporations and international organizations in Kenya that could provide millions of dollars in assistance in grants through the Millennium Challenge, as well as begin to further build the economy of this great country.

Reform is also—will also encourage, as I said, new foreign investment and reinvigorate tourism. As I told the President and Prime Minister, Americans want to do business here in Kenya. I come from a state that is the corporate state of America. I can tell you, when these reforms take place, you will find a completely different atmosphere about investment in this country. Americans want to do business here, they want to travel here, and with the right climate they will come.

And I've noticed, Mr. President and Mr. Prime Minister, when we invest, it has the tendency to generate additional investment—additional investment from other parts of the world. We see a prosperous Kenya in not only the interest of the Kenyan people—and all of East Africa— but in everyone's interest. And so we encourage—with these reforms, when they occur, we encourage the investment—and not just Americans, but everyone from around the world would like to see this country grow.

I also discussed the cooperation that we have underway and will continue in the shared challenges in the region, including Somalia and the Sudan.

I assured the President and the Prime Minister that the United States supports Kenya's effort to secure the border in the face of very real threats from those who wish to spread chaos through despair and violence.

We recognize that Kenya's long term stability and development are tied to regional security and development, and the United States is committed to work with Kenya to achieve both those objectives. And I look forward to speaking in more detail tomorrow about this partnership between the United States and Kenya, and my absolute conviction that Kenya's best days are yet to come.

For today, let me simply say thank you to the President and the Prime Minister for their hospitality and for the very good exchange of ideas we had, and for making me more optimistic than I have been about the prospects of this reform occurring. And I want to thank all of the cabinet members as well for the hospitality they've shown me and my delegation. And I will have more to say about this in a major speech I'll deliver tomorrow.

Thank you all very much, and thank you very much, Mr. President.

President Kibaki. Asante sana.

Vice President Biden. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon, everyone. Well, thank you all very much and welcome again. I know you've been welcomed over and over again, but it's a delight to have you here in the State Department for this briefing on sub-Saharan Africa and the issues that affect the countries in that region and our relationship with them.

President Obama visited Africa very early in his tenure to underscore the region's importance to the United States and gave a historic speech in Ghana that very clearly sounded a call to action and set forth our basic principle that we want a relationship not based on patronage, but on partnership. I was privileged to visit Africa on a very long 11-day trip last August and was able to carry that message and others throughout the continent.

And just this past week, Vice President Biden was in Kenya and South Africa. The World Cup—was at least part of the draw, but he was able to reinforce a lot of our messages that we wish to work as partners, not only with African governments, but most importantly, with the people of Africa. Because we believe that the future of Africa is in the hands of Africans. And we have to join hands to work together to develop that partnership to expand democracy that delivers for people, good governance that actually can be accountable to the people, promoting sustainable economic growth that provides benefits to all people, improving access to healthcare, education, basic services, and working to eliminate the conflicts that destroy lives and destabilize the region.

Now, achieving these goals requires close cooperation across governments, business communities, the not-for-profit sector, civil society groups. And we have established high-level dialogues with our counterparts. We have a bilateral dialogue with South Africa, we have one with Nigeria, we're working hard with many of the countries, from Angola to Tanzania to Liberia, and we are increasing our relationship with the African Union.

There is a lot of progress that's being made that is not often in the headlines in democracy and human rights. And over the next two years, 27 nations in sub-Saharan Africa will hold elections. But at the same time, we have to recognize the challenges that still exist for even stable democracies that are trying to fully embed their progress, and on the other end of the spectrum, the many countries, from the Democratic Republic of the Congo to Sudan, that are still facing severe conflicts. We will continue to speak out on behalf of democratic governance and human rights and on behalf of economic opportunity.

I attended the Africa Growth and Opportunities Act conference last year in Nairobi to underscore our commitment to helping to grow the economies. And central to that is revitalizing agriculture and enhancing its value-added returns for African farmers. We also are committed to investing in women. Women are the principal farmers on the continent of Africa, producing food not only for themselves and their families, but reinvesting the profits in benefits for their children and future generations.

We recognize that corruption remains a major obstacle to not only economic growth, but many of our goals. The literal looting of state coffers deprives millions of Africans of basic services and makes it easier for drug traffickers, terrorists, and other criminals to expand their presence. And fighting corruption is not only the right thing to do and helps improve people's lives, it gives them more of a stake in their own society. And it is a high priority.

We've also made a major commitment to improving health in Africa. In addition to continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS, malaria, TB, and polio, the Obama Administration has pledged $63 billion over five years for all of our health programs. And we are paying particular attention to Africa and especially to the health of women and children.

We continue to work on mitigating conflicts. The UN and the African Union have been leaders in peacekeeping and mediation efforts. We are strong supporters of that. We pay particular attention to gender-based violence and the recruitment and use of child soldiers. Part of what fuels the fighting and the corruption are the rich mineral resources that Africa contains. So we are working to try to promote responsible use of natural resources through the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative.

But I must say that we need to do a better job of spreading the word about the progress in Africa. So if you're part of the African diaspora community, we want you to stay in touch with us to get information about what we're doing and what the impacts are, and we also need your advice. If you're a student, we want to look for ways to involve you in the work that is improving the lives of the African people, whether it's in public health, agriculture or entrepreneurship. If you're in an NGO, we want you to let us know what you're doing so we can better partner with you and support you.

But there's a lot of exciting work that is going on, and we are extremely committed to that work. But we recognize that it is not the work of a year, nor even the work of a single four-year or eight-year administration. It needs to be the work of America, and therefore, it needs to be firmly rooted in how we define our interests and our values. And to that end, we believe strongly that Africa can have and should have a very positive future for its people, and we want to be the partners who help to realize those dreams that stretch across the continent and give people a feeling that life can be better, and to help show the way by being a good supporter of what is already happening in Africa.

Q. Thank you. Regarding to the problems of structural adjustment programs in Africa, many believe that that's something that should come without conditions. (Inaudible) noting the problems and negative impacts of structural adjustment programs, SAP, in Africa—

Secretary Clinton. What?

Participant. Structural.

Q. Yes, yes, yes—we believe that (inaudible) those—that should be forgiven. And what is really the U.S. policy towards forgiving the debts without conditions that will improve the quality of life, economic development, and even security issues in Africa?

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. We've certainly got a little bit of trouble understanding the question because of the hookup. Technology is wonderful, but sometimes it takes a little bit of interpretation.

So thank you very much for your question about structural adjustment programs. Let me start by saying that the United States does not support unconditional debt relief. But we do participate in the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative along with other donors. And under this program, an indebted country, of which there are many, which faces an unsustainable debt burden, who agrees to a system of measures and reforms, including clearing outstanding arrears to international financial institutions, as well as preparing a poverty reduction program and establishing a track record of reform and sound policies does qualify for the kind of debt relief that we think is called for. Because without the changes that are needed in policies and without a commitment to reform, the impact of debt relief for poor countries can really be lost. And instead, we want to continue to work with countries to obtain forgiveness of debt under the so-called HIPC framework, the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative. And we do not want to see Africa incur new, unsustainable debt.

I think that if you look at what African leaders are saying about debt—and there is an African Union spokesperson; it's Prime Minister Meles of Ethiopia, and representing the 53 members of the African Union—the focus coming now from the African Union is on responsible use of loans and grants, based on economic development reforms and progress, according to the Millennium Development Goals, in order to avoid incurring more debt that cannot be repaid.

So we're trying to walk the line here. Just providing debt relief with no changes, with no commitment to a different path forward with changes in the economic policies that will create more growth. There's no reason why African countries with all of these resources cannot be so much richer, growing so much more, but they need better government policies and leadership in order to do so.

So we basically have used debt forgiveness as a means of trying to bring about those changes. And we've seen some positive effects in that. Liberia is paying down its debt, despite the poverty of the country and the inheritance of years and years of war. It's paid its debt down from five billion to a little over a billion in the space of about six or seven years. And that's what we want to see because then it puts both government policies on the right footing and economic growth on a more sustainable foundation.

Q. Madam Secretary, the strength of our U.S. diplomacy greatly depends on our good relationships with other countries as well as our ability to appropriate the necessary resources to meet the needs of the people around the world. Given the challenges of political battles associated with leadership in Zimbabwe, how is the Obama Administration showing that the foreign aid given to this area actually meets the people and their local communities?

Is there a comprehensive strategy to measure the efficiency of our appropriated resources, the accountability of our disbursements, and the sustainability of our efforts both in Zimbabwe and countries in sub-Saharan Africa? If so, can you shed some light on the strategy and ways students and faculty at (inaudible) can become engaged in assisting communities in need like Zimbabwe and other sub-Saharan African countries?

Secretary Clinton. Zimbabwe is a very difficult challenge to us and to our policy. It is a country that has been woefully governed and misruled for a number of years now. Congressman Donald Payne, who had to leave for a vote, is probably, in the Congress—is he still here—there he is—is probably, in the Congress, the most knowledgeable, strongest advocate for African interests. And when he tried to go to Zimbabwe a few months ago—right, Donald? The Government of Zimbabwe would not let him in because they don't want somebody who has his expertise and experience actually seeing for himself all of the difficulties that are now apparent in Zimbabwe.

And it's very sad. It's a tragedy. And we are working hard with South Africa, with the African Union, with other countries to try to assist the people of Zimbabwe. We're doing primarily humanitarian assistance. There is a great need for food like corn or corn meal or cooking oil, just the basics that have been destroyed in a country that used to be able to not only feed itself but export food. And we're trying to help with healthcare, particularly with communicable diseases like HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis as well as with malaria and maternal and child healthcare.

At the same time, the President just renewed sanctions against 220 individuals and entities associated with the Mugabe regime. So these are what we call targeted sanctions that go to whether they can travel, what kind of investments or bank accounts they can have that we can reach. So on the one hand, we're trying to help the people of Zimbabwe get through a very difficult time. On the other hand, we're trying to keep the pressure on the leadership.

We rely heavily on civil society to deliver programs that can get the aid in fairly and apolitically so that our aid is not, basically, hijacked by the government and people connected to the government. I've had two meetings with Prime Minister Tsvangirai in the last year to try to send a message that we support reform in Zimbabwe, that we support elections that will actually be followed because there's no doubt in most of our minds that Mugabe's party did not win that first round of elections a year-plus ago.

We are also looking to link democratic and economic performance by encouraging that the government be held accountable and working with those who are attempting to do so. But it's a very sobering situation. And it's a very sad one, indeed, because the ruling party, the ruling clique within that party, continues to benefit from aid, benefit from the diamond trade, benefit from corruption, to a very significant degree while the people are suffering. Policies like the Mugabe government pursued, which destroyed housing areas, leaving people homeless with nothing in their place, just make no sense. But nevertheless, that's what the people of Zimbabwe have had to cope with.

So we are trying to walk a line between supporting the people, keeping the pressure on the Mugabe leadership, working with South Africa to try to get that message across. But I'm not going to stand here and tell you we have some perfect formula, because it's extremely difficult to try to do what we're doing and really make a difference for the people of Zimbabwe. But we're going to persist in doing so and working with people like Congressman Payne to try to give the people there a better future.

Q. Thank you very much, Madam Secretary. My name is Fred Oladeinde and I represent the AGOA civil society network. Since we met in Nairobi, some of us in civil society have noticed that AGOA, in terms of export from Africa to the United States, has declined, particularly if we take oil export out of the total basket of export into the United States.

We believe that CAADP, which is the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Program, may present yet another opportunity for us to be able to reevaluate AGOA and be able to help African countries that are ready to reform to expand their export into the United States.

Can you share with us what is the Obama Administration in terms of reforming AGOA and trying to see how we can expand export through CAADP and the new $6.3 billion initiative to ensure that we optimize the opportunity that AGOA presents?

Secretary Clinton. Well, thank you for that. And as you might remember, in my speech in Nairobi, I outlined a number of steps to reform AGOA. But we recognize, too, that there is a very good opportunity with CAADP and we are working to use the CAADP-developed principles in our Feed the Future Program so that we take what has been agreed to by African countries themselves as the base for our work in agriculture.

I will repeat what I said in Nairobi. There may be—and there definitely are things that the United States could do that would be better for exports from Africa to the United States other than oil exports, which is a huge distorting aspect of our trade relation. But most of the work that needs to be done needs to be done in Africa. If you look at trade between African countries, it is abysmally mini-malistic. African countries don't trade with themselves. They have barriers and tariffs and customs problems that stand in the way of developing their own economies. I laid that out in my speech in Nairobi. I challenged African governments to change their own laws to increase more trade. If Africa traded—if sub-Saharan Africa traded among themselves the way Asian countries trade among themselves, the GDP growth would be significant in a relatively short period of time.

But this is a corruption problem. This is a capacity problem. This is driven by rivalries across borders. And so, unfortunately, the market to the United States is difficult because in order to get products from many African countries, you have to go through other countries. And that's not easy. I will never forget one of the speakers in Nairobi saying that he came from Lagos, Nigeria and it took him longer to get from Lagos to Nairobi than it would have taken him to get from Lagos to London.

So the United States will do our part, but African countries have to start doing their part and making the changes that will grow the economies in the sub-Saharan region. There is so much wealth, so many resources, so many opportunities. And we said last year in Nairobi we stand ready to provide technical assistance, we stand ready to help, but we can't help if nobody is asking for help or if nobody is accepting help.

And so again I renew the offer: We will work with anybody; we know how to open markets. The United States is an expert at opening markets. We have the most open market in the world and we want Africa to export more to the United States. But it is difficult, and a lot of the countries haven't gone to really assist their businesses in knowing how to export to Africa. So there is so much that could be done, but it is hard to do if you don't get laws and policies and customs and everything else changed. So I will renew our offer: We stand ready to assist. But I don't want to be making the same speech at the AGOA conference this year. We've made that speech and we are ready to help and we need to have somebody on the other end saying—okay, I would love for some African government to come and say, go through our laws, tell us everything that needs to be changed that you believe would increase our GDP by 5 percent in the next 10 years, and we can tell you how to do it.

But it means doing things that are going to run afoul of special interests and government bureaucrats and businesses that already have a lock on a market and they'd rather have the biggest piece of a small pie than a smaller piece of a big pie. And so if you're going to have that mentality, it is really hard to utilize the incredible tool that AGOA is. But we will be there to help if people come forward, if some of the NGOs can work with us to try to wrench open those markets.

But it's not something that just happens by hoping it's so or because the United States tries to make it so. It is a structural problem within the way countries in the region relate to each other. And that has got to be addressed. I mean, for goodness sakes, this is the 21^st century. We've got to get over what happened 50, 100, 200 years ago, and let's make money for everybody. That's the best way to try to create some new energy and some new growth in Africa.

Okay, one more and then I've got to run.

Q. Thank you, Secretary Clinton, for being here today. My name is Beth Tuckey. I'm with Africa Action. And you mentioned in your presentation that you would speak out on behalf of democratic governance in Africa, and I know that the U.S. has been a strong supporter of Rwanda for many, many years. And I'm just wondering what you're doing to address the recent oppression of political candidates in Rwanda and if you're doing anything to address attorney Peter Erlinder, who is currently under arrest in Rwanda.

Secretary Clinton. I know that we have addressed those concerns. We've made them known to the Rwandan Government. We really don't want to see Rwanda undermine its own remarkable progress by beginning to move away from a lot of the very positive actions that undergirded its development so effectively. We still are very, very supportive of Rwanda. The kind of development that has taken place in Rwanda is really a model in many respects for the rest of the continent. But we are concerned by some of the recent actions and we would like to see steps taken to reverse those actions.

On the one hand, I understand the anxiety of the Rwandan leadership over what they view as genocide denial or genocide rejectionism. There are many countries that have been in a similar historic position, so I do understand that and I know that they are hypersensitive to that, but— because, obviously, they don't want to see anything ignite any kind of ethnic conflict again. So I'm very sympathetic to that.

But I think that there are ways of dealing with that legitimate concern other than politically acting against opposition figures or lawyers and others. So on the one hand, I understand the motivation and the concern. On the other hand, I want to see different actions taken so that we don't see a collision between what has been a remarkably successful period of growth and reconciliation and healing with the imperatives of continuing to build strong democratic institutions.

Thank you all very much.