The focus group is a long-standing data-collection method in political science. Although not used as often as other methods (Cyr Reference Cyr2016), focus groups nonetheless recently have been crucial in measuring and assessing identity (Posner Reference Posner2005); determining a citizen’s likelihood to express mistrust in private versus public (Paluck and Green Reference Paluck and Green2009); and theorizing good government policies in the developing world (Sugiyama and Hunter Reference Sugiyama and Hunter2013). Notably, in each work, focus groups were used in combination with other data-collection methods. This pattern of use is not accidental. Focus groups are often a valuable complement to other qualitative and quantitative methods.
This article underscores the unique utility of focus groups for mixed-methods research. I identify three distinctive, interrelated features of focus groups. I then argue that these characteristics make focus groups particularly well suited for certain mixed-methods research designs because they offset weaknesses of other methods. Finally, I briefly explain why a researcher might use focus groups in conjunction with interviews before discussing the mixing of focus groups with large-N observational studies. On this last point, I suggest that focus groups help with the construction of valid instruments. They also explain the attitudes and behaviors uncovered by large-N work.
THE UNIQUE FEATURES OF FOCUS GROUPS
A focus group is a data-collection method that brings together a small group of individuals (i.e., six to eight people) to discuss a series of open-ended questions. A moderator asks the questions and facilitates the ensuing discussion. Footnote 1 The goal is to understand how people talk about topics of interest. Data are generated through the conversations that unfold.
Focus groups are a unique method of data collection for three interrelated reasons. First, they are inherently social in nature. Data are generated through the conversations and interactions that take place among participants. As a part of this process, individuals can react to one another’s comments. They may refine their ideas or build off of what others say. The social dynamic of focus groups provides a synergistic quality. It also enables the researcher to capture nuance and tensions surrounding potentially contested or highly contextualized subjects.
Second, focus groups generate emic data—that is, data that emerge with little interference or guidance from the researcher or the research setting (Krippendorf Reference Krippendorf1980). Although a set of questions guides focus-group conversations, participants determine how those conversations unfold. The open nature allows for spontaneity and a free discussion on specific topics (Onwuegbuzie et al. Reference Onwuegbuzie, Dickinson, Leech and Zoran2009, 2).
Third, focus groups produce data at three levels of analysis (Cyr Reference Cyr2016). Researchers can focus on discrete, individual responses to questions, collecting data at the individual level of analysis. This typically involves assessing participants’ initial responses to questions. They can assess the extent of consensus within the group, collecting data at the group level of analysis. Here, researchers focus on how conversations for each question end. What does the group conclude about a certain topic? Is there agreement? How much agreement? Finally, researchers may want to explore specific exchanges that take place between individuals, which might spark new ideas or hypotheses that the researcher can explore later. This represents the interactive level of analysis.
Taken together, these three characteristics—their social nature, the emic data produced, and the three levels of analysis that can be accessed—endow focus groups with certain strengths that make them useful in mixed-methods research designs. The focus group’s social form allows a researcher to study group processes and dynamics (Stewart, Shamdasani, and Rook Reference Stewart, Shamdasani, Rook, Bickman and Rog2009). However, it also provides an environment in which multiple individuals can grapple with complex or contested subject matter. With emic data, the voice of the subjects—rather than that of the researcher—is privileged. These two features allow the researcher to capture greater nuance, which can be vital for measurement validity (Adcock and Collier Reference Adcock and Collier2001). Finally, the distinct types of data that focus groups generate allow researchers considerable flexibility regarding how they use the data produced.
Taken together, these three characteristics—their social nature, the emic data produced, and the three levels of analysis that can be accessed—endow focus groups with certain strengths that make them useful in mixed-methods research designs.
Certainly, the features of focus groups that enable researchers to understand social- and group-level dynamics also present certain challenges. Specifically, two weaknesses merit consideration. Footnote 2 First, focus groups typically come together using a type of nonprobability sampling. It therefore is difficult (although not theoretically impossible; see Fern Reference Fern2001) for them to be representative of a population. Moreover, focus groups produce “situated accounts” in which participants are asked to consider questions in an artificial setting (Sim Reference Sim1998, 349). It therefore is possible that participant responses do not reflect what individuals might actually say in a “real” social setting. Footnote 3
Second, focus groups may generate certain pressures or forces that can affect how participants respond. Individuals may feel censored as a result of particular group dynamics. They may feel pressure to conform. This element of “groupthink” can suppress participant opinions, which biases the data collected (Carey and Smith Reference Carey and Smith1994, 124). Additionally, the dynamics and composition of each group are inevitably unique. An individual might not make the same statement in a focus group composed of different individuals or affected by different dynamics.
It is possible, of course, to mitigate these problems. A moderator can (and should) work to create an open, permissive atmosphere. Participants should feel that they can share their point of view (Morgan and Krueger Reference Morgan, Krueger and Morgan1993, 8–9). A researcher also may ask participants to record their answers before voicing them. This allows the researcher to measure whether participants’ spoken answers diverge from what they originally wrote.
Crucially, focus-group proponents note that the social pressures that permeate a focus-group setting are, in fact, broadly reflective of actual processes of opinion formation and expression (Schutt Reference Schutt2011, 309). Compared with other methods, focus groups more closely reflect daily conversations (Gamson Reference Gamson1992). Because of this, for certain questions—especially those that tap into group dynamics and processes—groupthink can inform rather than obscure the data (Hollander Reference Hollander2004, 611), giving the method more external validity than, for example, one-on-one interviews in asocial settings (Albrecht, Johnson, and Walther Reference Albrecht, Gerianne Johnson, Walther and Morgan1993).
Ultimately, as with any data-collection method, researchers must carefully justify their use of focus groups and address their weaknesses. This may mean more carefully delimiting the scope of one’s findings. It also may mean crafting a research design that highlights the strengths of focus groups while deemphasizing their weaknesses. In this sense, focus groups are particularly well suited for mixed-methods research.
FOCUS GROUPS AND MIXED-METHODS RESEARCH
Focus groups often are used alongside other methods. For example, they can be combined with other qualitative methods, most typically with one-on-one interviews (Morgan Reference Morgan1996, 134). Focus groups allow researchers to access diverse perspectives on multiple aspects of a topic. An interview that thoroughly examines one’s views on a topic is unlikely to achieve that type of broad coverage.
Focus groups also allow a researcher to observe and analyze interactions on a particular question—a feature that is lacking in an individual interview (Duggleby Reference Duggleby2005, 832). They can address the intersubjectivity of certain concepts and “draw out [the] shared life experiences” of participants (Fern Reference Fern2001). McDonnell (Reference McDonnell2010), for example, used interviews and focus groups to speak with Ghanaians about a series of AIDS billboards displayed in Accra. He used in-depth interviews to assess individual opinions about specific billboards. Focus groups allowed participants to enter into a more comparative debate about the effectiveness and impact of each (McDonnell Reference McDonnell2010, 1811). Here, the depth achieved through interviews was complemented by the breadth and complexity of focus groups.
Mixing qualitative methods is only one approach to integrating focus groups into a mixed-methods research design. The remainder of this article focuses on combining focus groups with large-N studies, especially those that address the microfoundations of politics, including surveys, experiments, and survey–experiments. Footnote 4 A recent study found that in the top political science and sociology journals, focus groups were twice as likely to be combined with these as with qualitative methods. Footnote 5 Given their prevalence—and the general upward trend in integrating qualitative and quantitative methods (Seawright Reference Seawright2016)—it makes sense to delineate how focus groups work with large-N studies.
I suggest that focus groups are useful in at least two ways when used with large-N work: they (1) construct valid instruments; and (2) explain the correlations that statistical work uncovers. In both cases, focus groups are useful because they offset weaknesses of large-N studies.
Focus Groups and Measurement Validity
Focus groups involve minimal guidance from the moderator and/or researcher. Participants have relatively free reign to respond to questions. The emic data produced reveal how people think and talk about specific subjects. In practice, this means that a researcher can use a focus group to reveal the phrasing that describes phenomena (O’Brien Reference O’Brien and Morgan1993, 110). This phraseology formulates valid questions for a survey or experimental protocol.
Focus groups are particularly useful for devising survey questions on intersubjective and/or socially constructed concepts, including race, identity, and gender. As mentioned previously, focus-group conversations replicate the process by which meaning about complex concepts is constituted and sustained (Farnsworth and Boon Reference Farnsworth and Boon2010, 610). These concepts often are contested and/or difficult to define. Speaking about them requires high levels of cognitive thought (Tourangeau Reference Tourangeau, Jabine, Straf, Judith Tanur and Tourangeau1984). The social form of focus groups, together with the relatively unfettered conversations that unfold, allows individuals to share this cognitive burden. In focus groups, individuals can grapple with complex topics as a group. Rather than impose a definition of a particularly complex concept for a survey, social science researchers can allow focus-group participants to devise it for them.
Rather than impose a definition of a particularly complex concept for a survey, social science researchers can allow focus-group participants to devise it for them.
Researchers may use cognitive interviewing to assess question validity. In a cognitive interview, survey respondents are asked to think aloud and explain, in real time, why they chose a particular answer to a question (Beatty and Willis Reference Beatty and Willis2007). This allows a researcher to understand how participants interpret that question. Although it is useful in certain contexts, the one-on-one nature of cognitive interviews does not alleviate the burden placed on the individual regarding more complex concepts. A single person cannot easily convey their variable and contested nature. Conversely, in focus groups, “collective sense is made, meanings negotiated, and identities elaborated through the processes of social interaction” (Wilkinson Reference Wilkinson1999, 225).
For example, Krysan et al. (2009) used a video-experiment to test the effect of race and social class on an individual’s neighborhood preference. They created 13 videos of neighborhoods in which the race and class of potential neighbors varied. Survey participants were randomly assigned to watch different videos and then asked to rate the desirability of that neighborhood as a place to live. To ensure comparability across participants, the researchers sought to confirm that different groups interpreted the racial and class cues similarly. Therefore, they undertook an initial round of focus groups (Krysan et al. 2009, 537–8), which allowed them to assess the level of group consensus regarding those cues and ensure that the desired meaning was interpreted similarly.
Focus groups also can reveal whether a concept or question travels (Fuller et al. Reference Fuller, Edwards, Vorakithphokatorn, Sermsri and Morgan1993, 97). It often is necessary to change phrases or metaphors to convey similar meaning across different contexts. Focus groups help a researcher to achieve these contextualized comparisons (Locke and Thelen Reference Locke and Thelen1995). For example, Fuller et al. (Reference Fuller, Edwards, Vorakithphokatorn, Sermsri and Morgan1993) undertook focus groups in Thailand and discovered that even seemingly trivial phrases (e.g., being “too tired to do anything”) on a survey from the United States required revisions to have meaning in Thailand (e.g., being “too tired to move”) (Fuller et al. Reference Fuller, Edwards, Vorakithphokatorn, Sermsri and Morgan1993, 100). Similarly, Gibson (2004, 204) used focus groups to refine and meaningfully translate an English survey into Afrikaans, Zulu, Xhosa, North Sotho, South Sotho, Tswana, and Tsonga. In these examples, the focus group’s social setting undoubtedly alleviated the burden of establishing the appropriate interpretation across linguistic and cultural contexts.
When used before large-N work, focus groups establish the appropriate phraseology or an adequately contextualized comparison. In other words, focus groups mitigate problems of measurement validity (Adcock and Collier Reference Adcock and Collier2001) that sometimes plague large-N work. Even with seemingly objective survey questions, scholars have found that qualitative pretests may reveal problems of interpretation (Willis and Schechter Reference Willis and Schechter1997). The data that focus groups generate allow a researcher to be more confident in the survey or experimental protocol and, consequently, in the inferences that the protocol uncovers.
Focus Groups and Explanations of Micro-Level Beliefs and Attitudes
Large-N studies are appropriate for measuring public opinion, attitudes, and beliefs but less useful for explaining them. Why, for example, were Peruvian housewives unusually likely to support Alberto Fujimori, a controversial, scandal-ridden president from the 1990s (Meléndez Reference Meléndez2016)? A survey can reveal that this relationship exists and is generalizable. It will provide less information, however, on why it exists. Footnote 6
For its earliest users, the focus group was a useful data-collection method precisely because it allowed researchers to interpret results gleaned via statistical models (Merton and Kendall Reference Merton and Kendall1946, 542). Merton and his colleagues exposed individuals to wartime propaganda and surveyed their emotional reactions to it. That survey provided average response rates to the material. Still, the researchers could only speculate about, for example, which stimulus within a particular advertisement produced the reaction. Focus groups allowed the researchers to move beyond speculation and attain specific answers (Merton and Kendall Reference Merton and Kendall1946, 548–53).
For Merton and his colleagues, focus groups were an appropriate posttest for understanding the relationships that survey work uncovered. Scholars also may adopt the opposite approach, undertaking focus groups first to explore certain relationships at length and then to design a survey to determine how generalizable those findings are. Prabhakar (Reference Prabhakar2012), for example, explored public attitudes about taxation in the United Kingdom. Focus groups revealed that citizen perceptions of different tax policies changed when viewed separately or in combination. Consequently, he concluded, survey work could usefully study whole tax systems rather than the more conventional approach of examining each policy in isolation (Prabhakar Reference Prabhakar2012, 87).
…in this research design, a researcher may use focus groups to explore the individual level of analysis—that is, individual reactions to particular stimuli. Yet, focus-group conversations inherently produce information at the group and interactive levels—data that could reveal degrees of consensus or spark additional ideas that merit further interest.
I conclude with two final points about the use of focus groups to understand individual attitudes and beliefs. First, in this research design, a researcher may use focus groups to explore the individual level of analysis—that is, individual reactions to particular stimuli. Yet, focus-group conversations inherently produce information at the group and interactive levels—data that could reveal degrees of consensus or spark additional ideas that merit further interest. Focus groups generate multifaceted data and therefore can serve multiple research goals. Second, focus groups reveal why and how individuals think as they do—something that surveys and other large-N methods cannot easily accomplish. At the same time, the survey overcomes a weakness of focus groups: their lack of generalizability. Overall, the individual strengths of focus groups and large-N methods compensate for certain limitations of the other methods.
IN CONCLUSION, OR WHY THE RESEARCH QUESTION (STILL) MATTERS
Focus groups are a useful complement to other data-collection methods. This article suggests that focus groups have characteristics that make them particularly useful for certain mixed-methods research designs. When used in conjunction with interviews, the social setting of a focus group allows a researcher to achieve greater breadth and range on a set of issues. In combination with large-N work, the emic data they generate provide depth and nuance. Their social form helps participants to work through more complex or intersubjective concepts and questions. Consequently, they can be useful for achieving greater measurement validity and for understanding why individuals think as they do. In any mixed-methods research design, the several types of data generated by focus groups give researchers flexibility and potentially open up multiple avenues for exploration.
To be sure, the utility of focus groups when mixing methods is conditioned by the research we want to undertake. This article suggests that focus groups are particularly useful, for example, when scholars study complex, intersubjective phenomena or when they want to understand individual or group attitudes and behaviors. As always, the research question matters. On this point, little has changed, despite the growing tendency to engage in multimethod research.
