Bradbury's book on state-formation in Somaliland in the north-west of the failed state of Somalia is a timely account of one of the most interesting and least understood polities in sub-Saharan Africa. The style of writing is rich and highly accessible; readers of this text will learn a lot about Somali affairs. The author has observed events in Somalia and Somaliland from the early 1990s onward. Thus, he is able to incorporate many first-hand observations, interviews and insights. Bradbury saw central Somaliland in ruins and accompanied its rebuilding as an employee of and consultant for various NGOs. This insensitive experience and the author's strong empathy for what has been achieved in Somaliland are expressed vividly in the book.

In ten chapters, Becoming Somaliland deals with cultural, political, economical and social developments, with a clear focus on the north-west of the Somali peninsula. This region came under British ‘protection’ in the nineteenth century. In 1960 it was united with the territories that had been administered by Italy to form the Somali Republic; and in 1991 it seceded from collapsing Somalia to become the Republic of Somaliland. Roughly three quarters of the book, from chapter four onward, deal with the latter polity. Rich in details, Bradbury's account of post-1991 Somaliland provides the reader with a good understanding of some of the complexities of state-formation in the region.

Still, the book has to be read with caution. The author concentrates on events and perspectives in Hargeysa, the capital of Somaliland, and the political heartland in the centre and west of the country. This area is inhabited mainly by members of the Isaaq clan-family, who are, as a rule, supporters of Somaliland. The situation is different in the east, specifically, in the Sool, eastern Sanaag and southern Togdheer regions. The inhabitants of these areas, who predominantly belong to the Dhulbahante and Warsangeeli clans, are critical of Somaliland or even reject it. Bradbury addresses these internal conflicts and contradictions in Somaliland only briefly, mentioning them in a few paragraphs here and there. On the pages 115 and 126 he explains the rejection of Somaliland by many Dhulbahante and Warsangeeli with reference to the instrumental logic involved. He argues that Dhulbahante and Warsangeeli, who once supported Somaliland, later withdrew their support, because they felt they were excluded from power and resource sharing in the country – as, indeed, they were. While this is correct, Bradbury fails to mention a further and much more complicated reason for tensions within Somaliland: the variety of political visions. Most Dhulbahante and Warsangeeli, and possibly a number of people residing in Awdal region in the far west of Somaliland, are Somali nationalists who dream of a united Somalia.

These political differences are of course largely related to different historical experiences. Bradbury concentrates on the history of the Somali National Movement (SNM), one of the first Somali guerrilla movements. It was supported mainly by Isaaq. In Bradbury's view, the SNM history is foundational for Somaliland. It includes oppression, resistance, armed struggle and life in refugee camps, as experienced by many Isaaq. The account of this difficult history is one of the strongest parts of the book. Yet the author neglects the historical experiences of non-Isaaq individuals and groups, which have played an equally important role in determining the political positions of people residing in Somaliland today. Many Dhulbahante, Warsangeeli, Gadabuursi and Ise experienced the old Somalia differently. It was not necessarily the ‘monster’ that it was for most Isaaq.

Bradbury's bias towards the capital and the Isaaq-inhabited territories also becomes clear from the documentation of his field trips. The interviews cited in the footnotes of the text show that the author preferred to talk with partners in western Somaliland. In fact, more than two thirds of all references to interviews point to people in Hargeysa. Almost 90% of all interviews took place in locations in central and western Somaliland.

Finally, the title Becoming Somaliland and the use of the term ‘Somalilander’ seem to point to an underlying teleological perspective. Bradbury takes Somaliland for granted. This does not mean that he conceals the complexities, conflicts and setbacks in the process of state-formation. He does account for them, sometimes brilliantly. Nonetheless, Bradbury never lets Somaliland slip away. The polity always stays on track, and its constituency, the Somalilanders, do so as well. The latter term, however, is strongly politicised and only used by Somaliland supporters. Most of these are Isaaq, who constitute the clear majority – roughly two thirds – of people inhabiting Somaliland. Yet by frequently using the term Somalilander in his text, Bradbury subsumes the significant minority of people who are critical of or even against an independent Somaliland under this category.

To conclude: the strengths of the book Becoming Somaliland are its richness in detail and its accessible presentation. For this reason, it can be recommended to all newcomers to the field and can also serve as a valuable source book for area specialists. The weakness of Bradbury's presentation is that it is biased towards the capital and the dominant political group in the country. This bias is understandable, due to the truly impressive record in many parts of Somaliland. Together with their relatives in the diaspora and a few NGOs and other humanitarian organisations, people in Somaliland have managed to end civil war, build a local economy, engage in international trade, provide basic services, and establish law and order. Nevertheless, empathy with the people who have built the polity of Somaliland should not lead us to become partisans in an ongoing process of state and identity formation that entails multiple and opposed national histories and political visions.