This book is an important contribution to a growing literature dealing with the significant increase in the economic, political and cultural importance of Asia. Asian scholars are themselves leading this re-examination of the region and its relationship to a hitherto dominant West. Long subjected to the outmoded notion of modernization, with the West as primary comparison, this book looks at the changes experienced in Asia following its rapid economic development. Modernity, with its more flexible understanding of structural change, instead of modernization with its implicit Western comparison, is the book's focus.
The book begins with an analysis of modernity (the first) as experienced in the West in the nineteenth century (circa 1880). The modern family, with its emphasis on childcare and the importance of women as guardians of the hearth, generated new attitudes towards reproduction and the employment of women. Rising expectations and educational and political reform marked this first expression of modernity. An unintended result was the lowering of women's interest in having large families as other opportunities opened up both for women and their more educated offspring. Combined with improved sanitation and hygiene, this complex situation led to the first population decline in Europe as well as in parts of Asia, such as Japan.
A century later (1970), both economic and cultural forces generated another crisis in population demographics. The return of women into the workforce, the ready availability of birth control and the sexual revolution combined to create a new modernity (the second). Demographic decline became a serious concern in Europe and most parts of Asia (e.g. Japan, South Korea, China and Thailand). It seems that this second modernity simultaneously impacted both the West and most of Asia. But Asia had its own internal history and culture. This second modernity expressed itself in a more condensed form in Asia, affecting various levels of the social world, in particular relations within the family.
In East Asia, with its Confucian past, and even in Southeast Asia with its tradition of family solidarity, household and communal relationships had to be significantly reassessed following the economic and political changes. The region's diverse backgrounds (religion, culture and politics) required distinct responses to structurally similar conditions. Japan may be seen as leading these structural adaptations, but it was followed closely by its neighbours in the region (China, South Korea, Taiwan and Thailand).
To add to these demographic constraints, many Asian societies are now facing aging populations and lower fertility. Whereas in earlier days, aged relatives would have been helped by the family, in the present conditions, such assistance may not be practical. Smaller families and independent/individual life trajectories prevent caring for aged parents. As Chang Kyung-Sup (chapter 2) argues, the experience of compressed modernity has created dysfunctional family relations resulting in forms of individuality without individualism. I have myself made a similar argument regarding the effects of the new media (internet and mobiles) in the Philippines, a country that often falls outside the demographics of other Asian societies.Footnote 1 Despite its growing population, the Philippines is also experiencing tensions within the family as individuals pursue opportunities opened by the wide access in the new media. Cyber-sexuality is one area affecting women, including children: a topic not discussed in this otherwise comprehensive study.Footnote 2
The rise and nature of the public sphere in Asia is one of the most debated issues in contemporary scholarship. Having experienced a compressed form of modernity, Asian societies have to struggle with notions of publicness in the context both of local values (such as communitarianism and collectivism) and global demands for political reforms based on individualism and freedom. While different societies deal with this problem in particular ways, the issues raised in this collection relate to a common dilemma – how is the notion of publicness generated and what is its relationship to the public sphere? The authors draw on the important work of Jurgen Habermas dealing with the rise of “debating societies” in eighteenth-century Europe and the consequent development of civil society and its demands for communicative rationality. The industrial revolution and the rise of nation-states favoured a more instrumental rationality with its emphasis on efficiency, profit and practicality. To balance this emphasis, civil society insisted on a wider notion of rationality, one whose goal was to reach a common understanding. But this notion of rationality has to be protected from the constant demands of its more restricted form. If the first modernity was characterized by material production, the second may be seen as inducing expanded forms of communication.
Emiko Ochiai and Leo Aoi Hosoya's contribution to this debate is a welcome one. Moreover, since the authors are Asian it adds a perspective often lacking in similar collections. Admittedly, while the issue is one of globalization, ethnic viewpoints are not necessarily better, even as they focus on local concerns. Fortunately, the authors are well acquainted with Western theories, which they draw from freely while adjusting them to conditions in Asia.
The book is mainly concerned with East Asian societies, i.e. Japan, South Korea and China, but it also discusses examples from Southeast Asia. Both regions have experienced rapid economic growth and social development. Accompanying these positive gains, problems have developed dealing with gender issues, aging populations, labour shortages and family relationships. Asian societies, having enjoyed long periods of relative stability, suddenly find themselves facing structural and personal crises.
Japan is the classic example of rapid industrialization following its recognition that traditional approaches are no longer viable. Delegations were sent to various European countries to learn new ways of governance. Educational reforms were introduced; technologies were quickly learnt and adapted to local needs. Political reform was instituted to strengthen the state and unify the nation. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Japan emerged as a modern state with a military strong enough to dominate the region.
Even though its militaristic aims were defeated in World War II, Japan managed to survive this crisis and continued to lead the region in adapting to the demands of late modernity. But its growing aging population and imbalances in gender employment require Japan to readjust its policies if it is to continue along the path of a developed and sustainable society. Other East Asian societies (i.e. China, South Korea, Taiwan) share the problem of declining population/low fertility, labour shortages and gender imbalances. To address these problems some societies have introduced forms of the welfare state (e.g. South Korea) while others (e.g. Singapore) preferred neo-liberal policies reinforcing familial structures. Yet others such as Hong Kong embarked on importing foreign care workers to look after the aged or assist in housework and childcare.
Emiko Ochiai provides us with an excellent introduction to the volume. Chapters dealing with demographic crises, changes in individual life courses, non-regular employment – particularly of women – and social policies of various governments are extensively covered. The volume ends with a discussion of the particularities of a growing public sphere in Asia. A major component of this new public sphere is found in the growth of NGOs throughout the region. While these organizations often arise in response to local issues, they inevitably involve broader social forces requiring governmental responses. The interrelationship of the private/public domains in Asia differ from the West, given Asia's long concern with communal and collective relationships. Earlier debates on so-called Asian Values mirrored these concerns, which unfortunately became embedded in partisan political interests. This volume's emphasis on new modernities avoids many of these earlier fruitless quests to discover Asian essences.
This collection is highly recommended for both Asian specialists as well as scholars of the West seeking new approaches to a better understanding of the uneven modernities experienced in the contemporary world. Kyoto University Press should be commended for allowing the translation of this collection. I look forward to future publications.
