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Notes from the Editors

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 November 2016

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In this second-to-last issue of 2016, we are very pleased to offer as our lead article a paper that we believe illustrates a model of research transparency in qualitative comparative work. In addition to the lead article we also present articles that offer a rethinking of “warlord rights,” the real effects of civic education, and new approaches to the use of control variables in quantitative research.

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Type
From the Editor: In This Issue
Information
American Political Science Review , Volume 110 , Issue 3 , August 2016, pp. iii - ix
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 2016 

In this second-to-last issue of 2016, we are very pleased to offer as our lead article a paper that we believe illustrates a model of research transparency in qualitative comparative work. In addition to the lead article we also present articles that offer a rethinking of “warlord rights,” the real effects of civic education, and new approaches to the use of control variables in quantitative research.

As always, we seek to publish work that speaks to a broad audience of scholars, and on topics that also may have important implications for policy makers and practitioners as well. Further, in keeping with our vision of the Review as the leading journal in our discipline, we seek (and will continue to seek) to publish the most innovative work in the field.

In This Issue

In “Collective Threat Framing and Mobilization in Civil War,” Anastasia Shesterinina relies on extensive fieldwork and interviews with both participants and non-participants in the Georgian-Abkhaz war of 1992–93. She leverages the data to shed light on the reasons why individuals join the fight, flee the conflict, or try to survive as civilians during a civil war. Shesterinina argues that these decisions depend not only on framing by leaders, but also on framing by (and guidance from) communities and family members. In addition to a compelling study, Shesterinina offers a meticulous accounting of her research process and data analysis strategies in a set of online appendices. In our view, her appendices provide a useful example of transparency for qualitative research.

Within the realm of international law and international ethics, warlords are typically seen simply as bandits. Robert A. Blair and Pablo Kalmanovitz argue in “On the Rights of Warlords: Legitimate Authority and Basic Protection in War-Torn Societies” that this assessment must be rethought. Throughout history, as well as today, warlords are sometimes forces for stability and order, rather than disruption. Using the case of the Afghani warlord Ismail Khan, they argue that, under certain conditions, warlords should be granted a measure of legitimacy. In the context of a well-balanced presentation of the issues presented by warlordism, they maintain that warlords who maintain peace, respect at least basic human rights, and gain the support of the populace should be recognized as more than bandits, though perhaps as less than states. This thought-provoking article should stimulate broad discussion among scholars and diplomats alike.

In “Electoral Rules and Legislative Particularism: Evidence from U.S. State Legislatures,” Tanya Bagashka and Jennifer Hayes Clark offer a general theory of legislative elections and policy making that can be used to explain a variety of institutional settings around the world. In their words, they combine “the electoral connection/personal vote rational choice perspective of contemporary American politics with a voter-group alignment perspective” that is based in the comparative politics literature. To test their theory, they use an original data set of all bills proposed in the lower houses of 29 U.S. state legislatures during the 2003–2004 legislative session. They find that larger districts and more inclusive selection procedures are associated with more particularism in sponsored legislation, which supports the voter-group alignment model.

David D. Laitin and Rajesh Ramachandran's article, “Language Policy and Human Development,” proposes that a state's official language may impose costs on its citizens that have implications for educational, occupational, wealth, and health outcomes. This cost is higher when the official language is linguistically distant from the (indigenous) language(s) spoken in the home, as is often the case in postcolonial states that have maintained the imperial language as their official one—and as the medium of instruction in schools. Employing a variety of models, alternative specifications, and robustness checks, Laitin and Ramachandran persuasively show that language policy may hamper the ability of citizens to develop their human capital.

It is well known that Hobbes launched a fierce attack on the classical tradition, especially Aristotle. What is less appreciated, argues Devin Stauffer in “‘Of Darkness from Vain Philosophy’: Hobbes's Critique of the Classical Tradition,” is the way Hobbes's opposition to Aristotle and the classics shaped his own political philosophy. To the extent that Hobbes was an architect of modernity, this means that the character of modernity was shaped—distorted, perhaps—by Hobbes's antipathy to the classical tradition. In Stauffer's account, Hobbes's critique was twofold. First, he accused Aristotle of basing himself on common opinion, so Hobbes's political philosophy casts aside the anchor of common opinion. Second, Hobbes believed that Aristotle's metaphysics of immaterial essences opened the door for religion or superstition. But Stauffer wonders whether the purely materialist science Hobbes put in its place has saddled his heirs with new problems. This essay will stimulate those interested in Hobbes as well as those who want to understand the foundations of modernity.

When are high-stakes standardized tests most likely to have a positive outcome for students and, potentially, for democratic society in general? The answer is when civics exams are required for high school graduation, primarily because the tests are found to have a long-term effect on the political knowledge of Latino students and especially immigrant students. David E. Campbell and Richard E. Niemi provide this evidenced-based explanation in their article entitled, “Testing Civics: State-Level Civic Education Requirements and Political Knowledge.” Using data from the 12th grade 2006 and 2010 civics portion of the National Assessment of Educational Progress test and a large national survey of 18–24-year-olds, Campbell and Niemi show that civics tests have a modest effect on all students when passing the test is required for graduation and that the greatest effects are found among students with less exposure to American politics, that is, immigrant students, and the majority of immigrant students are Latino.

In “Explaining Causal Findings Without Bias: Detecting and Assessing Direct Effects,” Avidit Acharya, Matthew Blackwell, and Maya Sen examine a fundamental methodological issue in quantitative political science—the use of control variables. They suggest that this common practice to assess causality may in fact introduce serious bias in the results. In this paper the authors suggest a technique that can avoid this bias by focusing on an intuitive quantity of interest, the controlled direct effect. The controlled direct effect can better allow scholars to rule out competing explanations than what is currently practiced. The authors provide an easy-to-implement estimation strategy derived from the biostatistics literature, and then apply these techniques to the results from two landmark studies—one on the effect of ethnic fractionalization on civil war and one on the impact of historical plough use on contemporary female political participation.

Ana Bracic's “Reaching the Individual: EU Accession, NGOs, and Human Rights” presents an interesting approach to the study of human rights. Bracic investigates the attitudes of individual citizens regarding the Roma in the context of the EU accession process. She holds that human rights violations are often actions taken by individuals against other individuals. She asks whether the EU accession process, which incorporates strong incentives for improvements in human rights legislation, also affects individual behavior—and therefore better enables the Roma to secure their rights within these polities. She finds that it is not EU accession that makes a difference, but the concerted effort of NGO leadership to connect Roma and non-Roma that transforms attitudes.

How can citizens be educated so as to become the free, critical, and independent persons that liberalism requires? John Locke, a founder of liberalism, devoted a great deal of attention to this. In “‘Contesting the Empire of Habit’: Habituation and Liberty in Lockean Education,” Rita Koganzon examines Locke, especially his seminal Some Thoughts Concerning Education, to uncover his views on the matter. Recent scholarship has attacked Locke for his use of habituation in education, but Koganzon argues that—paradoxically—this habituation is carefully calibrated by Locke to produce independence. Locke's pupil is habituated primarily to control his desires, rendering him more free in the long run. This carries over to the arena of mental habits, where, in Koganzon's telling, Locke's education prepares the pupil to suspend assent, and to approach received ideas critically. This new interpretation of Locke's political education will help us understand the requirements of liberal citizenship, and how to fulfill them.

In “The Primary Effect: Preference Votes and Political Promotions,” Olle Folke, Torsten Persson, and Johanna Rickne use a Regression Discontinuity Design to test their theory that similar to primary elections, political parties use preference-vote tallies to identify popular politicians and promote them to positions of power within the party. Their data come from local party nominations and appointments in municipalities in both Sweden and Brazil. Comparing close winners and losers, the authors convincingly demonstrate that winning the most preference votes raises the probability of political career advancement. Additionally, they find that greater competition between parties, as well as within parties, seems to contribute to a closer adherence to preference votes in party promotions.

Kevin Croke, Guy Grossman, Horacio A. Larreguy, and John Marshall in “Deliberate Disengagement: How Education Can Decrease Political Participation in Electoral Authoritarian Regimes” suggest that contrary to the long-held contention that education increases political participation, in electoral authoritarian regimes, educated voters may instead deliberately disengage. Using data from Zimbabwe, they find that that education decreases political participation, substantially reducing the likelihood that better-educated citizens vote, contact politicians, or attend community meetings. The findings have important implications for the existing literature on educational effects on political engagement. Not only do the findings go against some of the long-held assertions in the political behavior literature, but they also question some of the basic premises of modernization theory that would suggest that education should pressure the development of democracy, by increasing greater demands for participation. What happens instead, in electoral authoritarian regimes, they argue, is deliberate disengagement.

In some circles, it is almost axiomatic that partisanship is a bad thing. It leads people to push for partial or sectional goods at the expense of the common good; it leads to ideologically closed minds and polarized politics. Against this backdrop, Lea Ypi argues in “Political Commitment and the Value of Partisanship” that we should cherish partisanship, despite its flaws. We should cherish it because it is perhaps the principal means of fostering political commitment, a value we all appreciate. Partisanship, Ypi maintains, is a kind of political friendship, one that sustains commitment across time and across issues (at least in the context of broad partisan organizations such as parties). Partisan friendship nurtures and supports the commitment of each member, and even fosters deliberation within the partisan group and perhaps in the public sphere at large. Ypi acknowledges the negatives of partisanship, but argues that they are a necessary price to pay for the manifold goods that partisanship brings, to citizens and to the polity.

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Footnotes

1 One widely accepted guide to such norms is given by the American Anthropological Association's Code of Ethics, particularly Section III. http://www.aaanet.org/issues/policy-advocacy/upload/AAA-Ethics-Code-2009.pdf

2 See http://www.data-pass.org/. Current Data-PASS members include the Institute for Quantitative Social Science at Harvard University, the Howard W. Odum Institute for Research in Social Science at the University of North Carolina–Chapel Hill, the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR) at the University of Michigan, the Electronic and Special Media Records Service Division, National Archives and Records Administration, the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research at the University of Connecticut, the Social Science Data Archive at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), the Cornell Institute for Social and Economic Research (CISER) at Cornell University, and the Qualitative Data Repository at Syracuse University.

3 This parallels the position taken by APSA. See, for example, Guidelines for Data Access and Research Transparency for Qualitative Research in Political Science, and Guidelines for Data Access and Research Transparency for Quantitative Research in Political Science.

4 See http://www.aapor.org/standards.asp

5 A TRAX consists of two elements: (1) a brief overview outlining the data-collection and data-generation processes employed and (2) activated (digitally enhanced) citations. Activated citations follow the format of traditional footnotes or endnotes, but are digitally augmented to include, for each source: (a) a precise and complete reference such that scholars can locate the source and find the relevant information within it; (b) a redaction of/excerpt from the source; (c) if needed, an annotation that explains how the source supports the textual claim with which it is associated; and (d) the source itself (if available and shareable) or a hyperlink thereto. For more details, see http://www.maxwell.syr.edu/moynihan/cqrm/A_Guide_to_Active_Citation/

6 http://www.springer.com/psychology/journal/10519?detailsPage=pltci_624152

References

Books

Ahlquist, John S., and Levi, Margaret. 2013. In the Interest of Others: Leaders, Governance, and Political Activism in Membership Organizations. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Mansbridge, Jane J. 1986. Why We Lost the ERA. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
U.S. Department of State, 1979. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951. Vol. II: United Nations; Western Hemisphere. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.Google Scholar

Periodicals

Gerring, John. 2005a. “Causation: A Unified Framework for the Social Sciences.” Journal of Theoretical Politics 17:2 (April):163–98.Google Scholar
Gerring, John. 2005b. “Minor Parties in Plurality Electoral Systems.” Party Politics 11:1 (January): 79–107.Google Scholar
Wedeen, Lisa. 2002. “Conceptualizing Culture: Possibilities for Political Science.” American Political Science Review 96:4 (December): 713–28.Google Scholar

Chapter in Edited Collection

Brady, Henry E., and Kaplan, Cynthia S.. 2011. “Conceptualizing and Measuring Ethnic Identity.” In Measuring Identity: A Guide for Social Scientists, eds. Abdelal, Rawi, Herrera, Yoshiko M., Johnston, Alastair Iain, and McDermott, Rose. New York: Cambridge University Press, 33–71.Google Scholar

Edited Collections

Boix, Carles, and Stokes, Susan C., eds. 2007. The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Politics. New York: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar

Dissertations

Boas, Taylor. 2009. “Varieties of Electioneering: Presidential Campaigns in Latin America.” PhD dissertation, Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley, CA.Google Scholar

Web sites

American Political Science Association. 2013. “About the APSA Africa Workshops.” Washington, DC: American Political Science Association. Retrieved October 10, 2013 (http://www.apsanet.org/~africaworkshops/content_58417.cfm).Google Scholar

Data Sets

Levy, Jack S., and Clifton Morgan, T.. Great Power Wars, 1495–1815. [Computer file]. ICPSR09955.v1. 1989. Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [distributor], 1994. doi: 10.3886/ICPSR09955.v1 Google Scholar
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