Contesting Chineseness is about Singaporean-Chinese (author's term) perceptions of new Chinese migrants in Singapore and the latter's perceptions of themselves and of the former. It asks “why are there tensions between ethnic Chinese settlers and new Chinese arrivals despite similarities in phenotype, ancestry and customs?” (p. 12). The main question is valid for investigation but the puzzle about tensions despite similarity in phenotype and ancestry is no puzzle at all: it is already well-known in overseas Chinese studies that old settlers have negative stereotypes about new arrivals and often there are tensions between them, both in the past (such as the Babas’ derogatory perception of Sinkehs or new Chinese arrivals) and in the present (such as the tension between the old settlers and the new immigrants in Peru). The study is based on interviews with 24 Singaporean-Chinese and 38 mainland Chinese migrants as well as information from digital sources from social media websites. The book has five chapters as well as an introduction and a conclusion. Chapter one describes Singaporean-Chinese questioning of their state's version of Chinese identity and Chinese homogeneity. The author adopts the Western rhetoric about anxieties regarding China's ascent, although a political and economic analysis of Singapore as a Chinese majority island state in the Malay Archipelago, and its alliance with US while not offending China, might enlighten us more about this issue of the state, people and Chinese identity.
Chapter two provides a clear description of how Singaporean-Chinese view the new Chinese migrants as undesirable and “unworthy of belonging to Singapore” (p. 70), separating themselves as a “middle-class” us from a “working-class” them. In chapter three, the author uses digital media research materials as well as interviews to show how low-wage Chinese migrants “reimagine ethnicity, gender and class to reposition themselves as better people than the host society” (p. 73). The discussion is about class and masculinity. At the same time, the ascent of China allows the migrants to imagine themselves as “better Chinese men” than Singaporean-Chinese (p. 92).
Chapter four uses the online narratives to describe how new migrants see Singaporean-Chinese as “not Chinese enough” while the latter see the former as “not Singaporean enough.” It provides an interesting illustration of language, class, nationality and identity. This reminds me of a Singapore Baba who spoke Baba Malay and English. He told me, in the 1990s, about the new Chinese migrants: “they speak to us in Mandarin!” The fascinating discussion of language, culture and identity in Singapore is best summarized by the author that while “Singaporean-Chinese are striving for Chineseness as tied to belonging to the Singapore nation, Chinese nationals are accumulating belonging to Chinese civilization: a civilization they imagine to be founded on ethnic Chinese descent and which overrides national borders” (p. 114).
Chapter five provides an interesting discussion of the emergence of Geylang, the red-light district of Singapore, as a new Chinatown associated with the new Chinese migrants. Noting the marginalization of Chinese migrants to Chinatown in the West, the author highlights the perception of the new Chinatown in relation to Singaporean-Chinese imaginaries of Chinese migrants as inassimilable. In actual fact, the original Chinatown in Singapore was created by the government for tourist development, not conjured up by the British colonialists. Thus, it is not really convincing to argue that the Singaporean-Chinese emulated the colonialists in racializing the new Chinese migrants in Geylang. This theme of emulating colonialists and white racists is again highlighted in the conclusion, that “Singaporeans’ behaviour echoes white racialists in the rest of the world” (p. 146). There are Singaporeans who do not welcome new Chinese migrants, just like in Hong Kong there are locals who dislike the increase in new Chinese migrants there, but this phenomenon can benefit from a greater focus on political and economic analyses, beyond the study of narratives and rhetoric.
On an editorial note, it is puzzling that the publisher allows this single-author book to have references printed at the end of each chapter like an edited book. Putting all the references at the end of a book not only facilitates easy consultation but also reduces repetitions.
Overall, this book and other cultural studies of Chineseness since the early 2000s have contributed to the elegant study of Chinese identities in changing contexts. The description of Geylang as the new Chinatown is perhaps the most fascinating part of the study but it also cries out for more socio-economic analysis, such as how Geylang became a new Chinatown and how the migrants created a space of their own here. While class is a factor in consideration, this study really focuses on Singaporeans’ perception about the low-wage migrants and their generalization of migrants as low-status people. As the conclusion shows, Chineseness matters whether ethnic Chinese themselves like it or not. However, the material bases of identities cannot be ignored, and in this respect, Karl Marx is right. Indeed, the arrival of so many new migrants is not just because of globalization and the rise of China, but closely related to the immigrant policies of the Singapore government and perhaps its racial view of preserving some kind of Chineseness in Singaporean identity. Students of migration and ethnic Chinese studies will find this book interesting.
