Deputy Secretary William J. Burns have the following remarks in Cairo

Deputy Secretary Burns. It is a pleasure to be back in Cairo. Ambassador Patterson and I just finished a very constructive meeting with President Morsi. I conveyed a message of congratulations from President Obama, emphasizing America's strong commitment to building a new partnership with a new, democratic Egypt, founded on common interest and mutual respect.

While in Cairo, I am also meeting with a broad range of Egyptian leaders, political figures, civil society representatives, and members of the business community. These discussions help prepare for Secretary Clinton's visit to Egypt later this month, which will highlight U.S. support for Egypt's democratic transition and economic revival. I'll add just a few brief points.

First, let me take this opportunity to congratulate the people of Egypt on what is truly an historic set of achievements. A peaceful revolution. Competitive elections. The first democratically elected civilian president in Egypt's history. For all the very real problems that remain, not all nations who rose up alongside you last year have been so fortunate. Not all nations carry Egypt's strategic and historic weight. And not all nations can have such an important impact on the entire region through the success of their democratic transition, and through their continued role as a strong pillar of peace, security, and prosperity.

Second, the United States will do all we can to help ensure a successful transition in Egypt, which offers the best path to realize the aspirations of the Egyptian people for dignity, for opportunity, for security, and for a voice in their own affairs. Egyptians know far better than we do that their aspirations are not yet fully realized, but they can count on America's partnership on the complicated road ahead.

Third, we are mindful that many of the Egyptian people's most pressing concerns today are economic in nature. We are fully committed to tangible initiatives to help Egypt deal with its economic challenges, including meeting immediate financial concerns, providing debt relief, helping to create jobs and educational opportunities, and encouraging U.S. investment and tourism. For all the obvious challenges, Egypt clearly has the potential for economic revival and inclusive growth.

Fourth, in a very short time, Egypt has traveled a remarkable distance, but a great deal of work remains to build the strong, durable democratic system for which the Egyptian people launched their revolution. It will be critical to see a democratically elected parliament in place, and an inclusive process to draft a new constitution that upholds universal rights. The challenge remains of building institutions which will ensure that no matter who wins an election in any particular year, the rights of all Egyptians will always be protected. This challenge belongs not just to Egypt's leaders but to its citizens as well.

Finally, tens of millions of Egyptians will be looking to President Morsi and the Cabinet he forms to take needed steps to advance national unity and build an inclusive government that embraces all of Egypt's faiths and respects the rights of women and secular members of society. So will the international community. We are fully committed to working with Egypt's President, its new government and all parties to sustain our partnership and advance our shared interest in a strong, democratic, and economically vibrant Egypt that is a force for peace and stability in the region.

Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Mohamed Amr gave the following remarks in Cairo, Egypt

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Foreign Minister. And I want to thank you and President Morsi for a warm welcome and a very thorough conversation about a number of important issues confronting Egypt and the region.

This is, of course, a time marked by many historic firsts, and it is very clear that Egyptians are in the midst of complex negotiations about the transition, from the composition of your parliament to the writing of a new constitution to the powers of the president. Only Egyptians can answer these questions, but I have come to Cairo to reaffirm the strong support of the United States for the Egyptian people and for your democratic transition.

This afternoon, President Morsi and I began a constructive dialogue about the broad, enduring relationship between the United States and Egypt for the 21st century. We discussed the challenges ahead and how the United States and Egypt can work together in a spirit of mutual respect and mutual interests.

First, we discussed how the United States can support the Egyptian people and their aspirations and in particular the economic package outlined by President Obama to relieve up to one billion dollars in Egypt's debt as its democratic transition moves forward. In close consultation with the United States Congress, the Obama Administration is preparing to provide budget support to help Egypt stabilize its economy and to use debt relief to foster innovation, growth, and job creation. As Egypt takes these steps to shore up your economy, we will support you with international financial institutions and other donors.

We are also focused on increasing trade, investment, and entrepreneurship to create jobs and are ready to make available $250 million in loan guarantees to Egyptian small-and-medium-sized businesses. We are sending a high-level delegation of American businesses in early September to explore new investment and trade opportunities, and we will be creating the U.S.-Egypt Enterprise Fund. We'll launch that fund with $60 million. We have prominent Egyptian and American business leaders who will run it. It is modeled on what we have done that has worked in other countries before.

Second, the President and I discussed the importance of keeping Egypt's democratic transition moving forward, and I commended him on his pledge to serve all Egyptians, including women and minorities and to protect the rights of all Egyptians. President Morsi made clear that he understands the success of his presidency and, indeed, of Egypt's democratic transition depends on building consensus across the Egyptian political spectrum, to work on a new constitution at parliament, to protect civil society, to draft a new constitution that will be respected by all, and to assert the full authority of the presidency.

And thirdly, we discussed Egypt's role as a leader in the region. I commended the President for going to the African Union Summit to reassert Egyptian leadership in Africa and emphasized the importance of upholding Egypt's international agreements. More than three decades ago, Egypt and Israel signed a treaty that has allowed a generation to grow up without knowing war. And on this foundation, we will work together to build a just, comprehensive, regional peace in the Middle East based on two states for two people with peace, security, and dignity for all.

We believe America's shared strategic interest with Egypt far outnumber our differences. And we know that Egypt's future is up to the Egyptian people, but we want to be a good partner. We want to support the democracy that has been achieved by the courage and sacrifice of the Egyptian people and to see a future of great potential be realized for the nearly 90 million people of Egypt who are expecting that to occur.

Thank you very much.

Q. Mohamad Soliman from Nile News. You say that the U.S. supports the democratic transition in Egypt, but some believe that some statements made by U.S. officials have a negative impact on efforts to reach consensus among the various Egyptian parties. What's your comment to that?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we do support the democratic transition, but we know that it is for Egyptians to decide your way forward. And what we have tried to do, President Obama and I, is to stress democracy is hard. We have been at this for more than 236 years, and it requires dialogue and compromise and real politics. So we are encouraged, and we want to be helpful, but we know that it is not for the United States to decide. It is for the Egyptian people to decide, and we will continue to support the Egyptian people making these decisions in the best way that we can.

Ms. Nuland. On the U.S. side, Reuters, Arshad Mohammed, please.

Q. Secretary Clinton, do you regret in retrospect that successive American administrations supported the Mubarak government, which for so many years repressed and sought to marginalize the Muslim Brotherhood, including at times imprisoning President Morsi, whom you just met? And secondly, did President Morsi raise with you the case of Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, the cleric who is in prison in the United States? And if so, what was your response?

Secretary Clinton. The answer to the second question is no.

Answer to the first question is we worked with the government of the country at the time. We work with governments around the world. We agree with some of them; we disagree with others of them. We were consistent in promoting human rights and speaking out for an end to the emergency law, an end to political prisoners being detained. So I think you have to put this in context.

The United States has relations with every nation in the world, and we stand for democracy and human rights, but it's not always easy for countries to transition from authoritarian regimes to democratic ones. Sometimes it's very bloody, with great loss. Egypt took a different path, and we now are doing all we can to support the democratically elected government and to help make it a success in delivering results for the people of Egypt.

Q. It's two questions. And first one concerns have—has the U.S. or yourself taken any steps to bring President Morsi and Netanyahu together, especially that some people raise the possibility of amending some of the provisions of the peace treaty? And the second question concerns the U.S. position vis-a-vis the Palestinian reconciliation efforts. And there's an understanding that the U.S. is opposed to that and also opposed to the Palestinians turning to the United Nations. So the question is if you were in President—in the Palestinian President's shoes, what exactly would you do with regard to this issue?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we—as to the first question, it is up to the two nations and the President and the Prime Minister to make their own scheduling plans. We have done nothing. That's not our role; that would not be appropriate. Obviously, we think it's important for all the nations in the region to try to maintain peace and stability, especially with so many economic challenges facing the region. And we certainly support the continuation of the peace agreement, because we think, as I said, it has brought great benefits to Egypt and will continue to do so, enabling the President to focus on the economic conditions and the internal political situation here in the country.

And as to your second question, I'm in very close communication with President Abbas. I met with him last Friday in Paris. Our goal is to help bring about the two-state solution. And we know that it can only happen if there is a negotiation between the Israelis and the Palestinians, and that can only happen if all Palestinians are committed to seeking a political resolution and renouncing violence.

So reconciliation is up to the Palestinians, and I commend the Egyptian Government for all the work that Egypt has done. But at the end of the day, the factions of the Palestinians themselves have to determine whether they are committed to a negotiation that will result in a state which they deserve and which the Palestinian people have every reason to expect, or whether there will be diversions and other actions that do not promote that. And I personally believe, having watched this closely now for more than 20 years, that it's imperative there be a negotiated resolution. And I will continue to do everything I can to bring that about.

Foreign Minister Amr. I would like to add something about the peace treaty. Mr. President has repeatedly reaffirmed, and on all occasions, that Egypt continues to respect all treaties signed as long as the other party to the treaty respects the treaty itself. And today, he once again reiterated this issue and also reiterated that Egypt's understanding of peace is that it should be comprehensive, exactly as stipulated in the treaty itself. And this also includes the Palestinians, of course, and its right to—their right have their own state on the land that was—the pre June 4th, 1967 borders with Jerusalem as its capital.

Ms. Nuland. CNN, Elise Labott, please.

Q. Thank you, Madam Secretary. You spoke last week about the parties needing to—in Egypt—needing to get together and settle their political differences. And today you spoke about President Morsi needing to assert the full authority of his office. But I'm wondering if you're equating the SCAF, which seems to have undemocratically overstayed its welcome in the political sphere, with an elected president and parliament that you yourself said was brought to office in a free and fair election. I mean, is there a moral equivalence there, or should the SCAF be kind of pulling back now? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, again, Elise, this is first and foremost a question for the Egyptian people. But the United States supports the full transition to civilian rule with all that entails. And we have commended the SCAF for representing the Egyptian people in the revolution, as compared to what we're seeing in Syria, which is the military murdering their own people. The SCAF here protected the Egyptian nation, and we commend them for overseeing a free, fair election process. But there is more work ahead, and I think the issues around the parliament, the constitution have to be resolved between and among Egyptians. I will look forward to discussing these issues tomorrow with Field Marshal Tantawi and in working to support the military's return to a purely national security role.

And I would only add that this is not an uncommon issue in these transitions. If you look at Latin America, you look at Asia, you look at the former Soviet Union, other countries have gone through these transitions, especially from authoritarian, military-dominated rule. So I am confident that the Egyptian people, acting in the interest of all the people, can resolve these questions themselves.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Cairo

Secretary Clinton. Well, first let me say how pleased I am to have this opportunity to visit with some longtime acquaintances and people I've known and people that I've met recently, and some new faces, to talk about the way forward here in Egypt. I just had a lengthy meeting with a group of Christian leaders who had many issues that they wanted to raise directly with me. And I came to Cairo in part to send a very clear message that the United States supports the rights—the universal rights—of all people.

And we support democracy, but democracy has to mean more than just elections. It has to mean that the majority will be protecting the rights of the minority. And here in Egypt, we are committed to protecting and advancing the rights of all Egyptians—men and women, Muslim and Christian. Everyone who is a citizen of Egypt deserves the same rights under the law. And I conveyed this to President Morsi in our meeting yesterday, that we're going to look to any elected government to support inclusivity, to make sure that the talents of every Egyptian can be put to work in building a new future for this ancient and incredibly important country, and that we are also going to be looking to the government to respect the rights, and as the new constitution is written, to enshrine those rights in it.

Egyptians have sacrificed so much to get to this moment. And we think a strong, durable democracy that respects the rule of law, that protects the rights of all, is the best way forward for Egyptians to realize your aspirations and to meet your own goals for development. So today, now I have the opportunity to meet with a group of women who are active in Egypt in many different venues, on many different issues. And I'm looking forward to this conversation because I don't think there's any substitute to hearing firsthand what is on people's minds and also what the United States can do to be a better partner as Egypt makes its transition to real democracy.

Thank you all very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks during an interview with CNN's Elise Labott

Q. Madam Secretary, thank you so much for joining us. Let's start with your trip to Egypt. It wasn't a very warm welcome by a lot of Egyptians. There were very nasty protests, protesters throwing shoes. In your meetings with Christian leaders, a lot of uncertainty about U.S. policy, it doesn't seem very popular. They feel that you're siding with the Muslim Brotherhood.

Secretary Clinton. Well, Elise, there's a lot of uncertainty and anxiety in Egypt right now. They're doing something they've never done in 5,000-plus years of history. They have had elections. They've elected a president, but they still don't have a government. They don't know what the platform is going to be. They're not sure of the legal standing of some of their new institutions. And there are understandable concerns by many, many Egyptians. I don't think that's at all unusual.

But what I was looking for was a chance to hear directly from people, and I knew very well there'd be a lot of passion and conviction expressed, which I think demonstrates how invested Egyptians are in trying to make sure their democratic transition works out for the benefit of all the Egyptians—men and women, Muslim and Christian, everybody.

Q. Are you prepared to use U.S. influence like aid to make sure the military lets that transition happen?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we've been talking with everybody in Egypt about what we can do to try to help their economic situation, which is quite serious. But until there's a government in place, until there's a finance minister and a prime minister, people with whom we can actually talk specifics, we won't be able to know exactly what we can offer, what we can expect, and then what kind of accountability to seek.

Q. The Israelis are really walking on eggshells now about this issue on the Sinai. It's become a virtual no-man's land, like a pre-Afghanistan situation where you have the safe haven on terrorists. What assurances are you bringing to the Israelis? Have you discussed in your meetings with the Israeli leaders? What assurances from President Morsi are you bringing?

Secretary Clinton. I discussed at length the situation in the Sinai in Egypt and then again today in Israel. We share the concern. We think this is a dangerous situation for both Egypt and for Israel. It's also dangerous for Americans. We have Americans as part of the multinational force that observes the continuation of the Camp David Accords. We have Americans in the Sinai. We've had a few concerns about their safety. So this is not only about Egypt and Israel, it's also about the United States and other members of that multinational force. So it's in everyone's interest that we work together to make sure that security is in place in Sinai.

Because it's not only the lawlessness that took place after the Egyptian revolution, it is the import of weapons from outside Egypt and the Sinai; it is the potential of jihadists and terrorists taking up an operational base in Sinai. So we spent a lot of time talking about what more needed to be done to get some more attention paid to the Sinai.

Q. And you think President Morsi will do that?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think he is concerned about any part of the country that might cause problems for Egyptians and for others beyond his border. And certainly in my meeting with Field Marshal Tantawi, he is very focused on that as well.

Q. Let's talk about Iran. There have been a steady stream of officials coming, in addition to Bill Burns, for the national dialogue—yourself, National Security Advisor Donilon, and Defense Secretary Panetta. Some people are dubbing this the please don't bomb Iran tour, I mean, but in all seriousness, how much of this—how concerned are you that the Israelis are looking to make a strike against Iran? Those Iran talks are not going well. And how much of this is an effort to say to the Israelis, “Don't do it. We have this under control”?

Secretary Clinton. Elise, we have upped our intensive dialogues and consultations with the Israelis over the last three years to an unprecedented level. It's not at all unusual to have a constant flow of senior officials, and of course Iran is on our agenda with Israel. It's on our agenda with so many countries around the world, as you know, but that's not the only issue that we discuss.

We discuss how we can try to keep moving toward some peace process outcome that will bring about a two-state solution. We talk about what's happening in the region in Syria, for example. We have broad-based consultations.

Q. Let's talk about Syria. A year ago when you were in Lithuania, you said that time was running out for the Assad regime. There were 1,000 people dead. When you were in Tokyo, you said the sands are coming out of the hour glass. Now there are 10,000 people dead. What is the threshold, Madam Secretary, that these don't become empty words and there will be some type of intervention to get rid of President Assad?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we are trying to intervene. We're trying to intervene in a way that brings about an end to the violence and a transition to a democratic future that doesn't require adding to the violence, further militarizing the conflict, perhaps killing more people and pushing them across the borders. I think that everyone is very wary, for good reason, of that kind of intervention. But certainly what we've tried to do to get nations that have been skeptical on board with us, most particularly the Russians and the Chinese, what we've done to try to help reassure and provide humanitarian assistance to the neighboring countries that are absorbing the refugees.

But Elise, everybody is as outraged as I am, and I think for very good reason, at what we see happening. It's horrific what's happening. But you have to look at all the consequences of any action that the outside could take. And there are many instances that I could point to where you could make things worse. You could add to the violence through some kind of military intervention, which is why you see the region itself, which is living with this terrible regime and what it's doing to its people, being especially careful.

So yeah, the time is running out. I can't put a definite hour and minute on it, but the Assad regime is not going to survive. I just wish it would end sooner instead of later.

Q. Yeah, but you keep saying that the Russians need to pay a price. You're urging the world to show Russia there's a price. What price is the U.S. prepared to make Russia pay?

Secretary Clinton. Well, our commitment is to try to get Russia to cooperate with us. So we want the rest of the world to put pressure on Russia in the Security Council so that they will support a Chapter 7 resolution, where we can impose very hard sanctions on people and institutions that support the regime. That would be the best signal we could send to Assad that his days are numbered. As long as he has Iran in his corner, which he does, and as long as he has Russia uncertain about whether or not to side against him in any more dramatic way than it already has, he feels like he can keep going. And that's the message we want to reverse.

Q. You've been talking about the peace process here. Even though you have these letters, there's this sense of some momentum. A lot of—some of the parties are saying we're just running out the clock 'til there's an election in the U.S. and hoping that President Obama will get re-elected, and you'll be able to do something meaningful. What do you say to that argument?

Secretary Clinton. I say that you should not waste a day in trying to achieve a resolution to the ongoing conflict and dispute between the Israelis and the Palestinians. It is so much in the interest of Israel. It is so much in the interest of the Palestinians. And now the way the region is in turmoil, it would be a great signal of stability and a positive view of what the future can be. So I don't want anybody to wait for anything because I think that's wasted time.

Q. But you've had a front seat to this conflict for 20 years, from Oslo, first with your husband, as a Senator, as a Secretary of State. Is this every going to get solved?

Secretary Clinton. Oh, I'm an optimist. I believe that eventually it will, because I think it must. I think there's just so much at stake. But ultimately it's not up to the United States. We are deeply committed to a peaceful outcome that secures Israel's border and Israel's future as a democratic Jewish state. We are committed to the aspirations of the Palestinian people for their own state, but ultimately it comes down to the two of them. I had firsthand experience in Northern Ireland. They had to decide they were finally ready to stop fighting and killing before there could be any process, and then the process took years.

So I know that, again, these are intractable problems—they—in the eyes of many. But I think part of my job and part of what the United States does is just not to give up, to be persistent, to keep raising the issues and demonstrating how important it is to move forward.

Q. There was a sense that you feel that the clock is running out and you need to pack as much in; you might have some unfinished business. I mean, what is this massive pace all about?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I had work to do. I had to be in Paris for the Friends of Syria, then I had to go to Tokyo two days later for the International Donor Conference on Afghanistan, and then I had to end up in Cambodia for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and—I mean so a lot of my schedule is predetermined. It's places, it's meetings, it's events where the United States must be represented and it's my job to represent us. And I could go home, I suppose, between these meetings, but it seems to me it makes more sense, it is more efficient to go to places, to engage in serious discussions, to look for ways to advance America's interest, security, and values, and that's what I've done from the first day I became Secretary. It's what I intend to do until the last day that I leave the office.

President Barack Obama gave the following remarks in the Oval Office

Assistant Secretary Michael Posner gave the following testimony before the Tom Lantos Commission on Human Rights

Assistant Secretary Posner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this hearing and for your sustained concern about Bahrain and the current challenges there. I appreciate the opportunity to appear here today to outline the administration's views with respect to Bahrain.

Context: Bahrain is an important strategic partner at a crossroads

We all recognize Bahrain's importance as a longtime partner of the United States in the Gulf region. For more than 60 years, the United States military has worked closely with its Bahraini counterparts. The Fifth Fleet is based in Bahrain, and the country serves as a pillar of our regional security strategy in the Gulf region. The U.S.—Bahrain relationship is particularly important in the face of rising threats from Iran.

Our longstanding alliance with Bahrain is based on shared political, economic, and security interests. And it is in part because of this important strategic relationship that we have devoted so much attention to Bahrain in the last 18 months. The demonstrations and violent confrontations that shook Bahrain last February and March were traumatic to all segments of Bahraini society. And although the violence has diminished significantly in recent months, Bahrain is still a deeply divided nation struggling to regain its equilibrium.

As partners and friends who care deeply about Bahrain's future, we must be straightforward in our assessments. This is not a time for complacency or wishful thinking. It is a time for the United States and others to work with the government and the political opposition and to urge a new approach to dialogue, about which I will say more in a moment.

It is in this challenging political context that I have traveled to Bahrain five times in the last 18 months, most recently in June, each time meeting with senior government officials, lawyers, journalists, medical professionals, civil society groups, human rights advocates, and several political societies. This visit, my meetings focused on 1) the current situation for human rights in Bahrain following the unrest in February and March of last year, 2) the need for inclusive dialogue and negotiation, and 3) implementation of the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry report.

The current situation for human rights in Bahrain

In a number of ways, Bahrain today is more stable than it was a year ago. Last year, the government showed courage in inviting Cherif Bassiouni to initiate the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI). The BICI process was unprecedented both in its scope and the unfettered access the BICI team were granted. King Hamad deserves great credit for initiating this commission and for allowing an independent body to take a critical look at Bahrain's human rights record and to report so extensively on its findings. We also commend the King for accepting and committing to implement the recommendations of the BICI report. And after a worrying period of rising violence in the streets by both demonstrators and police, violence has subsided this summer.

Despite these positive accomplishments, my recent visit revealed deep divisions within Bahraini society and between many Bahrainis and their government. Almost nightly confrontations, including a number that end in violence between young protestors and the police, and the recent discovery of sophisticated bomb-making materials in Salmabad and Hamad Town punctuate the need for urgent action to heal the divisions in society and bring peace and prosperity to all of its people.

We are concerned that more than a year after the release of the BICI report, we see reports of continuing reprisals against Bahraini citizens who attempt to exercise their universal rights to free expression and assembly. For example, on March 31, 2012, Ahmed Ismail Hassan, a 22-year-old videographer, was shot and killed while filming a pro-reform demonstration. This is one incident in a pattern of reports of activists and demonstrators being injured and mistreated in interactions with the police.

Moreover, permits for organized demonstrations are often denied. Over the past month, Bahrain has stopped granting permits for organized demonstrations in central Manama, and has announced a study to identify suitable locations for protests away from the downtown area. While the study may be a useful opportunity to initiate constructive dialogue, including with the opposition, it must not be used as a mechanism to restrict the universal right to peaceful protest. At the same time, we urge Wifaq and others who organize demonstrations to do their utmost to ensure that those gatherings remain peaceful.

Urgent need for dialogue

Since February and March 2011 there have been numerous calls—including by Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, President Obama, Secretary Clinton, and members of the international community—for broad political dialogue that will lead to a way forward on political reform.

While dialogue and negotiation can only occur among Bahrainis themselves, as a friend and partner of Bahrain, the United States has encouraged dialogue in a variety of different forms over the last 18 months. But despite numerous attempts, attempts at dialogue have broken down. There is little evidence that Bahrain is moving toward a negotiated political agreement on issues such as the powers of parliament and electoral districting.

On my recent visit, I observed that both people in the government and the political opposition felt that time is on their side. This is a misguided and dangerous perception. Bahrain needs dialogue and negotiation to build a strong national consensus about its political future, strengthen its economic standing, and make it a more prosperous country and a more stable ally of the United States. We are pursuing a two-track strategy to reinforce those elements within Bahraini society that are working to promote meaningful dialogue and negotiation.

On the first track, we continue to encourage the government, all political organizations, and civil society to come to the table for a broad, open negotiation about the political future of the country. The current stalemate requires bold leadership from all sides—people who are ready to negotiate now, without preconditions, and to trust the other sides to come to the table in a spirit of investment in Bahrain's political, economic, and social future. As we have said, the country's political future is a matter for Bahrainis to negotiate themselves. But as the government did with the BICI process, there is room to invite technical facilitation of Bahraini-led dialogue.

On the second track, we also are encouraging the government to sit down with political and civil society organizations, and ordinary citizens, to try to make progress on issues that matter to people's everyday lives, such as safety, health, education, labor, and policing.

One positive example of this kind of engagement is the Tripartite Committee's work with the International Labor Organization (ILO), Bahraini employers, the Bahrain Federation of Trade Unions, and the Ministry of Labor to resolve the longstanding issue of reinstatement of more than 2,000 dismissed workers. We are encouraged by the success of this effort, both in terms of a fair outcome for many of the dismissed workers and the process that led to this outcome. Working with the ILO, the different stakeholders negotiated with each other over the course of several weeks to agree on an inclusive approach for evaluating and making decisions about how to resolve the issue of dismissed workers. While there will no doubt be bumps in the road, there the partners developed a framework for making decisions that shared power among the different stakeholders.

The issue of public safety and policing practices is another area that we see as being ripe for this kind of dialogue and negotiation. We are encouraged by steps undertaken by the Ministry of Interior to initiate some institutional reforms that will make the police more accountable and professional. The change in leadership in the police under General Tariq al Hassan, a career police officer, also is an encouraging sign. We await the results of the announced plan to hire 500 new officers who represent all elements of Bahraini society. And we welcome the announcement earlier this week by the Minister of the Interior that his office will launch investigations of the human rights violations by police officers documented in the BICI report.

But it is not enough for the government to dictate solutions to problems with policing amidst ongoing reports of the abuse of tear gas, birdshot, and other disproportionate mechanisms to control crowds and silence peaceful protestors. While we have consistently condemned the use of Molotov cocktails and other violent measures by some demonstrators, we also have been consistent in our criticism of the use of excessive force by some police.

What underlies the use of excessive force by police and the use of violent tactics by protestors is a fundamental lack of trust between the police and the people whom the police are meant to serve. Trust can only begin to be established through genuine dialogue between the police and the communities they serve. We encourage the government to take the lead in establishing a forum or a process—perhaps with outside technical facilitation—for discussion of public safety and policing practices.

One model we have discussed regularly with the government and others is the Patten Commission, which worked over the course of several years to redefine the mission and practices of police in Northern Ireland. For such a process to work, citizens, community and religious leaders, and civil society organizations must be willing to engage with the government and the police to begin rebuilding the trust that will lead to genuine stability and peace in Bahraini communities.

BICI implementation

The United States continues to encourage the Government of Bahrain to fulfill its commitment to fully implement the recommendations of the BICI report. We understand that full implementation will take time. We commend the government for the initial steps it took toward implementation, particularly in the period leading up to the release of the National Commission report in March 2012.

The Government of Bahrain has taken many important steps toward the long-term institutional reforms identified in the report, such as removing arrest authority from the national security agency, drafting legislation concerning the investigation and prosecution of torture, and drafting a code of conduct for police based on international best practices. The government also has allowed the International Committee of the Red Cross access to its prisons. It has begun to rebuild religious sites, and engaged a team of qualified experts to advise on policing and legal reforms. These are signs of the government's commitment to address the underlying cause of last year's violence.

The Government of Bahrain needs to take action on the full range of other BICI recommendations that we believe will help lay the foundation for longer-term reform and reconciliation. These include dropping charges against all persons accused of offenses involving peaceful political expression including freedom of assembly, prosecuting those officials responsible for the violations identified in the BICI report, and ensuring fair and expeditious trials in appeals cases. It also means continuing work to professionalize and diversify Bahrain's security forces to reflect the communities which they serve.

First, there are several hundred pending criminal cases related to the events of February and March 2011. Many individuals have been in detention for over a year. The government continues to prosecute 20 political activists and appeals cases are ongoing in the prosecution of respected medical professionals. In addition to the ongoing cases against doctors and nurses, we are discouraged by the Court of Appeals' decision to issue a gag-order banning the media from reporting on trials for the 20 high-profile activists. We urge the Government of Bahrain to ensure fair and expeditious trials in appeals cases and to drop charges against all persons accused of offenses involving political expression and freedom of assembly.

The United States was deeply disappointed that, despite assurances to the contrary, the government sought and received convictions in nine of 18 felony cases against medical professionals before the appellate court, with sentences ranging from one month to five years. While we are not privy to all of the facts, we have consistently urged the government to exercise prosecutorial discretion in these cases and to drop the charges in the interest of turning the page on the events of last year.

The prosecution of these cases is a sign of larger divisions within the health care system in Bahrain. I was alarmed to hear reports from all sides of Bahraini society during my recent visit about the tense environment for medical care in Bahrain. Young men often elect not to seek treatment in public clinics and hospitals when they are injured for fear of being turned in to the police by their doctors on allegations of participating in demonstrations. I also heard that Shi'a Bahrainis now only seek treatment from Shi'a doctors and Sunnis only seek treatment from Sunnis. And the ongoing felony cases against some of Bahrain's most highly specialized doctors means the country is facing a shortage of talent in critical specialties.

There is much work to be done to heal the divisions in the health care system and restore the reputation of Bahrain as a regional leader in medical services.

Second, we call on the Government of Bahrain to hold accountable those officials responsible for the violations described in the BICI report. At the beginning of the year, the government reported that 48 people from the security forces were being investigated for their roles in suppressing protests. So far only nine policemen—five Pakistani and one Yemeni national and three Bahrainis—are known to have been brought to trial for human rights violations. Very little information has been made public about how these investigations were conducted and their trials have been repeatedly adjourned and postponed.

Third, as discussed above, further efforts need to be made to enhance the professionalization of the police. Ongoing violence in the streets between police and protesters points to the need for professional, integrated police and security forces that reflect the diversity of the communities they serve and that adopt a community policing approach.

Bahrain and the Arab Awakening

In conclusion, I want to say a word about Bahrain in the context of the Arab Awakening and the transitions occurring in places like Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. Many people wish to compare Bahrain to other countries in the region such as Tunisia or Egypt. While some comparisons may be valid, it also is very important to recognize the unique history and political and economic development in each of these countries, and to shape our policies accordingly. President Obama has said that stable, democratic societies make the best partners and allies. And so while there is no single path or timetable to forging a real democracy, there are a core set of underlying principles that, as Secretary Clinton recently noted “have to be enshrined not only in the constitution, not only in the institutions of government, but in the hearts and minds of the people.”

Our aim is to encourage all sides to come to the table so that meaningful dialogue and negotiation can get underway in a process that will begin to heal existing divisions within the society and set Bahrain on a course toward greater freedom and prosperity for all Bahrainis. As a partner and friend, the United States stands ready to support the government and the people of Bahrain as they seek pathways toward meaningful dialogue about the future of the country.

Deputy Assistant Secretary Deborah McCarthy gave the following remarks in Washington, DC

Deputy Assistant Secretary McCarthy.

It is a pleasure to be with you today to look at the Arab Spring and North Africa through the lens of infrastructure. The Arab Spring was born in part from economic imbalance. Creating the critical infrastructure that facilitates investment, job creation, and entrepreneurial success is an essential part of providing new opportunities to correct this challenge, which countries across North Africa are facing.

Investment in infrastructure is an essential part of the economic shift now occurring across North Africa. Businesses and young entrepreneurs cannot be successful without roads to deliver goods to market, ports to access international clients and new equipment, information and communications technology to tap into high-tech industries, airports to facilitate travel within and outside of the region, and many of the other kinds of infrastructure our people and businesses use every day.

To support infrastructure investment and the transitions now occurring in North African countries, we are engaging resources from across the U.S. government to connect U.S. businesses to opportunities in the region and unlock private and public sources of financing to support infrastructure development.

From Washington and through our Embassy platforms, we help U.S. companies forge new relationships across the region. All Missions are using all available assets to support U.S. companies.

Assistant Secretary Fernandez participated in a delegation organized by the U.S.-Libya Business Association of more than 30 U.S. companies to Libya in late April for a conference on energy and infrastructure.

While in Libya, the delegation met with key ministers and planners to develop connections to Libya's infrastructure construction plans in the post-Qadhafi era. There are tremendous business opportunities in Libya today. There is a great deal of interest in U.S. technology and skills, and we believe the United States should build a strong commercial relationship with Libya.

From September 8-11, the Department is organizing the largest-ever trade mission to Egypt. The delegation, which is being organized by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce through its U.S.-Egypt Business Council, is made up of over 100 senior executives representing nearly 50 companies.

Deputy Secretary of State Thomas Nides and Deputy National Security Advisor Michael Froman will lead the U.S. government delegation which includes Senior Advisor to the Secretary John Podesta, and representatives from the Department of Commerce, the United States Trade and Development Agency, and the Overseas Private Investment Corporation.

The purpose of the delegation is to identify new business opportunities and partnerships for U.S. companies, express U.S. business confidence in Egypt, and demonstrate a commitment to Egypt's long-term economic development.

As an example of enhanced support for U.S. businesses, we pioneered in Libya a program called Direct Line. U.S. companies can now speak directly with U.S. Ambassadors on a regular basis to get their insights on the business environment. It was extremely useful in Libya and we expect the entire region to be following suit, with Egypt probably the next in line. I encourage you to find the Direct Line site from the State Department's main website and sign up for automatic updates about future calls, which will include countries in North Africa.

Another key initiative, which demonstrates the potential in the region, is the North African Partnership for Economic Opportunity, or NAPEO. NAPEO is a public-private partnership that has set up boards across the region. A key activity of NAPEO is linking entrepreneurs in the region in new and innovative ways with entrepreneurs in the US bringing all the great mentoring networks that exist in the United States, to the region.

Improved connections between infrastructure companies and the region must be supported by access to credit to finance infrastructure. Global economic woes have compounded this challenge as European and U.S. banks have withdrawn from infrastructure finance. To counter this trend, we are working to open a variety of channels for governments to access new private funds.

In Egypt, OPIC has approved a new, innovative financing mechanism to support access to credit for small and medium sized business. OPIC's $250 million loan guarantee facility can support up to $700 million in lending by local banks and non-financial institutions to small and medium sized enterprises. This facility will aim to support lending to women-owned or managed SMEs as well as SMEs in lower income regions in Egypt. USAID has provided a $10 million grant to cover operating costs associated with the program.

We are establishing two new Enterprise Funds, one in Egypt and one in Tunisia. In Egypt, the Egyptian-American Enterprise Fund will invest in promising small and medium enterprises (SMEs). The Fund will act as a catalyst, attracting others to invest with it. The fund will be a not-for-profit, privately-managed corporation governed by a mixed Egyptian-American board of directors. We will launch the Fund with an initial $60 million and seek to increase the capitalization in the coming years. A similar fund will be launched in Tunisia, with an initial capitalization of $20 million, which will foster stronger investment ties between Tunisia and America.

In Tunisia, a U.S. government team of economists led by the Millennium Challenge Corporation has partnered with the Government of Tunisia and the African Development Bank to identify Tunisia's constraints to economic growth. Early next year, MCC and the Tunisian government will implement a threshold program to address these binding constraints, unlocking the potential in Tunisia for faster growth and greater investment.

OPIC is in the process of designing a $50 million facility to provide capital financing to Tunisian franchisees interested in working with American, European, and Tunisian franchisors and to SMEs in their supply chain. These franchises could ultimately create entrepreneurship opportunities and thousands of jobs for Tunisians, particularly youth.

The State Department is also working to improve access to public funds for infrastructure development to supplement and unlock private sources finance where the market cannot meet North Africa's development needs on its own. Our goal is to prime the pump for increased private sector investment across North Africa. We see development as a business opportunity for American companies.

In 2011, with the strong backing of the U.S. government and State Department facilitation, shareholders of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development began the process of amending its charter to allow for the expansion of operations into North Africa. The aim is to improve the availability of private sector financing, including for small and medium-sized enterprises, via direct investments in loans and equities, while providing support through policy dialogue, capacity building and technical assistance. The first projects in Jordan, Tunisia, and Morocco will be brought to the Bank's Board of Governors on September 18.

We look to our partners at the African Development Bank to provide technical expertise and financing in these markets. As a result of their involvement, we see better projects that have passed higher environmental and social safeguard standards. Further, the bank's involvement helps to spur additional private sector investment by reducing the outright risk.

Finally, we are closely engaged with our colleagues at ExIm, OPIC, and USTDA and overseas to ensure U.S. government mechanisms to support infrastructure development are ready to support U.S. investments in the region.

The Arab Spring has opened new kinds of political and economic opportunity across North Africa on an unprecedented scale. We see tremendous opportunities across the region and have enhanced our efforts to engage U.S. business and bring them to the region, including through diaspora networks.

Our efforts are keenly focused on the need for infrastructure to support growth of all businesses in the region.

I welcome your thoughts about how we can continue to work together to support economic growth in North Africa through infrastructure development and other means. New investments in the region and connections between the U.S. business community and North Africa's people are already supporting this vision, and we look forward to the prosperity that will come with continued engagement and investment. Our economic officers in Washington and at embassies throughout the world are ready and eager to work with you.

I encourage you to help us improve our work. Partnership underlines all of our efforts, and your input is an essential part of the two way relationship that is so important to our joint success.

Thank you very much, and I look forward to hearing from my fellow panelists and the discussion to follow.

President Barack Obama gave the following remarks at the White House

President Obama. Good morning. Every day, all across the world, American diplomats and civilians work tirelessly to advance the interests and values of our nation. Often, they are away from their families. Sometimes, they brave great danger.

Yesterday, four of these extraordinary Americans were killed in an attack on our diplomatic post in Benghazi. Among those killed was our Ambassador, Chris Stevens, as well as Foreign Service Officer Sean Smith. We are still notifying the families of the others who were killed. And today, the American people stand united in holding the families of the four Americans in our thoughts and in our prayers.

The United States condemns in the strongest terms this outrageous and shocking attack. We're working with the government of Libya to secure our diplomats. I've also directed my administration to increase our security at diplomatic posts around the world. And make no mistake, we will work with the Libyan government to bring to justice the killers who attacked our people.

Since our founding, the United States has been a nation that respects all faiths. We reject all efforts to denigrate the religious beliefs of others. But there is absolutely no justification to this type of senseless violence. None. The world must stand together to unequivocally reject these brutal acts.

Already, many Libyans have joined us in doing so, and this attack will not break the bonds between the United States and Libya. Libyan security personnel fought back against the attackers alongside Americans. Libyans helped some of our diplomats find safety, and they carried Ambassador Stevens's body to the hospital, where we tragically learned that he had died.

It's especially tragic that Chris Stevens died in Benghazi because it is a city that he helped to save. At the height of the Libyan revolution, Chris led our diplomatic post in Benghazi. With characteristic skill, courage, and resolve, he built partnerships with Libyan revolutionaries, and helped them as they planned to build a new Libya. When the Qaddafi regime came to an end, Chris was there to serve as our ambassador to the new Libya, and he worked tirelessly to support this young democracy, and I think both Secretary Clinton and I relied deeply on his knowledge of the situation on the ground there. He was a role model to all who worked with him and to the young diplomats who aspire to walk in his footsteps.

Along with his colleagues, Chris died in a country that is still striving to emerge from the recent experience of war. Today, the loss of these four Americans is fresh, but our memories of them linger on. I have no doubt that their legacy will live on through the work that they did far from our shores and in the hearts of those who love them back home.

Of course, yesterday was already a painful day for our nation as we marked the solemn memory of the 9/11 attacks. We mourned with the families who were lost on that day. I visited the graves of troops who made the ultimate sacrifice in Iraq and Afghanistan at the hallowed grounds of Arlington Cemetery, and had the opportunity to say thank you and visit some of our wounded warriors at Walter Reed. And then last night, we learned the news of this attack in Benghazi.

As Americans, let us never, ever forget that our freedom is only sustained because there are people who are willing to fight for it, to stand up for it, and in some cases, lay down their lives for it. Our country is only as strong as the character of our people and the service of those both civilian and military who represent us around the globe.

No acts of terror will ever shake the resolve of this great nation, alter that character, or eclipse the light of the values that we stand for. Today we mourn four more Americans who represent the very best of the United States of America. We will not waver in our commitment to see that justice is done for this terrible act. And make no mistake, justice will be done.

But we also know that the lives these Americans led stand in stark contrast to those of their attackers. These four Americans stood up for freedom and human dignity. They should give every American great pride in the country that they served, and the hope that our flag represents to people around the globe who also yearn to live in freedom and with dignity.

We grieve with their families, but let us carry on their memory, and let us continue their work of seeking a stronger America and a better world for all of our children.

Thank you. May God bless the memory of those we lost and may God bless the United States of America.

President Barack Obama gave the following remarks at Andrews Air Force Base

President Obama. Scripture teaches us “Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends.” Glen Doherty never shied from adventure. He believed that, in his life, he could make a difference—a calling he fulfilled as a Navy SEAL. He served with distinction in Iraq and worked in Afghanistan. And there, in Benghazi, as he tended to others, he laid down his life, loyal as always, protecting his friends. Today, Glen is home.

Tyrone Woods devoted 20 years of his life to the SEALs—the consummate “quiet professional.” At the Salty Frog Bar, they might not have known, but “Rone” also served in Iraq and Afghanistan. And there, in Benghazi, he was far from Dorothy and Tyrone Jr., Hunter and little Kai. And he laid down his life, as he would have for them, protecting his friends. And today, Rone is home.

Sean Smith, it seems, lived to serve—first, in the Air Force, then, with you at the State Department. He knew the perils of this calling from his time in Baghdad. And there, in Benghazi, far from home, he surely thought of Heather and Samantha and Nathan. And he laid down his life in service to us all. Today, Sean is home.

Chris Stevens was everything America could want in an ambassador, as the whole country has come to see—how he first went to the region as a young man in the Peace Corps, how during the revolution, he arrived in Libya on that cargo ship, how he believed in Libya and its people and how they loved him back. And there, in Benghazi, he laid down his life for his friends—Libyan and American—and for us all. Today, Chris is home.

Four Americans, four patriots—they loved this country and they chose to serve it, and served it well. They had a mission and they believed in it. They knew the danger and they accepted it. They didn't simply embrace the American ideal, they lived it. They embodied it—the courage, the hope and, yes, the idealism, that fundamental American belief that we can leave this world a little better than before. That's who they were and that's who we are. And if we want to truly honor their memory, that's who we must always be.

I know that this awful loss, the terrible images of recent days, the pictures we're seeing again today, have caused some to question this work. And there is no doubt these are difficult days. In moments such as this—so much anger and violence—even the most hopeful among us must wonder.

But amid all of the images of this week, I also think of the Libyans who took to the streets with homemade signs expressing their gratitude to an American who believed in what we could achieve together. I think of the man in Benghazi with his sign in English, a message he wanted all of us to hear that said, “Chris Stevens was a friend to all Libyans. Chris Stevens was a friend.”

That's the message these four patriots sent. That's the message that each of you sends every day—civilians, military—to people in every corner of the world, that America is a friend, and that we care not just about our own country, not just about our own interests, but about theirs; that even as voices of suspicion and mistrust seek to divide countries and cultures from one another, the United States of America will never retreat from the world. We will never stop working for the dignity and freedom that every person deserves, whatever their creed, whatever their faith.

That's the essence of American leadership. That's the spirit that sets us apart from other nations. This was their work in Benghazi, and this is the work we will carry on.

To you—their families and colleagues—to all Americans, know this: Their sacrifice will never be forgotten. We will bring to justice those who took them from us. We will stand fast against the violence on our diplomatic missions. We will continue to do everything in our power to protect Americans serving overseas, whether that means increasing security at our diplomatic posts, working with host countries, which have an obligation to provide security, and making it clear that justice will come to those who harm Americans.

Most of all, even in our grief, we will be resolute. For we are Americans, and we hold our head high knowing that because of these patriots—because of you—this country that we love will always shine as a light unto the world.

“Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends.”

The flag they served under now carries them home. May God bless the memory of these men who laid down their lives for us all. May God watch over your families and all who loved them. And may God bless these United States of America.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Saad-Eddine Al-Othmani gave the following remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good morning. Well, let me welcome our friends and colleagues from Morocco here to the Benjamin Franklin Room on the eighth floor of the State Department for this very important first session of the U.S.-Morocco Strategic Dialogue. Before I begin to address the significance of this Strategic Dialogue and the next step in our long relations with Morocco, I want to say a few words about the events unfolding in the world today.

We are closely watching what is happening in Yemen and elsewhere, and we certainly hope and expect that there will be steps taken to avoid violence and prevent the escalation of protests into violence.

I also want to take a moment to address the video circulating on the Internet that has led to these protests in a number of countries. Let me state very clearly—and I hope it is obvious—that the United States Government had absolutely nothing to do with this video. We absolutely reject its content and message. America's commitment to religious tolerance goes back to the very beginning of our nation. And as you know, we are home to people of all religions, many of whom came to this country seeking the right to exercise their own religion, including, of course, millions of Muslims. And we have the greatest respect for people of faith.

To us, to me personally, this video is disgusting and reprehensible. It appears to have a deeply cynical purpose: to denigrate a great religion and to provoke rage. But as I said yesterday, there is no justification, none at all, for responding to this video with violence. We condemn the violence that has resulted in the strongest terms, and we greatly appreciate that many Muslims in the United States and around the world have spoken out on this issue.

Violence, we believe, has no place in religion and is no way to honor religion. Islam, like other religions, respects the fundamental dignity of human beings, and it is a violation of that fundamental dignity to wage attacks on innocents. As long as there are those who are willing to shed blood and take innocent life in the name of religion, the name of God, the world will never know a true and lasting peace. It is especially wrong for violence to be directed against diplomatic missions. These are places whose very purpose is peaceful: to promote better understanding across countries and cultures. All governments have a responsibility to protect those spaces and people, because to attack an embassy is to attack the idea that we can work together to build understanding and a better future.

Now, I know it is hard for some people to understand why the United States cannot or does not just prevent these kinds of reprehensible videos from ever seeing the light of day. Now, I would note that in today's world with today's technologies, that is impossible. But even if it were possible, our country does have a long tradition of free expression which is enshrined in our Constitution and our law, and we do not stop individual citizens from expressing their views no matter how distasteful they may be.

There are, of course, different views around the world about the outer limits of free speech and free expression, but there should be no debate about the simple proposition that violence in response to speech is not acceptable. We all—whether we are leaders in government, leaders in civil society or religious leaders—must draw the line at violence. And any responsible leader should be standing up now and drawing that line.

I wanted to begin with this statement, because, as our Moroccan friends and all of you know, this has been a difficult week at the State Department. I very much appreciate, Minister, the condolences your government expressed to our Embassy in Rabat. And even though that tragedy happened far away in Benghazi, we found a reminder of the deep bounds that connect Morocco to the United States. It was in the High Atlas Mountains of Morocco that one of the Americans we lost this week, Ambassador Chris Stevens, fell in love with the region when he served as a Peace Corps volunteer there. That experience set him on a decades-long career of service. So in the memory of fallen friends and colleagues, let us remind ourselves of the many ways in which not just our governments but the people of our two nations have worked together to build a better future.

In many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model. His Majesty King Mohammed deserves great credit for the work you've undertaken. In fact, after my visit to Rabat earlier this year, I told my team: “We need to start a Strategic Dialogue with Morocco.” No country has been a friend of the United States longer than Morocco. You were the first nation to recognize us back in 1777. But we're not satisfied with simply having a friendship that is longstanding. We want one that is dynamic, growing, looking toward the future. So let me highlight a few of the areas we should focus on today.

On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people. Today, our political working group will discuss how the United States can continue to support your efforts to translate commitments into actions. Because as we all know, democracy, real reform, require that people themselves feel the changes in their everyday lives: the courts reformed, the government more open and transparent, universal human rights of all Moroccans—men and women alike—respected.

I'm especially pleased by Morocco's commitments to take on the deeply troubling problem of child marriage. We know that child brides are less likely to get an education, more likely to face life-threatening problems, particularly around child birth and delivery, which not only shortchanges them but can even rob them and their communities of their lives and talents. So we want to encourage the government and civil society to continue their important work together on this issue.

With regard to the Western Sahara, the United States continues to support efforts to find a peaceful, sustainable, mutually agreed-upon solution. U.S. policy toward the Western Sahara has remained consistent for many years. We have made clear that Morocco's autonomy plan is serious, realistic, and credible, and that it represents a potential approach that could satisfy the aspirations of the people in the Western Sahara to run their own affairs in peace and dignity. We continue to support the negotiations carried out by the United Nations and hope parties can work toward resolution.

With respect to the economy, our second working group will focus on what more can be done to deliver tangible economic benefits. Morocco's economy is relatively healthy, but you face the same problem that is now endemic across the world—unemployment is still too high, especially among young people.

That's why the United States is providing $1.5 million to support an effort to attract foreign investors, foster local economic development, and combat corruption across the region. And I'm pleased to announce that later this year we will hold a Morocco business development conference here in Washington to connect businesses from both countries.

Today, we should discuss ways to build on all of these efforts by increasing bilateral trade, a particular goal of mine since so much trade from Morocco goes to Europe. I'd like to increase the amount of trade coming to the United States, and also to improve economic integration across North Africa, which could greatly benefit Morocco because of Morocco's stability and Morocco's very strong economic foundation. The greater integration there is, the greater the benefits for Moroccans.

Third, the attack in Benghazi this week reminds us that security remains a vital issue. Through our work together on the Global Counterterrorism Task Force, the United States and Morocco already share crucial information and best practices, and I thank Morocco for hosting a Global Counterterrorism Task Force workshop on threats in the South Atlantic next month.

We are also collaborating through USAID, the Peace Corps, and other agencies to help provide Moroccan youth with alternatives to criminal and extremist organizations. And so we are partnering to help strengthen Morocco's criminal justice system and law enforcement.

There will be a lot to discuss in the meeting today. And let me add, the United States greatly appreciates the constructive role Morocco is playing on the UN Security Council, especially your support for the effort to end the violence and bloodshed in Syria and help to usher in a new democratic future for that country. I commend Morocco for offering to host the next ministerial meeting of the Friends of the Syrian People, and we look forward to continuing to work closely together as close partners even after your term on the Security Council has ended.

Finally, our education and cultural ties are reason for much celebration. This year marks the 30^th anniversary of our official program to facilitate academic exchanges and other bonds between us. There are more than 5,000 Moroccan alumni of these programs. Two are with us today—Dr. Benjelloun and Dr. Ouaouicha—and we thank them. But among all our work on this front, from preserving Morocco's historic sites to empowering youth, there's one area I particularly hope we can focus on today and receive your advice and counsel—namely, interfaith dialogue.

In these tense and turbulent times, it's more important than ever for people of different faiths to exchange ideas, to build understanding, to promote religious tolerance. It's one of the great challenges of the 21^st century, and it's one that we must address together.

So we have a lot of work to do, Minister, but our friendship runs long and deep, and as the treaty our nations signed in 1786 says, and I quote, “Trusting in God, it will remain permanent.” I'm confident that we will continue to solve problems and produce results that make our nations stronger, more peaceful, more secure, more prosperous, and also contribute to doing the same for the world.

So again, let me welcome you, Minister. It's been a great pleasure for me to get to know you, to work with you, to be your colleague bilaterally, regionally, and globally, and also welcome your distinguished delegation.

Thank you.

Foreign Minister Al-Othmani. I would like to express my sincere condolences of the American people and the government for the death of the U.S. Ambassador in Libya and the other diplomats. We condemn this act of violence and we share the sorrow of their families and the American people.

Madam Secretary, honored, distinguished audience, I would like to thank Madam Secretary for the clear positions and frank positions that she expressed today. And these are positions that indicate that you have a balanced and prudent policy. And I would like to confirm that yesterday, with instructions from His Majesty King Mohammed VI, there was a clear message from Morocco issued by the Moroccan Government that condemned the attack that took place on the U.S. Consulate in Libya, and also condemned the killing of diplomats—of American diplomats, innocent diplomats who work—who should be protected because they're ambassadors and diplomats.

Also, once again, would like to reiterate Morocco's clear position against violence and against any confrontation as a way to solve problems and settle conflicts. Morocco has always been—has always stressed peace and security, while also maintaining the positions of each person, but solving problems through dialogue and conviction, but within the framework of peace and stability.

At the same time, I would like to thank Madam Secretary for her clear position vis-a-vis the video that attacks the Prophet and also for her position against this insult, and I would like to say that the Kingdom of Morocco also has the same position. We say all prophets should be respected and should not be attacked or insulted. We respect Prophet Moses and Jesus and Muhammad and all prophets because they are symbols for humanity, for the entire humanity, and insulting them is an insult to millions of human beings who respect them and hold them in high esteem. And any kind of insult would only provoke hate and conflict between people. And we live in a world that is tired of conflict. It's tired of hate. And it needs policies that promote peace and security.

I would also like to extend my sincere appreciation and thanks to Madam Secretary for her special attention and personal attention that she paid to hold this first session of Strategic Dialogue. I am pleased and honored to be here with Madam Secretary in opening this dialogue. And as you indicated, the relationship between Morocco and the U.S. are historic, and they go back to centuries ago, and there are protocols of friendship that go back to the first protocol signed in 1787, and is still in effect and also it's been succeeded by numerous agreements. And since that time, the two countries, Morocco and the U.S., have continued to be partners in several—on several issues and problems within the framework of engagement and direct dialogue, and also within the framework of working to establish the principles of sovereignty and abiding by international legitimacy, and also peaceful resolution to conflict within international law and convention of the UN and also within the framework of respect for human rights.

We have also referred to these issues in the strategic relationship during the latest visit that His Majesty paid to Washington, in which he called for—and I quote—His Majesty said that we should provide the right environment to promote a strategic partnership in the Mediterranean and also that within its European context and our signing of the memorandum of understanding is only a confirmation of this mutual desire for consultation between the two countries. It's also within the framework of renewed partnership in order to exchange opinions and views about issues of priority in our relations and also to better coordinate our positions vis-a-vis international issues of mutual concern.

This diversity and wealth of our relationship will allow us to dedicate today four committees, four working committees, to address political, economic, security, and educational issues between us and also to activate the results and the decisions that would result as a result of these meetings and our distinguished relationship and Morocco's balanced participation in the Mediterranean dialogue for the—for NATO and its active contribution to the UN efforts to maintain peace and—international peace and security, and also mutual cooperation between our two countries within the framework of the Security Coordination Committee makes Morocco a partner—a credible partner—in our Strategic Dialogue with the U.S.

Morocco, as you mentioned—as Madam Secretary mentioned—was in the lead since a decade ago to join, based on a deep conviction, to also engage in a series of daring reform, and these have been crowned with the adoption of a new constitution that dedicates its determination to move forward in building democracy and also establishing the rule of law. The changes in the entire Arab region and also in the North Africa and the—last year reflect the aspirations of their people to democracy and human rights, and also this has dedicated Morocco's conviction to move forward in this direction that it has chosen earlier.

At the political level, I would like to point out or refer to four different portfolios. The first one is Morocco's deep engagement in building the Maghreb Union as a strategic choice that is entrenched in the constitution as a priority for Moroccan foreign policy. And this we seek to achieve in coordination with our partnership in the region by strengthening our mutual relations and also through building a Maghreb—a democratic Maghreb Union, a prosperous one that respects human rights and also its own peoples.

The second issue is the security issue on the—in the Sahel region and the Sahara, and I would like to point out that Morocco is deeply engaged and heavily engaged in working with various partners, whether private nonprofit organizations or even civil society organization, and also countries in the region and international partners to establish peace and security in the Sahara and the Sahel regions using—through the peace and security mechanisms and also using political mechanisms. Therefore, Morocco is attempting to coordinate at the highest level with neighboring countries, and also with West Africa—African nations, and the Maghreb Union because maintaining security in the region is—maintaining also tribal security and the security of the Mediterranean. And this directly impacts international peace and security.

The third issue is the Western Sahara issue. Maghreb—Morocco has bravely submitted a proposal for self-rule, and it considers it to be base for negotiations to reach a final agreement to this long-lasting conflict.

And I would like to extend to you, Madam Secretary, my deepest thanks for your clear position that you repeatedly reiterated, and you once again confirmed it today, considering the self-rule solution to be a realistic solution and a serious one. And Morocco is open to implement UN resolutions in participating with sincere credibility in negotiations that would lead to such a final resolution.

Finally, the Syrian problem. You notice that Madam Secretary also noted that Morocco's direct involvement and its sincere commitment to the partnership and also coordination with various parts and locally and internationally to put an end to this nightmare—to this horrific nightmare that the Syrian people—our brotherly Syrian people is facing. And we are committed to continue on this path of cooperation to put an end to the violence that the Syrian people are experiencing. And in this regard, Morocco will be hosting the upcoming meeting for the Friends of Syria meetings next October, and I wish that you would honor us with your participation.

The Strategic Dialogue that brings us together today is not just political and not just economic. Morocco is like any other countries in the region, has economic problems, and our major partners in Europe are also facing recessions, and this affects Morocco directly. For that reason, we are delighted to have this dialogue today on economic issues so that we can deepen our economic cooperation between the two countries and also attract more American investments in Morocco. And we would like to learn what concerns U.S. investors have so that we can address them and discuss them, and also find ways to attract these investments to Morocco.

We also would like to have a Free Trade Agreement between the two countries—more successful and more balanced, and this could also—so that it can open avenues for Morocco to benefit from it. As I said before, Morocco is committed to effectively contribute to the entire region to maintain peace and security, and therefore a discussion of issues related to the economic problems is very vital to this.

Finally, we have the educational discussions and also a dialogue between civilizations. And then this has been led by His Majesty, as Prince of the Faithful, and he's been sponsoring dialogue between various cultures. And Morocco has always been a meeting place for all civilizations, and we are very delighted to be part of this discussion as well.

Giving us today, the—today marking the onset of this U.S.-Moroccan dialogue that we started today with the signing of Memorandum of Understanding is a very important step in our mutual relationship, and it's a very important turning point in our strategic relationship, and reflects the determination of His Majesty and also President—Morocco—President Obama, to further enhance and development this relationship. And we will do our utmost best to enrich the strategic relationship for the interests—best interests of all—both our people.

And you will find in Morocco a credible partner, and thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Rafik Abdessalem gave the following remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good morning. I am pleased to welcome the Foreign Minister from Tunisia. I'm looking forward to our meeting. We obviously have a great deal to discuss, and I want to thank the Foreign Minister and the Government of Tunisia for their efforts over the last week to help secure our Embassy and the American Cooperative School of Tunis following the violent assaults of last Friday.

We are monitoring events closely today. There is no higher priority for President Obama and myself than the safety of our people. We've taken a number of steps around the world to augment security and to protect our personnel at diplomatic posts. And we are working closely with host governments in this effort.

As I have said before and as is embodied in the Vienna Convention and other international agreements, all governments have the duty, the solemn duty, to defend diplomatic missions. They must be safe and protected places so that governments can exchange views and work on many important issues, and leaders across the world must stand up and be counted in rejecting violence and holding violent actors accountable.

We are working closely with the Government of Tunisia. They have assisted us in enhancing the security of our facilities. We've also discussed with them the imperative of bringing to justice those responsible for these violent attacks. And we have offered and will continue to look for ways that we can assist the new Government of Tunisia in ensuring the rule of law throughout their country, first and foremost for the people of Tunisia themselves. We look forward to continuing to build our new partnership with the Tunisian Government and people. Our relationship is built around the shared principles of all democracies—a commitment to nonviolence, to tolerance, and inclusivity for all people, and to upholding the rule of law.

The Tunisian people have bravely put themselves on the road to democracy. They were the first of the Arab revolutions and they have made important progress in a very short period of time. They have worked too hard and sacrificed too much over too many years to see their progress hijacked or derailed by extremists with their own agenda. And those extremists, not only in Tunisia but in too many places around the world, look for opportunities to exploit this current situation or other situations, and all people and leaders must stand against them.

So as the Tunisian Government takes steps to strengthen security and protect the Tunisian people and economy from extremism and violent agendas, the United States stands ready to help. We also are working closely with Tunisia on the broader shared threat of terrorism, including from groups like al-Qaida and its affiliates.

So Minister, please know the United States remains committed to supporting Tunisia as you deal with this current situation, as you continue your democratic transition, and we want to be with you as you confront challenges and help seize opportunities together for the betterment of the future of Tunisia.

Foreign Minister Abdessalem. Thank you. Thank you, Your Excellency, Secretary of State, for providing us this opportunity to meet with you here in Washington. I'm here to express my condolences for the loss of the American Ambassador in Libya and the three other members of staff.

I'm also here to express our regret and full and strong condemnation for the storming of the American Embassy and school in Tunisia last Friday. This event does not reflect the real image of Tunisia. As a newborn democracy, all of you know that we are in process to dismantle the heavy legacy of political despotism and to set up the foundations of a new democracy. And we have the heavy, broader responsibility to succeed in this process of democratization. And I'm sure if we succeed, at least we send a positive message to the region, is that democracy is possible in that part of the world.

We are familiar to hear and to read in the newspapers and to hear from the media that democracy expanded in different parts of the globe except in the Arab region. But I hope that we prove by reality that democracy is possible in the Arab world—to be a democrat, Arab, and Muslim at the same time.

We've already taken the necessary measures to protect the American Embassy, the American schools, and all diplomatic presence in Tunisia, members of foreign communities. It is our duty, and I'm sure that we have the ability and the capability to protect all private and public institutions in Tunisia. Stability, political stability, and security is priority for us as well for our friend and partner the United States. And I want to thank you, Mrs. Hillary, for providing us this opportunity, and I'm looking forward for a fruitful and constructive discussion.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

Foreign Minister Abdessalem. Thank you very much.

President Barack Obama gave the following remarks at the UN General Assembly

President Obama. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentleman: I would like to begin today by telling you about an American named Chris Stevens.

Chris was born in a town called Grass Valley, California, the son of a lawyer and a musician. As a young man, Chris joined the Peace Corps, and taught English in Morocco. And he came to love and respect the people of North Africa and the Middle East. He would carry that commitment throughout his life. As a diplomat, he worked from Egypt to Syria, from Saudi Arabia to Libya. He was known for walking the streets of the cities where he worked—tasting the local food, meeting as many people as he could, speaking Arabic, listening with a broad smile.

Chris went to Benghazi in the early days of the Libyan revolution, arriving on a cargo ship. As America's representative, he helped the Libyan people as they coped with violent conflict, cared for the wounded, and crafted a vision for the future in which the rights of all Libyans would be respected. And after the revolution, he supported the birth of a new democracy, as Libyans held elections, and built new institutions, and began to move forward after decades of dictatorship.

Chris Stevens loved his work. He took pride in the country he served, and he saw dignity in the people that he met. And two weeks ago, he traveled to Benghazi to review plans to establish a new cultural center and modernize a hospital. That's when America's compound came under attack. Along with three of his colleagues, Chris was killed in the city that he helped to save. He was 52 years old.

I tell you this story because Chris Stevens embodied the best of America. Like his fellow Foreign Service officers, he built bridges across oceans and cultures, and was deeply invested in the international cooperation that the United Nations represents. He acted with humility, but he also stood up for a set of principles—a belief that individuals should be free to determine their own destiny, and live with liberty, dignity, justice, and opportunity.

The attacks on the civilians in Benghazi were attacks on America. We are grateful for the assistance we received from the Libyan government and from the Libyan people. There should be no doubt that we will be relentless in tracking down the killers and bringing them to justice. And I also appreciate that in recent days, the leaders of other countries in the region—including Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen—have taken steps to secure our diplomatic facilities, and called for calm. And so have religious authorities around the globe.

But understand, the attacks of the last two weeks are not simply an assault on America. They are also an assault on the very ideals upon which the United Nations was founded—the notion that people can resolve their differences peacefully; that diplomacy can take the place of war; that in an interdependent world, all of us have a stake in working towards greater opportunity and security for our citizens.

If we are serious about upholding these ideals, it will not be enough to put more guards in front of an embassy, or to put out statements of regret and wait for the outrage to pass. If we are serious about these ideals, we must speak honestly about the deeper causes of the crisis—because we face a choice between the forces that would drive us apart and the hopes that we hold in common.

Today, we must reaffirm that our future will be determined by people like Chris Stevens—and not by his killers. Today, we must declare that this violence and intolerance has no place among our United Nations.

It has been less than two years since a vendor in Tunisia set himself on fire to protest the oppressive corruption in his country, and sparked what became known as the Arab Spring. And since then, the world has been captivated by the transformation that's taken place, and the United States has supported the forces of change.

We were inspired by the Tunisian protests that toppled a dictator, because we recognized our own beliefs in the aspiration of men and women who took to the streets.

We insisted on change in Egypt, because our support for democracy ultimately put us on the side of the people.

We supported a transition of leadership in Yemen, because the interests of the people were no longer being served by a corrupt status quo.

We intervened in Libya alongside a broad coalition, and with the mandate of the United Nations Security Council, because we had the ability to stop the slaughter of innocents, and because we believed that the aspirations of the people were more powerful than a tyrant.

And as we meet here, we again declare that the regime of Bashar al-Assad must come to an end so that the suffering of the Syrian people can stop and a new dawn can begin.

We have taken these positions because we believe that freedom and self-determination are not unique to one culture. These are not simply American values or Western values—they are universal values. And even as there will be huge challenges to come with a transition to democracy, I am convinced that ultimately government of the people, by the people, and for the people is more likely to bring about the stability, prosperity, and individual opportunity that serve as a basis for peace in our world.

So let us remember that this is a season of progress. For the first time in decades, Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans voted for new leaders in elections that were credible, competitive, and fair. This democratic spirit has not been restricted to the Arab world. Over the past year, we've seen peaceful transitions of power in Malawi and Senegal, and a new President in Somalia. In Burma, a President has freed political prisoners and opened a closed society, a courageous dissident has been elected to parliament, and people look forward to further reform. Around the globe, people are making their voices heard, insisting on their innate dignity, and the right to determine their future.

And yet the turmoil of recent weeks reminds us that the path to democracy does not end with the casting of a ballot. Nelson Mandela once said: “To be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others.”

True democracy demands that citizens cannot be thrown in jail because of what they believe, and that businesses can be opened without paying a bribe. It depends on the freedom of citizens to speak their minds and assemble without fear, and on the rule of law and due process that guarantees the rights of all people.

In other words, true democracy—real freedom—is hard work. Those in power have to resist the temptation to crack down on dissidents. In hard economic times, countries must be tempted—may be tempted to rally the people around perceived enemies, at home and abroad, rather than focusing on the painstaking work of reform.

Moreover, there will always be those that reject human progress—dictators who cling to power, corrupt interests that depend on the status quo, and extremists who fan the flames of hate and division. From Northern Ireland to South Asia, from Africa to the Americas, from the Balkans to the Pacific Rim, we've witnessed convulsions that can accompany transitions to a new political order.

At time, the conflicts arise along the fault lines of race or tribe. And often they arise from the difficulties of reconciling tradition and faith with the diversity and interdependence of the modern world. In every country, there are those who find different religious beliefs threatening; in every culture, those who love freedom for themselves must ask themselves how much they're willing to tolerate freedom for others.

That is what we saw play out in the last two weeks, as a crude and disgusting video sparked outrage throughout the Muslim world. Now, I have made it clear that the United States government had nothing to do with this video, and I believe its message must be rejected by all who respect our common humanity.

It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as well—for as the city outside these walls makes clear, we are a country that has welcomed people of every race and every faith. We are home to Muslims who worship across our country. We not only respect the freedom of religion, we have laws that protect individuals from being harmed because of how they look or what they believe. We understand why people take offense to this video because millions of our citizens are among them.

I know there are some who ask why we don't just ban such a video. And the answer is enshrined in our laws: Our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech.

Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense. Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs. As President of our country and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day—and I will always defend their right to do so.

Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly disagree with. We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but because our founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice their own faith may be threatened. We do so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress minorities.

We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression; it is more speech—the voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.

Now, I know that not all countries in this body share this particular understanding of the protection of free speech. We recognize that. But in 2012, at a time when anyone with a cell phone can spread offensive views around the world with the click of a button, the notion that we can control the flow of information is obsolete. The question, then, is how do we respond?

And on this we must agree: There is no speech that justifies mindless violence. There are no words that excuse the killing of innocents. There's no video that justifies an attack on an embassy. There's no slander that provides an excuse for people to burn a restaurant in Lebanon, or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death and destruction in Pakistan.

In this modern world with modern technologies, for us to respond in that way to hateful speech empowers any individual who engages in such speech to create chaos around the world. We empower the worst of us if that's how we respond.

More broadly, the events of the last two weeks also speak to the need for all of us to honestly address the tensions between the West and the Arab world that is moving towards democracy.

Now, let me be clear: Just as we cannot solve every problem in the world, the United States has not and will not seek to dictate the outcome of democratic transitions abroad. We do not expect other nations to agree with us on every issue, nor do we assume that the violence of the past weeks or the hateful speech by some individuals represent the views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims, any more than the views of the people who produced this video represents those of Americans. However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against violence and extremism.

It is time to marginalize those who—even when not directly resorting to violence—use hatred of America, or the West, or Israel, as the central organizing principle of politics. For that only gives cover, and sometimes makes an excuse, for those who do resort to violence.

That brand of politics—one that pits East against West, and South against North, Muslims against Christians and Hindu and Jews—can't deliver on the promise of freedom. To the youth, it offers only false hope. Burning an American flag does nothing to provide a child an education. Smashing apart a restaurant does not fill an empty stomach. Attacking an embassy won't create a single job. That brand of politics only makes it harder to achieve what we must do together: educating our children, and creating the opportunities that they deserve; protecting human rights, and extending democracy's promise.

Understand America will never retreat from the world. We will bring justice to those who harm our citizens and our friends, and we will stand with our allies. We are willing to partner with countries around the world to deepen ties of trade and investment, and science and technology, energy and development—all efforts that can spark economic growth for all our people and stabilize democratic change.

But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect. No government or company, no school or NGO will be confident working in a country where its people are endangered. For partnerships to be effective our citizens must be secure and our efforts must be welcomed.

A politics based only on anger—one based on dividing the world between “us” and “them”—not only sets back international cooperation, it ultimately undermines those who tolerate it. All of us have an interest in standing up to these forces.

Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the most at the hands of extremism. On the same day our civilians were killed in Benghazi, a Turkish police officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his wedding; more than 10 Yemenis were killed in a car bomb in Sana'a; several Afghan children were mourned by their parents just days after they were killed by a suicide bomber in Kabul.

The impulse towards intolerance and violence may initially be focused on the West, but over time it cannot be contained. The same impulses toward extremism are used to justify war between Sunni and Shia, between tribes and clans. It leads not to strength and prosperity but to chaos. In less than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests bring more change to Muslim-majority countries than a decade of violence. And extremists understand this. Because they have nothing to offer to improve the lives of people, violence is their only way to stay relevant. They don't build; they only destroy.

It is time to leave the call of violence and the politics of division behind. On so many issues, we face a choice between the promise of the future, or the prisons of the past. And we cannot afford to get it wrong. We must seize this moment. And America stands ready to work with all who are willing to embrace a better future.

The future must not belong to those who target Coptic Christians in Egypt—it must be claimed by those in Tahrir Square who chanted, “Muslims, Christians, we are one.” The future must not belong to those who bully women—it must be shaped by girls who go to school, and those who stand for a world where our daughters can live their dreams just like our sons.

The future must not belong to those corrupt few who steal a country's resources—it must be won by the students and entrepreneurs, the workers and business owners who seek a broader prosperity for all people. Those are the women and men that America stands with; theirs is the vision we will support.

The future must not belong to those who slander the prophet of Islam. But to be credible, those who condemn that slander must also condemn the hate we see in the images of Jesus Christ that are desecrated, or churches that are destroyed, or the Holocaust that is denied.

Let us condemn incitement against Sufi Muslims and Shiite pilgrims. It's time to heed the words of Gandhi: “Intolerance is itself a form of violence and an obstacle to the growth of a true democratic spirit.” Together, we must work towards a world where we are strengthened by our differences, and not defined by them. That is what America embodies, that's the vision we will support.

Among Israelis and Palestinians, the future must not belong to those who turn their backs on a prospect of peace. Let us leave behind those who thrive on conflict, those who reject the right of Israel to exist. The road is hard, but the destination is clear—a secure, Jewish state of Israel and an independent, prosperous Palestine. Understanding that such a peace must come through a just agreement between the parties, America will walk alongside all who are prepared to make that journey.

In Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his people. If there is a cause that cries out for protest in the world today, peaceful protest, it is a regime that tortures children and shoots rockets at apartment buildings. And we must remain engaged to assure that what began with citizens demanding their rights does not end in a cycle of sectarian violence.

Together, we must stand with those Syrians who believe in a different vision—a Syria that is united and inclusive, where children don't need to fear their own government, and all Syrians have a say in how they are governed—Sunnis and Alawites, Kurds and Christians. That's what America stands for. That is the outcome that we will work for—with sanctions and consequences for those who persecute, and assistance and support for those who work for this common good. Because we believe that the Syrians who embrace this vision will have the strength and the legitimacy to lead.

In Iran, we see where the path of a violent and unaccountable ideology leads. The Iranian people have a remarkable and ancient history, and many Iranians wish to enjoy peace and prosperity alongside their neighbors. But just as it restricts the rights of its own people, the Iranian government continues to prop up a dictator in Damascus and supports terrorist groups abroad. Time and again, it has failed to take the opportunity to demonstrate that its nuclear program is peaceful, and to meet its obligations to the United Nations.

So let me be clear. America wants to resolve this issue through diplomacy, and we believe that there is still time and space to do so. But that time is not unlimited. We respect the right of nations to access peaceful nuclear power, but one of the purposes of the United Nations is to see that we harness that power for peace. And make no mistake, a nuclear-armed Iran is not a challenge that can be contained. It would threaten the elimination of Israel, the security of Gulf nations, and the stability of the global economy. It risks triggering a nuclear-arms race in the region, and the unraveling of the non-proliferation treaty. That's why a coalition of countries is holding the Iranian government accountable. And that's why the United States will do what we must to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

We know from painful experience that the path to security and prosperity does not lie outside the boundaries of international law and respect for human rights. That's why this institution was established from the rubble of conflict. That is why liberty triumphed over tyranny in the Cold War. And that is the lesson of the last two decades as well.

History shows that peace and progress come to those who make the right choices. Nations in every part of the world have traveled this difficult path. Europe, the bloodiest battlefield of the 20th century, is united, free and at peace. From Brazil to South Africa, from Turkey to South Korea, from India to Indonesia, people of different races, religions, and traditions have lifted millions out of poverty, while respecting the rights of their citizens and meeting their responsibilities as nations.

And it is because of the progress that I've witnessed in my own lifetime, the progress that I've witnessed after nearly four years as President, that I remain ever hopeful about the world that we live in. The war in Iraq is over. American troops have come home. We've begun a transition in Afghanistan, and America and our allies will end our war on schedule in 2014. Al Qaeda has been weakened, and Osama bin Laden is no more. Nations have come together to lock down nuclear materials, and America and Russia are reducing our arsenals. We have seen hard choices made—from Naypyidaw to Cairo to Abidjan—to put more power in the hands of citizens.

At a time of economic challenge, the world has come together to broaden prosperity. Through the G20, we have partnered with emerging countries to keep the world on the path of recovery. America has pursued a development agenda that fuels growth and breaks dependency, and worked with African leaders to help them feed their nations. New partnerships have been forged to combat corruption and promote government that is open and transparent, and new commitments have been made through the Equal Futures Partnership to ensure that women and girls can fully participate in politics and pursue opportunity. And later today, I will discuss our efforts to combat the scourge of human trafficking.

All these things give me hope. But what gives me the most hope is not the actions of us, not the actions of leaders—it is the people that I've seen. The American troops who have risked their lives and sacrificed their limbs for strangers half a world away; the students in Jakarta or Seoul who are eager to use their knowledge to benefit mankind; the faces in a square in Prague or a parliament in Ghana who see democracy giving voice to their aspirations; the young people in the favelas of Rio and the schools of Mumbai whose eyes shine with promise. These men, women, and children of every race and every faith remind me that for every angry mob that gets shown on television, there are billions around the world who share similar hopes and dreams. They tell us that there is a common heartbeat to humanity.

So much attention in our world turns to what divides us. That's what we see on the news. That's what consumes our political debates. But when you strip it all away, people everywhere long for the freedom to determine their destiny; the dignity that comes with work; the comfort that comes with faith; and the justice that exists when governments serve their people—and not the other way around.

The United States of America will always stand up for these aspirations, for our own people and for people all across the world. That was our founding purpose. That is what our history shows. That is what Chris Stevens worked for throughout his life.

And I promise you this: Long after the killers are brought to justice, Chris Stevens's legacy will live on in the lives that he touched—in the tens of thousands who marched against violence through the streets of Benghazi; in the Libyans who changed their Facebook photo to one of Chris; in the signs that read, simply, “Chris Stevens was a friend to all Libyans.”

They should give us hope. They should remind us that so long as we work for it, justice will be done, that history is on our side, and that a rising tide of liberty will never be reversed.

Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in New York City

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, and Secretary General, this is a historic and important event for the United States. Under your leadership at a time of great challenge and change, the United States and the Arab League have worked more closely together than ever before. Our work on Libya broke new ground in U.S.-Arab League cooperation, and I appreciate your strong leadership on Syria as we continue to work to address this crisis.

We also consult on many shared challenges, from Yemen to Sudan and beyond. Today, we broaden our partnership to take on new challenges together. The MOU we signed today launches an annual U.S.-Arab League dialogue. It outlines areas in which we hope to work together to bring tangible improvements to people's lives, including education and our response to humanitarian emergencies.

As a start, I am pleased to announce a small professional and cultural exchange program to bring Arab League officials together with their American counterparts. I believe in the potential of multilateral organizations, and as Secretary of State, I have made it a priority to deepen our engagement with regional organizations that are playing a growing role in world events, from the African Union to ASEAN to the Arab League.

Now of course, that doesn't mean we are always going to agree on everything. That doesn't happen with any two people, let alone two organizations or countries. There will be times when we do differ on principles and approaches. But our hope is that dialogues like this can help us understand each other better, to narrow any areas of difference, and to find as much common ground as possible.

Our hope is not only to strengthen ties between our institutions—the Government of the United States and the Arab League—but between our people, the people of the Arab world and the American people. Recent events remind us we have a great deal of work to do, and we look to partners in regional organizations to help us build mutual understanding and work to uphold and defend principles such as nonviolence and tolerance while we work in very constructive and practical ways to make a difference in the lives of the people we serve. So, Secretary General, thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks at the United Nations

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Minister Westerwelle, for calling us together at this critical moment to discuss peace and security in the Middle East on the heels of two tumultuous weeks during which violent protests rocked countries across the region. And although anger was directed against my country, the protests exposed deep rifts within new democracies and volatility that extremists were quick to instigate and exploit.

As President Obama made clear yesterday in his address to the General Assembly, the United States rejects the false choice between democracy and stability. Democracies make the strongest, most capable partners. And we know that it takes a lot of hard work and oftentimes struggle.

But the fact of new, emerging democracies here in the 21^st century should be a cause for great satisfaction and hope. But these emerging democracies need champions, not fair-weather friends. And during this past week, as I met with leaders from Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, and Yemen, I expressed to each of them America's unwavering support for their country's continued journey along the democratic path.

But making good on the promise of these transitions will take many hands working on many fronts. And of course, there are political and economic dimensions to the work that must be done, but today I'd like to focus on the security concerns, because that has to be the starting line on the road to true democracy.

Of course, the Arab revolutions come from within, and the greatest responsibility for their success or failure lies with the people living them each day. But the nations gathered in this room also have a powerful stake in seeing that these democracies succeed, and it is our shared responsibility to help countries in transition find the right path forward.

International support is critical. Consider what happened when the Arab League and the Security Council came together to protect civilians in Libya. That show of solidarity helped produce a strong Security Council resolution that saved Benghazi from destruction at the hands of a tyrant. And thanks to the support of this broad coalition, the people of Libya now have the chance to write their own future.

We saw earlier this year, Libyans turning out in droves to cast their ballots—most for the first time in their lives. Then last Friday, we saw thousands of Libyans pour into the streets to condemn the attack on the U.S. diplomatic post in Benghazi that killed Ambassador Chris Stevens and three other Americans. They made it clear that those who would promote violence and division do not speak for the new Libya, and that armed bands who would sever Libya's ties with the world are not welcome. And the new Government of Libya is working closely with us to find the murderers and bring them to justice.

Now each country in transition has its own security challenges, and therefore each needs our support in different ways. In Tunisia, where the Arab Awakening began, extremists seek to hijack its progress. But Tunisians are working steadily to dismantle a long legacy of dictatorship and lay the foundation for sustainable democracy.

The riots underscored the challenges of building security forces focused on protecting people, not regimes. These nations are not the first to struggle with the challenge of policing a new democracy. And the international community has stumbled in the past, failing to offer needed support or offering the wrong kind of support.

So we should heed the lessons we have learned from our success and our failure, including this most basic understanding: Training, funding, and equipment will only go so far. It takes the political will to make hard choices and tough changes that will build strong institutions and lasting security. So I'm pleased Tunisia has agreed to host a new international training center that will help security and criminal justice officials pursue policies grounded in the rule of law and human rights.

Now Egyptians chose their leadership for the first time in history, and we are committed to helping that transition succeed. The Egyptian people, proud of the freedoms they have claimed, must decide what kind of a country they want to build. And the choices of the largest Arab nation will echo far beyond its borders. And like all nations, Egypt knows it too has responsibilities not only to its own citizens but to its neighbors and the international community, responsibilities to honor international commitments, to share power broadly, to keep faith with all the Egyptian people, men and women, Muslim and Christian. And we want to help Egypt and all new democracies live up to these vital responsibilities.

In Yemen, we are working through the GCC-led transition process, but providing basic security for the Yemeni people is a great challenge that is heightened by Yemen's unique needs. Yemen has a fast-growing population of young people and not enough jobs—a familiar story not only through the region but the world. But in addition, Yemen is facing the depletion of their oil and water supplies. And al-Qaida in the Arab Peninsula remains a serious threat. The urgency of these threats must be matched by the urgency of our response. In the Friends of Yemen meeting later this week, countries are coming together to address Yemen's challenges, both in the immediate and the long term.

Unfortunately, in Syria, Bashar al-Assad clings to power, and his campaign of brutality has sparked a humanitarian crisis. The United States has committed more than $100 million to help the Syrian people. And we continue to insist that the violence must end and a political transition without Assad must move forward.

The Arab League suspended Syria from its activities and has strongly condemned the Assad regime's brutal violence against its own people. And the Arab League created a plan for peaceful political transition that was endorsed by an overwhelming majority in the General Assembly resolution that launched Arab League-UN mediation efforts, led first by Kofi Annan and now by Lakhdar Brahimi.

Yet the atrocities mount while the Security Council remains paralyzed. And I would urge that we try, once again, to find a path forward that can bring the Security Council together on the urgent business of both ending the violence in Syria and preventing the consequences that all of us around this table fear.

And although this forum was not primarily intended to discuss the peace process, I certainly would like to reiterate the President's message from yesterday. The future of Israel and Palestine must belong to those who embrace the hard work of peace—not those who thrive on conflict or reject the right of Israel to exist. And the United States stands ready and prepared to work toward a just agreement to finally accomplish our clear goal—a secure, Jewish state of Israel, an independent, secure, prosperous Palestine, fulfilling the aspirations of the Palestinian people.

No discussion of the Middle East would be complete without a mention of Iran and the profound threat its activities pose to the region and beyond. Despite numerous demands by this Council, Iran still has not taken the necessary steps to cooperate fully with the IAEA and to resolve doubts about its nuclear program. In addition, Iran continues to sponsor terrorist groups and smuggle weapons for the Assad regime's use against the Syrian people. Meanwhile, the Iranian people themselves suffer gross violation of their rights at the hand of their own government.

Serious challenges like these call for leadership and partnership. Yesterday, I was privileged to sign an agreement with the Arab League through its Secretary General and I was delighted that Secretary General Elaraby and I could build on the unprecedented cooperation of the last two years. We support Germany's call to make Security Council-Arab League cooperation more systematic and sustainable. The United States is also one of 28 countries and international organizations working through the Deauville Partnership to support democratic transitions in the Middle East and North Africa.

When violence came to our doorstep at embassies around the globe, this body joined the Arab League, the OIC, the AU, and the EU to give voice to the world's condemnation of the attacks and call for restraint. You stood with us, and now we must stand together in support of the common aspirations of the people, of all people, for security and safety for our families, the freedom to live lives according to our own conscience, the dignity that comes only through self-determination. And as President Obama said yesterday, the United States will never shrink from defending these values. And we will not walk away from these new democracies.

We are not alone in this commitment. This is the work of all responsible nations. And we look forward to working closely with anyone who speaks out on behalf of our shared values. Thank you.

Deputy Secretary William Burns gave the following remarks in Washington, DC

Deputy Secretary Burns. Thank you President Hadi, Foreign Secretary Hague, and Prince Abdulaziz bin Abdullah al-Saud for bringing us together today as the Friends of Yemen. Thank you, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, for lending your support to this important cause. On behalf of Secretary Clinton, I want to emphasize once again the United States' strong commitment to working with you, President Hadi, the people of Yemen, and the international community, to facilitate this historic transition.

President Hadi, your determined leadership has enabled Yemen to remain faithful to the process and milestones described in the Gulf Cooperation Council-led political transition initiative. We urge you to immediately move forward with the National Dialogue, and through it, lay the groundwork for a constitutional review and revision in 2013, subsequent constitutional referendum, and then elections in February 2014.

The international community must move quickly to assist Yemenis as they both pursue their political transition, and seek to meet the country's urgent humanitarian and development needs. I commend the international community's efforts to support Yemen's transition and urge the Friends of Yemen to continue supporting pressing humanitarian needs through fully accountable channels, such as the UN's Humanitarian Response Plan for Yemen, which remains less than 50 percent funded. We also continue to support exploration of options for a trust fund to support the Government of Yemen's capacity building efforts. The United States is on track to more than double assistance to Yemen this fiscal year, providing over $346 million. We seek to support the Yemeni people by delivering humanitarian aid and economic assistance, supporting good governance, and encouraging expanded political participation for all, especially women, youth, and Yemenis of all backgrounds.

Let me be clear: Our relationship with Yemen is about much more than security and counterterrorism. There can be no lasting stability and no freedom from extremism in Yemen without political reform and economic progress. Together, our aid will provide the space for the GCC initiative and its vision for political transition to succeed by stabilizing Yemen's economic situation and avoiding an impending humanitarian crisis. But certain burdens cannot be passed. International support can help to alleviate immediate humanitarian and economic crises, but for Yemen's transition to be successful, Yemenis must pursue the National Dialogue and develop viable government institutions. We will work with you on this effort. We will partner with the Yemeni Government, private sector, and civil society to promote long-term, sustainable development prospects, develop economic activity and reform, and strengthen both domestic and foreign direct investment opportunities in Yemen. We will support the creation of active programs to improve Yemeni job skills, to ensure that Yemen's workforce is prepared to compete and succeed in today's global economy and empower the people of Yemen to take their future into their own hands.

Finally, I would like to recognize the ongoing security challenges in Yemen. Demonstrators broke into our Embassy compound on September 13 and caused significant damage in an unjustifiable act of violence. The Yemeni Government condemned the violent attacks on our embassy, making clear that extremists do not speak for the Yemeni government or the Yemeni people. Only two days earlier there was a serious attack against the Yemeni Minister of Defense. Despite these setbacks, we must acknowledge Yemen's dogged progress in the fight against al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. The enormous personal sacrifice and commitment made by the Yemeni armed forces and police has helped to turn the tide against those who see violence as a means to forestall any positive change in Yemen. The Yemeni Government and military must continue to restructure the security forces to protect all Yemenis, as well as the diplomats and critical infrastructure, throughout the country. The majority of Yemenis, those who want and deserve the peace and stability of a democratic and prosperous Yemen, will not give in to extremists.

We look forward to working closely with you, President Hadi, as well as the Yemeni people, and the international community to build a secure, peaceful, and prosperous Yemen. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in New York City

Secretary Clinton. Good morning. Let me start by thanking everyone for the contributions that you have already made to this partnership, and for your support of democracy in the Middle East and North Africa. In Deauville, during the G-8 meeting, the countries represented there threw their support behind the Arab people during the first phases of the transitions, knowing full well how much work lay ahead.

This is a partnership conceived in optimism, but built to take on the hard realities of long and difficult transitions. The recent riots and protests throughout the region have brought the challenge of transition into sharp relief. Extremists are clearly determined to hijack these wars and revolutions to further their agendas and ideology, so our partnership must empower those who would see their nations emerge as true democracies.

Today, we want to send a clear message to all those in the region who are working each day in governments, in civil society, in the private sector, to build responsive institutions, to strengthen faltering economies, to deliver freedom for all people, to respect human rights: we stand with you and we will stand with you as long as it takes.

Because our partnership is taking practical steps to help more people in the region feel the benefits of democracy in their daily lives. In Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, people rose up against their dictators because they were fed up with governments that served the interests of a few at the expense of everyone else. But economic and social challenges did not disappear with the dictators. Too many people still can't find jobs, and young and growing populations crave a sense of opportunity and self-determination.

On the economic front, we are zeroing in on small and medium-sized enterprises because they are the growth engines in any economy. They create the bulk of new jobs and they spread wealth more broadly through more communities. And when people have the opportunity to unleash their talents and create something of their own, they are more invested in their communities, their countries, and their new democracies.

So the OECD is helping emerging democracies find ways they can loosen regulations and make it easier to start or expand a small business. Several partners are setting up funds to help small businesses gain access to loans and financing. People of the region need to see that their governments can be fair and just. So we are stepping up our efforts to return billions of dollars that were stolen or siphoned away over decades of cronyism and corruption.

The United States has been proud to champion the Arab Forum on Asset Recovery during our presidency of the G-8. The forum met earlier this month in Doha to discuss specific steps we can take to recover ill-gotten gains. Our State Department and Justice Department are working together to appoint attorneys who will work exclusively with transition countries. They will be a direct link to our recovery asset experts in Washington and will work with our law enforcement agencies to train their counterparts in the region.

We are also working to help transitioning countries develop both the accountable, transparent institutions and the culture of democracy that underlies the hope for change. We have established a transition fund to support countries as they build court systems, ministries, and other public institutions that are responsive to the needs of all their people, putting them in the best positions to lead their own reforms and see their own transition to democracy through.

Many of our partners are also making the difficult transition from protest to politics, and they need our support as they take on the different responsibilities of leadership. Many of the leaders in the emerging transitioning democracies were themselves prisoners not so long ago, or exiles, activists, dissidents. So as we look at how we can help them make their own personal transition from protest to politics, we are setting up programs to assist in doing that.

Last week, legislators and leaders from each of the transitioning Deauville countries came to the United States to take the same training that new members of our Congress go through, then they met with members of Congress to get real life insights into what it means to stand up for your beliefs and at the same time serve your constituents in a large and diverse democracy.

I happened to know from personal experience how challenging legislating can be, how much work and compromise it takes, how thick your skin has to be, because after all, democracy invites the widest range of opinions and interests in a society to participate. Laws that abridge or punish the exercise of universal human rights, including the right to free expression, free assembly, and free association, have no place in democracies.

In the United States, as President Obama said in his address to the General Assembly, we don't ban offensive speech, whether it's an insult to a person's deeply held religious beliefs or a denial of the Holocaust, because we know that such laws can too easily be used as tools of oppression.

Our democracy has grown steadily stronger over more than 235 years, guided by a Constitution that enshrines our belief that the best answer to hateful speech is more speech. None of us can insulate ourselves from insult.

In the time since I began speaking just minutes ago, more than 300 hours of video has been uploaded to YouTube. Some of it, no doubt, is vile. Some of it, no doubt, is offensive to my religion or yours. But we must not give these views power they do not deserve. No words, no matter how inflammatory or disgusting, are stronger than the faith we have, and we should protect our cherished beliefs by standing up for them in the marketplace and arena of free speech and ideas. And of course, no words should ever be met with violence.

Building these habits of democracy is difficult work. But it is also essential if people are to realize the full measure of human dignity. And dignity may resonate in multiple ways across different peoples and cultures, but it speaks to something universal in all of us. Everything we do together in this partnership to promote economic stability and equal opportunity advances freedom and dignity. We are standing up for democracies that are unlocking people's potential and standing against extremists who exploit people's frustrations. We are trying to help societies leave behind old enmities and look ahead to new opportunities. We are supporting civic groups who seek to strengthen their societies. We are backing reformers who build accountable institutions, and combat corruption that stifles innovation, initiative, hope, and dignity.

So I'm looking forward to our discussion today, taking stock of what we have done to date, what more needs to be done, what has worked and what, frankly, has not worked, as we work together to push an agenda of democracy and dignity forward. So as we see our press representatives leave the room, we'll have a chance to then go directly into our discussion. But again, thank you all for being here.