Part 1: Introduction
In 1237, the papal legate Otto recited in his Ordinances that, in England, ‘publicii notarii non existunt’.Footnote 1 Of the 746 holding practising certificates in 2023, 690 were general notaries practising in England, 23 in Wales and 33 were scrivener notaries practising in London. Additionally, there are 12 ecclesiastical notaries.Footnote 2 In the intervening years, numbers fluctuated: 18 admissions in the late 1580s, rising to 56 in 1801;Footnote 3 and only c. 500 in practice in 1924.Footnote 4 Because of the historical association of notaries with the work of the Church courts, these statistics mirror, in part, the changing role and procedures of those courts, but also changing regulatory requirements and economic circumstances.
Operating in a world which was largely illiterate, and where writing was unmechanised, the ancient and medieval notary’s function of producing authentic documents and records was fundamental to an ordered society regulated by what we now think of as the rule of law. In Continental Europe, their activities straddled ecclesiastical and secular courts, but the common law courts of England and Wales developed without their aid. The profession arrived at these shores in the service of the Church and became instrumental to the operation of its courts which regulated many areas of life, including matters such as defamation and wills which are now secular jurisdictions.Footnote 5 Today, the work of most English and Welsh notaries is secular, non-contentious and largely concerned with private law international transactions; but an important link with their ecclesiastical past survives because they are admitted to practice, regulated and disciplined by the Master of the Archbishop of Canterbury’s Court of Faculties (‘Master’).
Notaries claim to be the oldest legal profession,Footnote 6 yet their absence from the common law system of England and Wales means that they are vastly outnumbered by solicitors and barristers and little known. The Thomas Commission’s single reference to them sums up the prevailing attitude: ‘In addition to solicitors and barristers, Chartered Legal Executives and six other professions are regulated in the legal services sector … Notaries … In terms of their impact on the Welsh economy, these niche regulated professions do not rank highly’.Footnote 7
Likewise, Archbishop Carey quipped, in a speech to the Notaries’ Society, ‘I have to confess that, twelve months ago, I didn’t know the Archbishop of Canterbury had any part in the creation of notaries. Indeed, if I’m honest, I would have been hard-pressed to say what a notary was’.Footnote 8 Halsbury’s defines a ‘public notary’ as:
a legal officer appointed by the Court of Faculties, whose general role it is, amongst other matters, to draw, attest or certify, under an official seal, documents which are intended for use in other jurisdictions. A notary may also prepare wills or other testamentary documents, note or certify transactions relating to negotiable instruments and draw up protests or other formal papers relating to shipping and cargo conveyed therein. The office further confers the right to administer oaths and declarations.Footnote 9
The numbers,Footnote 10 position and reputation of notaries in other parts of the world, particularly countries with a civil legal code, are different,Footnote 11 yet they share common legal ancestry, significantly shaped by the canonists of Bologna and practice in the courts of the Western Church. The notaries public of England, Wales, the Bailiwicks of Jersey and Guernsey, Gibraltar and parts of the CommonwealthFootnote 12 aloneFootnote 13 retain formal links with the Church via the Faculty Office of the Archbishop of Canterbury, but their story is, perhaps, obscure to many modern canon lawyers.
The place of notaries in the English and Welsh legal system is somewhat mysterious not only to domestic observers but also to the profession’s civil jurisdiction counterparts, known as ‘Latin notaries’. The first conference in a dialogue initiated by the International Union of Notaries (‘UINL’) between civil and common law systems recently took place in London.Footnote 14 Fascination with the English situation is not new, as Otto’s observation in his Constitutions indicates; and in the 1980s, the Italian National Council of Notaries commissioned a history of the notarial profession throughout Europe, including a study, by Brooks,Footnote 15 Helmholz and Stein, of post-Reformation English notaries up to 1989, in which the authors stated, ‘The notary public features only slightly in historical accounts of English law and institutions’.Footnote 16
Developing the theme, Helmholz suggested that, ‘A fair assessment of the place of notaries public in England is impossible without a brief examination of the place of the Church, and in particular the courts of the Church, in English life until the nineteenth century’.Footnote 17 Phillimore made a similar observation in 1895:
Notaries take a place in a work on ecclesiastical law, partly because their office and functions are specially recognized in ecclesiastical matters; partly because they are still appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, who has taken in this matter the place of the Pope. Hence it comes that officials whose duties are partly international, partly civil, and partly ecclesiastical, and whose appointment is regulated by statute, have still a purely ecclesiastical origin.Footnote 18
After an account of the origins of the notarial profession, this article surveys its association with the English Church to the present day. Reference is made to Faculty Office archives and to the Master’s overseas jurisdictions which have not been considered by previous commentators. The focus is on admission, regulation and employment of notaries by emanations of the pre- and post-Reformation Church, particularly her courts, together with consideration of the notary as the holder of an ‘office’, both in the ecclesiastical sphere and more generally. Some comparisons will be drawn between the scope and status of notarial acts in England and Wales and the approach of civil law jurisdictions. Despite their shared origins, such comparisons reveal important differences.
The significance for canon lawyers of this branch of legal practice will be considered – and vice versa. Tracing the 800-year association between Church and notarial profession in England and Wales helps to illuminate the relationship between pre- and post-Reformation English ecclesiastical law, the constitutional character of the English Reformation settlement and contemporary understanding of professional regulation.
Part 2: Origins of Notaries Public, their development and role in the pre-reformation English church
Officials called ‘notarii’ fulfilled various functions in Roman law and administration from about the first century BCE. Thought to have been practitioners of a system of shorthand ‘notae’, ascribed by PlutarchFootnote 19 to Cicero, notarii became associated with Roman courts and public life. They operated both as court registrars and in the non-contentious legal sphere, drawing up deeds and similar private documentation. Such documents would then be sealed in the court, so that they became public and authentic ‘acta’.Footnote 20 Others, known as ‘tabelliones’Footnote 21 were available for hire, but were regulated by law. Their duties solely comprised preparing private documents for individuals, such as wills and property transfers, which would be signed by the parties, attested by witnesses and then become binding; these documents were known in Roman law as ‘instrumenta publice confecta’.Footnote 22 They were accorded a higher status of authenticity than ‘instrumenta privata’Footnote 23 but not full probative force without a further process in court. After that, documents became ‘instrumenta publica’,Footnote 24 a status otherwise only enjoyed by documents issued by public authorities or archives, such as court ‘acta’. Over time, it became possible to deposit these documents directly in public archives.
Constantine made use of notarii within the imperial chancery, often employing them in diplomatic missions in addition to their duties of issuing public documents. Their ubiquity and significance are demonstrated in the Novels of Justinian,Footnote 25 which record an enactment of 537 compelling notaries, on pain of forfeiting their ‘stationes’Footnote 26 , to be present at the execution of legal instruments; to prevent forgery, a protocolFootnote 27 must appear on the same sheet as the instrument, the papyrus bearing the mark of ‘Our Most Glorious Count of the Imperial Largesses’ and the date of its manufacture.
The Rule’s Preface describes the mischief to which it was directed: in one case, an illiterate woman had employed a notary to compose an instrument; she subsequently disputed it in court, where it emerged that the notary had not undertaken the work himself but delegated it to a clerk, who had not been present during the dictation process; the witnesses’ recollections were unclear and the court was left without reliable evidence.Footnote 28
Justinian’s requirements continue, largely unchanged, to constitute the essential parts of a notarial act. The leading modern practitioner’s textbook, Brooke’s Notary, describes these elements as:
first, the title, the date and place of execution, the names of the notary, parties and witnesses, and a statement of the fact of the parties appearing before the notary and of their reason for doing so; second, the document or transaction which is the subject of the act; third a statement to the effect that the instrument was read to the parties and approved by them; fourth, the signatures of the parties and witnesses; and, fifth, the signature and seal of the notary himself.Footnote 29
A ‘notarial act’ is defined in the Master’s Notaries Practice Rules 2019 as ‘any act that has validity by virtue only of its preparation, performance, authentication, attestation or verification by a notary, and includes any such act carried out by electronic means’.Footnote 30 It is a self-authenticating document.Footnote 31 Notarial acts may be in public or private form. A public ‘act’ or ‘instrument’ recites the appearance before the notary of the parties and other particulars, concluding with a statement (‘eschatocol’)Footnote 32 that the instrument was read to the parties and sealed in the notary’s presence, whereupon the notary signs and seals the instrument. An act in private form authenticates some document, not usually produced by the notary, but certified by him. The same duties arise in terms of seeing and hearing the parties, ensuring the absence of violence or fraud and, these days, that the transaction is not tainted by money laundering.Footnote 33
The notary’s statutory oath, substantially unamended since 1843, enshrines Justinian’s principles of fidelity, veracity, accuracy and honesty:
I … do swear,Footnote 34 that I will faithfully exercise the office of a public notary; I will faithfully make contracts or instruments for or between any party or parties requiring the same, and I will not add or diminish any thing without the knowledge and consent of such party or parties that may alter the substance of the fact; I will not make or attest any act, contract, or instrument in which I shall know there is violence or fraud; and in all things I will act uprightly and justly in the business of a public notary, according to the best of my skill and ability.Footnote 35
The treatment of these principles in the training and practice of contemporary notaries will be outlined.Footnote 36 The statutory term ‘office’ reflects the nature and effect of the work, recognised since Roman times as having a public character. Halsbury’s, Phillimore and Ayliffe describe the role as an office and the first (1839) edition of Brooke’s Notary,Footnote 37 was entitled Treatise on the Office and Practice of a Notary of England, but there are distinctions between the understanding of notarial practice in England and Wales and in the Latin jurisdictions, which will be considered.Footnote 38
Notarii and tabelliones did not wholly vanish on the fall of the Roman Empire in the fifth century. Helmholz observes, ‘legal culture had not disappeared from Italy to the same extent that it had from northern Europe. A notarial culture and schools where law was taught kept the flame of Roman law alive in the south’.Footnote 39
Until the ninth century, officers of the German and Frankish counts’ and palatinate courts performed functions resembling those of Roman notarii, initially being appointed by the territorial ruler and exercising geographically limited jurisdiction.Footnote 40 Early in the ninth century, Charlemagne appointed commissioners who travelled the Empire, reforming court practice; one of their functions was to appoint ‘royal notaries’ to serve secular and church dignitaries.Footnote 41 Notaries were common in Italian city states.Footnote 42
Towards the end of the eleventh century, Justinian’s Corpus Juris Civilis was re-discovered, accelerating study of Roman law and the associated development of canon law.Footnote 43 The interconnection was significant and canon law has been described as ‘Christian theology structured by Roman law, and brought to bear on the institutional necessities of the Church’.Footnote 44 From the early 1100s, this work was centred on the School of Bologna, alongside resurgence of interest in classical rhetoric, the study or art of speaking, reasoning and the expression of thought, particularly writing.Footnote 45 Accuracy of written records was recognised as integral to the creation of a rational system of law. In 1251, Rolandino de PassaggeriFootnote 46 established a faculty of ‘notaria’Footnote 47 at Bologna where he taught and published theoretical and practical works culminating in his ‘Summa totius Artis Notariae’ (1295–6)Footnote 48 which became the foundational text. The faculty expounded the principle that publica fides Footnote 49 be given to notarial acts, but only in respect of matters seen and heard by the notary – visa et audita suis sensibus – transmitting Justinian’s decree into medieval practice. Contemporary notaries are grappling with the application of this principle in the post-COVID world. The Industry Working Group Interim Report on Electronic Execution of Documents acknowledges that ‘personal appearance has been a fundamental characteristic of notarial practice for centuries’, while noting the trial of an electronic signature platform by the profession in England.Footnote 50
By the twelfth century, the German emperors, claiming to have inherited Roman imperial authority, appointed notaries who were licensed to practise anywhere. Similarly, popes, from the end of the eleventh century, appointed notaries by faculty to practise ‘ubique terrarum’.Footnote 51 This development marked a shift from customary or local legal systems to one which was centralised and comprehensive. Durand notedFootnote 52 in c. 1271 that ‘a notary public (tabellio) appointed by the emperor or pope or by someone to whom they have granted this by special privilege, may perform their office and draw up instruments anywhere … even in England … not only in lands specially subject to the emperor or pope’.
In 1167/9 Pope Alexander III had addressed a decretal epistle, ‘Meminimus’, to Roger, Bishop of Worcester. It included the following ruling: ‘Authentic writings, if the subscribing witnesses have died (if not drawn up by public hand, in such manner as they appear to be public, or not bearing an authentic seal by which they may be proved) do not appear to us to carry any weight of certainty’.Footnote 53
This ruling was included in many English collections of decretals and eventually passed into the Liber Extra (1234).Footnote 54 Cheney comments that the reason why employment of a notary public who wrote ‘sub manu publica’Footnote 55 was not the exclusive means of authentication was that, as in other parts of northern Europe, customary law still prevailed.Footnote 56 Brundage, however, notes the importance of this decretal in establishing the ‘presumption of authenticity’ when documents have been sealed by a notaryFootnote 57 and Brooke’s Notary describes it as ‘the canonical basis for the doctrines formulated by the School of Bologna’.Footnote 58 This principle is of continuing importance.Footnote 59
The significance and potential of canon law were confirmed by Pope Innocent III at the Fourth Lateran Council (‘Lateran IV’) (1215). Landau links development of the legal principle of rationality in the latter half of the twelfth century and the consequent importance of documentary proof with the rise in importance of notaries.Footnote 60 Of particular relevance was Canon 38 ‘De scribendis actis, ut probari possint’Footnote 61 which provided:
An innocent litigant can never prove the truth of his denial of a false assertion made by an unjust judge, since a denial by the nature of things does not constitute a direct proof. We therefore decree, lest falsehood prejudice truth or wickedness prevail over justice, that in both ordinary and extraordinary trials the judge shall always employ either a public official, if he can find one, or two suitable men (‘viros idoneos’) to write down faithfully (‘fideliter’) all the judicial acts – that is to say the citations, adjournments, objections and exceptions, petitions and replies, interrogations, confessions, depositions of witnesses, productions of documents, interlocutions, appeals, renunciations, final decisions and the other things that ought to be written down in the correct order – stating the places, times and persons. Everything thus written down shall be given to the parties in question, but the originals shall remain with the scribes, so that if a dispute arises over how the judge conducted the case, the truth can be established from the originals …Footnote 62
This requirement was an important safeguard because it was the practice for ecclesiastical judges to hear witnesses in private.Footnote 63 The reference to a ‘public official’ is to a notary public. Canon 38 was widely disseminated via Decretal X.2.19.11 ‘Quoniam contra falsam’ in the Liber Extra Footnote 64 so this provision and, hence, the work of notaries, was to be of fundamental importance to the practice and development of canon law as a rational system of justice.
Despite – or perhaps because of – the significance of the conciliar Canon 38 of 1215 on the Continent, Otto’s Constitutions of 1237 noted that ‘tabellionum usus in regno Anglie non habetur’.Footnote 65 Whilst papal and imperial notaries were widespread in Continental Europe, especially Italy and France, proof in the common law courts was achieved by other means, with an emphasis on deeds and oral evidence, as opposed to publicly notarised acts and depositions.Footnote 66 Acknowledging Smith, who highlighted the dependence of these Constitutions on Lateran IV, Williamson described the procedural statutes within the collection as the means by which ‘Otto was restating the canon law to meet particularly English needs’.Footnote 67 Accepting the absence of notaries, Otto instead stressed the importance of all echelons of the judicial hierarchy having seals; not just archbishops and bishops, but also lowly archdeacons, rural deans and their officers.Footnote 68 Seemingly, Rome was prepared to be pragmatic about Canon 38, given local circumstances.
Things appeared to be changing by 1268, when the papal legate OttobuonoFootnote 69 drew up his constitutions for the English Church. Rather than recording their absence, the possibility of notaries being available was assumed in his requirements for proving the vacancy of a benefice: by production of a document bearing one or more authentic seals, or a public instrument, or attested to by trustworthy witnesses.Footnote 70 Whether the notary public had, by this time, become an established part of the legal landscape or was an occasional visitor from the Mediterranean is unclear; the choice of proofs might suggest the latter.
A major development occurred in 1279, with the appointment, under Pope Nicholas IV, of John Pecham as Archbishop of Canterbury. He brought with him an Italian notary public, Johannes quondam Jacobi de Bononia.Footnote 71 Pecham obtained a papal faculty before he came to England to appoint within a year three suitable men to the office of notary public. Cheney deduces that he must have appointed some because in 1279 and 1280, lists of witnesses in excommunications included several notaries public. In about 1289, Johannes produced, for the instruction of English clerks, who were ignorant of the ‘ars notaria’,Footnote 72 a ‘Summa de his quae in foro ecclesiasticao coram quibuscunque iudicibus occurrant notariis conscribenda’,Footnote 73 which was widely circulated in England. By 1292, fifteen more papal faculties had been granted.Footnote 74 In the fourteenth century, notaries were regularly employed by bishops on a permanent footing and there were petitions to the Pope requesting more faculties; notaries were instrumental in episcopal visitations, adjudicating ecclesiastical property disputes and as bishops’ registrars. In 1320, Edward II issued a writ forbidding imperial notaries from practising in England but, at the same time, there is evidence of faculties being sought for the appointment of further papal notaries by the Archbishop of Canterbury.Footnote 75 The issue was secular, not ecclesiastical authority.Footnote 76
Whilst Archbishop Winchelsey’s 1295 statutes for the Court of Arches do not suggest that notaries were important, Archbishop Stratford’s 1345 statutes assumed that the Court Registrar would be a notary public because of his role and function in producing public documents: ‘ut possit idem registrarius notarius publicus super his si opus fuerit facere publica documenta’.Footnote 77 Likewise, by this date in the Arches Court at least, other examiners, who wrote depositions, interrogatories and other litigation documents, had to be notaries public.Footnote 78 Helmholz records an appeal to the York Provincial Court in 1378 in which the sole ground was that the judge below did not have the notary public or other ‘two suitable men’ required by Canon 38/Decretal ‘Quoniam contra falsam’,Footnote 79 rendering the decision null.Footnote 80 The incident is interesting in showing that the rule was sufficiently well established to found the argument but not universally observed, at least in the Northern Province, indicating a shortage of notaries.
Cheney contrasts the wording of the papal preamble to faculties, which articulated the objective of ensuring that contracts were upheld, with English petitions for faculties of the thirteenth century, in which bishops referred to the role of notaries in court proceedings, which is where, he posits, notaries made their greatest contribution to ecclesiastical administration.Footnote 81 He attributes the contrast to the common law jurisdiction over contractual disputes, where notarial acts were not regarded as probative, as opposed to practice in the church courts, where they were. The secular courts dealt with many such disputes, but there were gaps which, on occasions, the church courts could fill.Footnote 82 The UINL describes the fundamental principles of the contemporary Latin type notarial system in terms reminiscent of the medieval papal preamble:
Notaries are professional lawyers and public officials appointed by the State to confer authenticity on legal deeds and contracts contained in documents drafted by them and to advise persons who call upon their services. Notarial services encompass all judicial activities in non-contentious matters, affording legal certainty to clients, thus averting disputes and litigation.Footnote 83
Gradually, common law jurisdiction and remedies expanded and the Church’s contractual jurisdiction fell into disuse by the 1530s. Whilst this jurisdictional shift was not, in itself, out of step with the Continent,Footnote 84 it was more significant for notaries in England due to their absence from the common law courts. As a result, the scope for notaries in transactional work became confined to the other English ecclesiastical and civil law jurisdictions – principally probate, matrimonial and admiralty.Footnote 85 As will be seen,Footnote 86 secularisation of these jurisdictions in the nineteenth century had a profound effect on notaries, leaving them with a smaller field of practice than their Continental colleagues.Footnote 87 The seeds of some of the differences which characterise the respective roles of notaries in civil and common law jurisdictionsFootnote 88 were therefore sown in the jurisprudence and practice of pre-Reformation English ecclesiastical and common law courts. Notaries continued, however, to enjoy prominence in the ecclesiastical courts.Footnote 89
Part 3: Pre-reformation church courts and their personnel
As today, members of several different professions carried out particular duties in the church courts. Their roles grew out of Roman practice; professionalisation of the ecclesiastical courts was occurring at around the same time as advances in the study and development of canon law at Bologna. Otto’s Constitutions (1237), for example, include uncomplimentary references to professional advocates.Footnote 90
Medieval church judges and other officers were clergy.Footnote 91 The lowest church courts were those of archdeacons and rural deans. Diocesan courts of consistory were presided over by the Bishop or his Commissary, from which appeals lay to the provincial courts of the Archbishops: the Courts of Arches and Chancery. The ultimate court of appeal for western Christendom was the papal curia in Rome. These courts had wide ranging jurisdiction, covering marriage, sexual impropriety, defamation, probate and some contractual claims, as well as heresy and clergy discipline.
Advocates presented written and oral arguments, especially in the provincial appeal courts and papal curia. They normally held doctoratesFootnote 92 in canon and sometimes also civil law. They were generally admitted to practice by Archbishop’s mandate in one or other of the Provincial Courts.Footnote 93
Proctors sometimes, but not invariably, had law degrees. They appeared in the lower courts, preparing documents, speaking as proxies on their clients’ behalf, effectively taking on advocacy.Footnote 94 Proctors were admitted to practice in particular courts and their numbers were usually limited.Footnote 95
In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, notaries were principally unmarried men in minor clerical orders, evidenced by the papal letter of appointment.Footnote 96 There were exceptions, including one of Pecham’s first notaries, John de Beccles.Footnote 97 The tendency towards lay notaries increased in the fifteenth century.Footnote 98 Notaries performed various tasks in ecclesiastical courts, all of which reflected the public nature of their office. They took depositions from witnesses, which were then admitted without the need for oral evidence or further proof, and made official copies – ‘exemplifications’. Notarial skill in making accurate records was required for recording ‘acts of court’ – a task for the registrar or ‘register’.Footnote 99 This function was formalised by Canon 38 of Lateran IV, but it appears to have taken at least a century for that rule to take full hold in England.Footnote 100
Officials, variously known as ‘apparitors’ or ‘summoners/sumners’, were responsible for ensuring that parties attended court.Footnote 101
Part 4: Scriveners
On 26 September 1373, the Lord Mayor of London and Aldermen made an ordinance on the petition of ‘the reputable men, the Common Writers of the Court Letter of the City’. This ordinance regulated the writers of wills, charters and other things by requiring:
that no one may … keep shop of the said craft in the said City, or in the suburb thereof if he is not free of the City and also made free of the craft by men of it … no one shall be admitted to the said freedom if he be not first examined and found able by those of the same craft who shall … be assigned in this business and be Wardens of the said craft … every scrivener of the said City, and of the suburb thereof, shall put his name to the deeds which he makes so that it is known who has made the same.Footnote 102
These provisions created a monopoly on legal writing within the City which was to last for more than 600 years.Footnote 103 During that period, it was necessary, in order to practise as a notary in the relevant parts of London, to pass the Company’s examinations and be accepted by its Court. To this day, whilst it is possible to practise as a general notary in London without being a member of the Company, general notaries who wish to call themselves ‘scrivener notaries’ must undergo a further period of study, pass further examinations and undertake supervised training; the requirements are stringent, necessitating fluency in at least two foreign languages and the legal systems of their related jurisdictions.Footnote 104
BrooksFootnote 105 discerns notarial influence in the formation of the Company of Scriveners and development of its practices, although it has never been comprised entirely of notaries.Footnote 106 According to its own history, the first admission of notary members was in 1392, when new ordinances were made coinciding with the issuing of notarial faculties to laymen by the Archbishop of Canterbury, acting as papal legate;Footnote 107 John Cossier and Martine Seamen, notaries public, are named as wardens of the Company in that year.Footnote 108 Brooke’s Notary similarly observes that it was in the reign of Richard IIFootnote 109 that notaries, who had hitherto generally been clerks in holy orders, began also to be laymen. Lay notaries occupied themselves with secular business which clerks were no longer allowed to undertake, opening up a division between ecclesiastical and secular work.Footnote 110 Brooks traces the development of notarial practice, especially in the rapidly expanding international trading centre of late medieval/early modern London. Since the High Court of Admiralty operated by civil, rather than common law, rules and procedure, notarial acts were accorded probative status in shipping disputes. It is therefore unsurprising that international notarial work flourished.Footnote 111
Part 5: The Notary public and the English reformation – continuity and change
Ecclesiastical Courts
The fundamental change in ecclesiastical courts after the Reformation was the rejection of papal jurisdiction. From 1534, appeal from the Provincial Courts, instead of being to the papal curia, was to the curia regis – the King’s Court in Chancery – the High Court of Delegates.Footnote 112 Underlying the change was a new constitutional principle. Since the monarch had become the Supreme Head (Henry)Footnote 113 or Governor (Elizabeth)Footnote 114 on earth of the Church, the courts ecclesiastical were now the monarch’s courts, like those exercising common law jurisdiction.
Teaching of Canon Law in the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge was banned by injunction in 1535Footnote 115 and, from 1545, ecclesiastical judges no longer required doctorates in canon law and could be laymen. Instead, they were to be doctors of civil law.Footnote 116 It was held in Walker v Sir John Lamb Footnote 117 that a lay bachelor of laws might be a commissary and the Court observed that ‘registers and scribes’ were often laymen and not doctors. The 1603 Canons required a judge to take the oath of the King’s Supremacy, subscribe to the Articles of Religion and take the judicial oath, in open court, recorded by ‘a Registrar there present’.Footnote 118
Little changed on the ground in the church courts until the nineteenth century.Footnote 119 Baker comments, ‘proceedings in the church courts might still have been perfectly comprehensible to a visitor from Rome or Salamanca, or to the ghost of Lyndwood, but they were probably more or less incomprehensible to a country clergyman, let alone a warring couple or a harassed executor’.Footnote 120
Despite the ban on teaching canon law, the civil law training of ecclesiastical advocates and judges still bred minds quite different from those of common lawyers. There were intellectual and procedural similarities between the disciplines, because of the extensive adaptation of civil law which occurred in the development of canon law.Footnote 121
Practitioners in the ecclesiastical courts continued to be advocates, proctors and notaries public, rather than those of the common law and chancery courts – barristers, attorneys and solicitors.
Until 1875,Footnote 122 the Admiralty Court was also the preserve of civilians and maritime disputes provided work for notaries. The one surviving court of civil jurisdiction is the High Court of Chivalry, the registrar of which is, by tradition, a notary.Footnote 123
Pre-Reformation substantive and procedural law was kept alive, in part, via Doctors’ Commons. Established in the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century,Footnote 124 the ‘association of the doctors of the law and advocates of the Church of Christ at Canterbury’ fulfilled some of the same functions as the Inns of Court for common lawyers – a place for colleagues to set up chambers, socialise and avail themselves of the extensive library. Doctors’ Commons survived until 1857, when it was dissolved.Footnote 125 Study of canon law may have been forced ‘underground’, but the learning endured. Most of the Doctors were advocates in the courts of the southern Province; some were proctors, but not notaries.Footnote 126 The activities of Doctors’ Commons were complemented, during the centuries succeeding the Reformation, by the writings of English ecclesiastical lawyers, which contained numerous references to Roman canon and civilian law sources. Of these writers, Ayliffe has the most to say about notaries, with a chapter entitled ‘Of a Notary Publick or Register’Footnote 127 and later authors, such as successive editors of Brooke’s Notary, the Phillimores and the editor of Halsbury’s, drew heavily on his work.Footnote 128
Canon 123 of 1603, echoing Canon 38 of Lateran IV,Footnote 129 forbade ecclesiastical judges to ‘speed any judicial act’ without the Registrar or ‘such persons as by law are allowed in that behalf’ in attendance, under pain of suspension. Bray comments that it was originally decreed by Pope Clement IV (1265–8) that the word of a notary was regarded as equal to two witnesses;Footnote 130 but Canon 38 (1215) itself specified ‘two suitable men’ as the alternative to the ‘public official’. Helmholz argues that, far from being mere copyists, it was Registrars, rather than frequently absent chancellors, who ‘occupied the most important place in the exercise of the ordinary jurisdiction of the English church’s courts’.Footnote 131 Continued reliance of the church courts on notaries is evident from records of admissions. In the Arches Court, proctors were admitted between 1674 and 1693, all described as notaries public, and between 1737 and 1826, six notary registrars were appointed; one entry, in 1798, does not record that the appointee was a notary, but this may be an omission.Footnote 132
Canons 127 to 138 of 1603 on ‘Judges ecclesiastical and their surrogates’ suggest want of professionalism in the Church courts in the latter part of the sixteenth century.Footnote 133 The vibrant Canon 133 paints a less than dignified picture of the Archbishop’s court, where ‘the loud and confused cries and clamours of Proctors’ were ‘troublesome and offensive to the Judges and Advocates’, bringing the Court into disrepute. Canon 130, ‘for the furtherance and increase of learning, and the advancement of civil and canon law’,Footnote 134 required proctors in all courts to follow the practice of the Court of Arches and retain an advocate within two days of being instructed in a case. The highlighted words further demonstrate that, less than seventy years after the University injunctions, understanding of canon law was regarded as essential to the proper functioning of the courts ecclesiastical.
Registrars did not escape censure. Canon 109 recites a list of errors, ranging from negligence to accepting bribes and prescribes that, ‘the said Registrar … offending in all or any of the premises, shall by the Bishop of the diocese be suspended from the exercise of his office … the said Bishop shall assign some other Public Notary to execute and discharge all things appertaining to his office, during the time of his said suspension’.Footnote 135 This provision is interesting, not only in suggesting that the performance of some registrars left much to be desired, but also because of the assumption – reflected in the title of Ayliffe’s chapterFootnote 136 – that the Registrar would be a notary. In this respect, William Somner (d. 1669), notary public, who succeeded his father as Registrar of the Canterbury diocesan court, was typical.Footnote 137
Legal basis of notarial faculties
Admission by the Pope to the office of notary public was a logical expression of what Baker has termed, ‘a hierarchical system of authority, with the bishop of Rome … as the spiritual counterpart of the emperor at the earthly summit’.Footnote 138 In England, the pre-Reformation power of admission, where exercised by the Archbishop of Canterbury, had been as legatus natus.Footnote 139 The Pope and his legates granted multifarious petitions, for which fees were paid; Henry VIII’s changes must be considered in the light of this pre-Reformation practice.
Cox identifies the papal authority to grant dispensations as Innocent III’s decretal, Proposuit, providing that the pope could dispense from canon law on the basis that ‘princeps legibus solutus est’.Footnote 140 Papal privileges were similar but positive in nature, conferring a favour or benefit, which might take the form of a faculty, in the pontiff’s capacity as temporal sovereign.Footnote 141 Ready notes that at the Reformation, the Archbishop of Canterbury was the sole recipient of such delegationFootnote 142 and Hill describes the legatine powers at this time as ‘vestigial’.Footnote 143
As wholesale reform of ecclesiastical jurisdiction did not occur at the Reformation,Footnote 144 but all recourse to Rome, and hence, to the papal legate, was swept away,Footnote 145 it was necessary to make fresh provision for a continuing supply of notaries to service the courts. The Ecclesiastical Licences Act 1533,Footnote 146 accordingly, forbade application to the see of Rome or its delegates for facultiesFootnote 147 and transferred to the Archbishop of Canterbury:
full power and auctoritie by theym selff or by theire sufficient and substanciall commissarye or deputye by theire discreacions, frome tyme to tyme to graunte and dispose by an instrument under the name and seale of the seid Archebisshope, … all maner licences dispensacions faculties composicions delegacies rescriptes instrumentes or other wrytynges for any suche cause or matier wherof heretofore suche licences dispensacions composicions faculties delegacies rescriptes instrumentes or wrytynges have byn accustomed to be had, at the See of Rome or by auctorytie therof or of any prelate of this Realme …Footnote 148
Like the declarations in the Preamble,Footnote 149 this provision expressly asserts the King’s authority over that of the Pope and those formerly deriving jurisdiction from him. Section 2 made it unlawful to sue for dispensations, faculties and so forth at Rome, granting power to the Archbishop in such matters as were ‘lawful’ and ‘not contrarie nor repugnant to the Holy Scriptures or the Lawes of God’. Three further provisions underlined the nature of power as delegation by the King in Parliament. The King or his Council was to consider ‘causes unwonte and not accustomed to be dispensed withall or obteyned at Rome’; any grants which were previously taxed at Rome at £4 or more had to be confirmed by letters patent under the great seal in the King’s Court in Chancery;Footnote 150 and if the Archbishop refused a petition, the Lord Chancellor could issue a writ requiring him to show cause and appoint two bishops to grant the petition in his stead.Footnote 151 However, the Act provided that future practice was not ‘… to declyne or vary from the congragacion of Christis Churche in any thynges concerning the veray articles of the Catholyke Feith of Christendome …’.Footnote 152
It was implicit that the King, via his Lord Chancellor, was to be the arbiter of conformity both with this provision and with the doctrinal proviso in section 2. The Archbishop’s delegated powers were not limited to the southern Province; section 9, by contrast, expressly preserved the pre-existing metropolitical and diocesan powers of the Archbishops and bishops to dispense. The Act authorised the Archbishop to appoint a Commissary and a clerk.Footnote 153 The clerk was to ‘wrytte and regestre every suche … facultie … and shall fynde parchement wexe and sylken laces convenyent for the same’.Footnote 154
Although the Act did not use the terms ‘court’ or ‘Master’, the new entity became known as the Archbishop of Canterbury’s Court of Faculties. According to the Faculty Office, the title of Master has always been equated with the statutory ‘Commissary’ rather than ‘deputye’, denoting independence of the Archbishop.Footnote 155 Hooper discerns an echo of the superseded papal ‘curia’ in ‘court’.Footnote 156 Its status was certainly established within a century,Footnote 157 because Coke included it within his survey of all the courts of the land, although he doubted whether it had power to hear ‘plea of controversie’.Footnote 158 Hooper and Helmholz disagree with Coke’s qualification, as ‘its functions are discretionary and not ministerial and the Master occasionally sits in iudicio Footnote 159 to hear arguments for and against the exercise of his powers’.Footnote 160 Subsequent development of the Master’s jurisdiction supports characterisation of the function as judicial. John NichollFootnote 161 decided a disputed special marriage licence in 1836,Footnote 162 although it was believed that the court had not ‘sat for a century previously’. Development of procedural rules for dealing with contested applications by Nicholl and his predecessor Lord StowellFootnote 163 provides further confirmation. The first recorded case of the Master exercising disciplinary jurisdiction occurred in 1906, Sir Lewis Dibdin holding that, although no papal decree determining a faculty had been found and no notary had been removed since the Reformation, the power of removal was ‘taken for granted’ in the statutes of 1801 and 1843;Footnote 164 the Court had an inherent jurisdiction over notaries akin to that of the Divisional Court over solicitors.Footnote 165 Since 1991, disciplinary Rules have been issued under the Master’s statutory authority.Footnote 166 The disciplinary Court is presided over by the Commissary.Footnote 167
The new Court’s jurisdiction was wide, including: clerical ordination,Footnote 168 status and the holding of multiple benefices; marriage, particularly relaxations of the prohibited degrees of consanguinity;Footnote 169 conferring degrees; licensing doctors, apothecaries, midwives, schoolmasters, preachers and notaries. Chambers comments that, ‘foundation of a court or office of faculties is itself a good illustration of the transference of ecclesiastical authority rather than reform which occurred in the 1530’s’.Footnote 170 There were contemporary critics. Henry Brinklow’s Complaint of Roderyck Mors alleged that the bishops ‘… wold have made the Kyng their pope, and they gave hym auctoryte to doo all things in England that the pope dyd in Rome’.Footnote 171
Marian legislation repealed the 1533 ActFootnote 172 and a confirmatory Act of 1536, but they were revived by the Act of Supremacy 1558 and the material parts of the 1533 Act preserved by the Statute Law Repeals Act 1969.Footnote 173 It therefore appears that the Court of Faculties was not abolished with ecclesiastical jurisdictions in the 1640s, although the work of notaries must have declined.Footnote 174 Robert Aylett became Master in 1642, presumably holding the office until his death in 1655.Footnote 175
Ayliffe described the source of the new jurisdiction as the former legatine powersFootnote 176 but also characterised it as an exercise of the prerogative for ‘the advantage of the public weal,’Footnote 177 which implies a positive power, rather than assimilation of papal powers of dispensation.Footnote 178 Hooper posited that the King preferred to vest powers in the Archbishop than subject the royal prerogative to legislative control,Footnote 179 inclusion in a statute being inconsistent with an exercise of royal prerogative. The Court’s statutory basis avoided constitutional difficulties which might otherwise have arisen in 1689 as a result of abolishing the royal prerogative of dispensation.Footnote 180
Admission of notaries therefore remained in the hands of the Church, although the constitutional framework was revolutionised; instead of control being administered within ‘a transnational hierarchy of tribunals with the Roman Curia at its apex’,Footnote 181 the ultimate source of authority was the King and, after 1689, the monarch in Parliament.Footnote 182 Instead of faculties being issued ‘auctoritate apostolica’,Footnote 183 as in pre-Reformation times, they were ‘auctoritate regia’.Footnote 184 This had the consequence that, unlike worldwide papal faculties, those issued by the new Court only authorised notaries to practise within the King’s Realm, including, however, the ‘other Countries and Dominions’ under the King’s ‘Obeyance’.Footnote 185
Part 6: Statutory interventions: 1801–2007
The legal history of notaries and the Faculty Office from the early nineteenth to the twenty-first century could be characterised as a struggle between medievalism and modernity: ecclesiastical versus secular power, monopoly versus competition, tradition versus professionalisation. As such, it forms part of the constitutional history of the established Church of England and should be considered alongside better known developments such as transfer of the defamation, family and probate jurisdictions to the secular courts in the 1850s and further reform of the higher courts between 1873 and 1876.Footnote 186 Reports in Hansard, supplemented by unpublished contemporaneous materials in Lambeth Palace Library, testify to the intensity of feeling generated by the nineteenth century debates. Unpublished Faculty Office papers and personal recollections continue the story to 2007 and beyond. Stein records the public Parliamentary history to 1989, but the archival material has not previously been discussed.
The Public Notaries Act 1801Footnote 187 provided that no person in England ‘shall be created to act as a Publick Notary or use and exercise the Office of a Notary, or do any Notarial Act, unless such Person shall have been duly sworn, admitted and inrolled in the court wherein notaries have been accustomarily sworn, admitted and inrolled’, recognising the status and preserving the jurisdiction of the Court of Faculties. These elements remain on the statute book, despite some subsequent repeals. The Preamble recited that it was ‘expedient, for the better prevention of illiterate and inexperienced persons being created to act as or admitted to the faculty of publick notaries, that the said faculty should be regulated in England’.Footnote 188
This measure is the first expression of secular public interest in the notarial profession. As originally enacted, it required seven years’ apprenticeship to a notary prior to appointment and imposed penalties for dishonesty in relation to appointment and qualifications.Footnote 189 The scriveners’ London monopoly was preserved,Footnote 190 but the Act did not apply to notaries practising exclusively in the ecclesiastical courts or as episcopal secretaries, so long as they did not engage in general practice.Footnote 191
The seven-year apprenticeship deterred those wishing to practise outside London, as there was insufficient work to support a specialist practice and the result was a shortage of notaries beyond the capital. A Bill of 1808 proposed that practising attorneys and solicitors be admitted as public notaries ‘in all parts of England’ apart from the City of London and a three-mile radius thereof. The Bill failed but the underlying problem, which was becoming acute as Britain’s economy boomed and notaries were required to deal with mercantile and international transactions,Footnote 192 did not go away. The strict interpretation of the statutory requirements approved in R v Scriveners’ Company (1830) compounded matters. The Scriveners’ Company had refused to admit a man who, for seven years, had earned his living as a banker’s clerk until 5 pm, then worked for a notary in the evenings, dealing with mercantile documents. Lord Tenterden CJ held that his apprenticeship had been insufficient, as he had not gained experience of all areas of notarial work.Footnote 193
A further Bill was prepared. An unpublished document, ‘Arguments for the Bill’Footnote 194 complained that the 1801 statute had been ‘intended for the protection of the public, not to create a monopoly’, adding that it had failed:
for men of character and competency have been excluded, whilst Bankers’ Clerks, Law Stationers, and Ship Brokers, have obtained permission … profits arising from Notarial business out of London are very trivial; but it is a convenience to a provincial Attorney to possess a Notary’s Faculty … and it is an accommodation to Merchants …
The issue of geographical coverage in the face of small returns remains a conundrum for contemporary regulators, as the MasterFootnote 195 recognised in her 2023 speech to the Notaries’ Society.
After much revision in Parliament,Footnote 196 the Bill succeeded. The Public Notaries Act 1833 effected a compromise by introducing the concept of a ‘district notary’ – a practising attorney, solicitor or proctor who could be admitted as a notary public without satisfying the requirements of the 1801 Act, but only in such area – including the imperial territories – as the Master might specify, on being satisfied that there was a shortage of notaries there.Footnote 197 Any district notary practising beyond his authorised area could be permanently struck off the Roll of Faculties by the Court of Faculties, upon complaint being made ‘in a summary Way’.Footnote 198 An exception, extending to the Cities of London and Westminster, the Borough of Southwark and a circuit of 10 miles from the Royal Exchange,Footnote 199 succeeded in removing the objections of scrivener notaries by reserving to them the lucrative London international work.
Not everyone was happy: a notary who had ‘hitherto maintained a wife and family respectably’ while he was the only one in a ‘sea-port town’, now faced ‘ruin and beggary’ in the face of competition from ten attorneys, newly admitted as district notaries.Footnote 200 The Master, Lord Stowell, responding to such concerns, instituted a procedure of giving notice of applications to the existing notaries in the district.Footnote 201 His successor, Sir John Nicholl, supplemented this arrangement in 1838, making provision for the application to be stayed while any objecting notary who had entered a caveat might submit a supporting statement, for further statements and, if necessary, their verification ‘by the affidavits of the magistrates, bankers, merchants, or other principal inhabitants’.Footnote 202
There were still disagreements regarding apprenticeship. The case of R. v Page Footnote 203 raised the problem of validity of the common provincial practice of ‘double articles’. The Scriveners’ Company succeeded, on appeal, in their argument that an articled clerk who had divided his time between his father’s practice as attorney and notary in the same office in Scarborough should not be admitted to the Scriveners’ Company so that he could seek a faculty to practise as a notary public in London, although the Faculty Office was prepared to grant him a faculty to practise elsewhere. The decision sparked concern: unpublished Faculty Office files contain a memorandum from the Liverpool Notaries, seeking a change in the lawFootnote 204 together with an unsigned note, apparently drafted within the Office, setting out the reasons behind making an application to Parliament, stating that the decision in Page had caused ‘great alarm in the profession’. The Attorney GeneralFootnote 205 supported the change and the Office also promoted modernisation of the ‘the ancient oath being ill adapted to the present business of Public Notary’.
Eventually, after another failed Bill,Footnote 206 the Public Notaries Act 1843Footnote 207 provided for five, rather than seven years’ articles for general notaries, while seven years remained the qualification period for scrivener notaries.Footnote 208 ‘Double articles’ were declared to be validFootnote 209 and the Master’s jurisdiction was affirmed and extended, by granting express power to make rules requiring ‘testimonials, certificates, or proofs as to the character, integrity, ability, and competency’ of applicants ‘in England or in any of Her Majesty’s Foreign Territories, Colonies, Settlements, Dominions, Forts, Factories, or Possessions’. Supervision by the secular court was preserved but modernised as a right of appeal to the Lord Chancellor against refusal to admit.Footnote 210 Parts of this Act remain in force, including the form of notary’s oath.Footnote 211 The main difference between the ancient and statutory oaths is the omission of references to making public instruments and entering them in a register.Footnote 212 The 1833 and 1843 Acts remain the statutory basis for admission requirements in the Master’s overseas jurisdictions,Footnote 213 although, apart from the Channel Islands and Gibraltar, the Church of England has no formal status in any of them.
Legislation of the second half of the nineteenth century brought profound changes to the courts of England and Wales, at a time when other aspects of public life were being modernised.Footnote 214 Defamation, wills and marriage were transferred to new secular courts in the 1850sFootnote 215 and the Judicature Acts 1873–1875 set up a single unified High Court which also replaced the former Admiralty courts, where the civilian doctors, proctors and notaries had practised to the exclusion of barristers and solicitors. The Public Worship Regulation Act 1874, as part of wider reforms, required the offices of Dean of the Arches and Master to be held by the same person.Footnote 216
Attorneys, proctors and solicitors were amalgamated into one profession – solicitors – regulated by the Incorporated Law Society. It seemed to some, in this streamlined modern world, that the remaining legal professions should be fused. The Inns of Court fended off the idea but notaries were more vulnerable and, in 1884, the Law Society promoted a Bill which would have, effectively, merged solicitors and notaries. In the House of Lords, the voices of tradition battled against those of modernity. Lord Aberdare argued that the proposal was ‘the natural and logical outcome’ of the recent reorganisation of legal administration and tackled the relationship to the Church:
In old times they were appointed by the Pope, and since the Reformation by the Archbishop of Canterbury … There certainly was no reason in these days, whatever there might have been in the past, for the exercise of such a jurisdiction by the Archbishop of Canterbury.
He cited the lack of notaries in ports and commercial centres outside London; whilst there were 33 scriveners in the capital, there were only 12 ‘notaries proper’ to serve the rest of the country and these were appointed ‘without much examination’.Footnote 217 The Earl of Milltown, opposing, noted the absence of public demand for the measure and lack of compensation for notaries. He highlighted the ‘exhaustive examination’ and skill of London notaries and the usefulness of notaries generally to ‘the commercial public’, continuing:
With regard to the nominal jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Canterbury … they would probably not now create it; but it had existed ever since the Reformation, without any complaint being brought against it; and in the absence of abuse there was no reason for abolishing an old and time-honoured institution.
The Lord Chancellor described the control of the Scriveners’ Company as a ‘singular anomaly’ adding, of the Master of Faculties:
The ecclesiastical jurisdiction in all other civil matters, both in testamentary and in matrimonial causes, having been already abolished by law, it seemed to him to be a little out of date that such an officer should have the superintendence of public notaries, rather than, as was proposed by the Bill, the Master of the Rolls …
Lord Cairns countered that the arrangements had not done any harm. He cited mercantile opposition to the Bill, arguing that it was ‘impracticable’ that solicitors could undertake notarial duties, ‘requiring, as they did, the most accurate and intimate knowledge of foreign languages, foreign law, and of commercial matters …’.
The Bill failed and the status quo continued in England and the ‘colonies’ for over a century. The Welsh Church Act 1914, however, transferred appointments in Wales of district notaries who were to practise solely in ‘Wales and Monmouthshire’ to the Lord Chancellor, who delegated the function to the Clerk of the Crown in Chancery;Footnote 218 thus, these powers were not ‘lawfully transferable’ at 30 March 1920 and did not pass to the Archbishop of Wales.Footnote 219
In the 1970s,Footnote 220 scandals involving solicitors prompted Harold Wilson to appoint a Royal Commission which focused on solicitors and barristers but also considered liberalising conveyancing and probate, which was relevant to notaries. Apparently, Wilson initially wanted to repeal the 1533 Act, while Thatcher favoured merger of notaries and solicitors, but Master Sir John Owen persuaded her Lord Chancellor, Hailsham, otherwise.Footnote 221 The eventual outcome was the Courts and Public Services Act 1990. S.57 dealt exclusively with notaries, ensuring that the independent profession survived. The Faculty Office became involved in the detailed drafting. There was dialogue with the Attorney General and some competition with the Law Society. The Lord Chancellor’s Department was content to give the Office greater autonomy because they were ‘firmly of the view that the Faculty Office is a Court and that it is part of the basic constitution of this country presided over by a senior judge’.Footnote 222
Section 57 repealed the nineteenth century provisions requiring apprenticeships and abolished district notaries, returning regulation of all Welsh notaries to the Faculty Office.Footnote 223 The Master received extensive powers with regard to education and training, regulating conduct and discipline and the keeping of records and accounts, but the monopoly on admission of scriveners within London remained with the Company. Section 5 of the 1533 Act was repealed, removing the necessity for registering notarial faculties with the Clerk of the Crown in Chancery; presumably it was this provision to which the comments of the Lord Chancellor’s Department applied, recognising the constitutional status of the Court of Faculties and its judge, although ecclesiastical in nature. As will be seen in Part 10, this recognition is of practical significance to English and Welsh notaries.
The Access to Justice Act 1999Footnote 224 abolished the exclusive jurisdiction of the Scriveners’ Company in the City of London and environs, Lord Goodhart describing it as ‘the last remnant of mediaeval guild monopolies’.Footnote 225 General notaries may now practise there, but the title ‘scrivener notary’ is reserved to those who have passed the Scriveners’ examinations – additional papers in two foreign languages and the law of at least two foreign jurisdictions.Footnote 226
The Government was still not satisfied with the organisation and regulation of legal services. In 2003, Sir David Clementi was appointed to consider the issues and make recommendations.Footnote 227 He criticised the disparate nature of regulation and lack of principles and objectives. His initial consultation paper described regulation by the Court of Faculties as ‘somewhat anachronistic’, echoing Lord Aberdare in the 1880s. The Master, supported by the two professional Societies, made strenuous representations, arguing for preservation of the Faculty Office’s jurisdiction.Footnote 228 In his Report, Clementi relented, recommending that the Legal Services Board (‘LSB’) have ‘oversight function of this secular legal activity’Footnote 229 as part of his general conclusion in favour of a dual regulatory model. Although the House of Lords Scrutiny Committee questioned the appropriateness of the head of the notaries’ regulatory body also being the head of Church of England,Footnote 230 this was the model put into effect by the Legal Services Act 2007. The LSB oversees ‘front line regulators’ within a framework of statutory objectives.Footnote 231
The Act defines ‘reserved legal activity’ to include reserved instrument activities, probate activities, notarial activities and the administration of oaths, amongst others.Footnote 232 These are all tasks which may be undertaken by notaries. ‘Notarial activities’ means ‘activities which … were customarily carried on by virtue of enrolment as a notary in accordance with section 1 of the Public Notaries Act 1801’.Footnote 233 The Act is determinative of entitlement to carry out a ‘reserved legal activity’ and amendments were made to the 1843 Act such that the grant of a faculty does not, in itself, authorise the carrying out of notarial activities.Footnote 234 However, transitional provisions deem every ‘duly certified notary’ to be authorised by the Master to undertake those activitiesFootnote 235 and no order has been made by the Lord Chancellor to end the transitional period.Footnote 236
The Master of the Faculties is ‘an approved regulator’,Footnote 237 the only individual amongst a list of secular councils and boards.Footnote 238 The Lord Chancellor may designate further approved regulators, on the recommendation of the LSB.Footnote 239 In 2016, the Institute of Chartered Accountants of England and Wales (‘ICAEW’) applied for designation in respect of notarial services. The Master and representatives of the notarial Societies made representations to the Lord Chancellor, explaining the significance of distinctive regulation for the credit of notarial acts abroad.Footnote 240 Notwithstanding the LSB’s positive recommendation, the Lord Chancellor refused the application. ICAEW challenged the decision.Footnote 241 The Master, the Societies and the President of UINL provided evidence expressing concerns about the standing of English and Welsh notaries in foreign jurisdictions if ICAEW were permitted to regulate them.Footnote 242 The Divisional Court decided that the Lord Chancellor was entitled to find that the arguments, ‘which clearly raised a matter of public interest, were sufficiently cogent to put an onus on the ICAEW to rebut them’, and to conclude that that they had not done so.Footnote 243
Part 7: Notarial training, practice and ethical standards
It is unclear what form of examination was required for pre-Reformation English notaries;Footnote 244 presumably they had to satisfy the papal legate of their fitness for office and, as noted above, the notarial oath was a fundamental requirement. The oath remains central, the Code of Practice describing it as ‘the basis of the whole of a notary’s practice’.Footnote 245 Ars notaria Footnote 246 was taught in Bologna and Johannes of Bologna’s ‘Summa’ became influential in England.Footnote 247 The 1533 Act provided for ‘good and due’ examination of the ‘qualities of the persons’ seeking facultiesFootnote 248 but nothing further was prescribed. Apprenticeship was established as the path to admission at least by the early 1800s, as confirmed in an 1812 opinion by Doctor Arnold,Footnote 249 and remained so until 1991.Footnote 250
Master Sir John Owen developed rules pursuant to the 1990 Act, resisting the suggestion of the Notaries Society that conduct should simply be governed by a code.Footnote 251 Succeeding Masters have followed his example, although there is also a non-statutory Code of Practice, which contains guidance to which a notary must have regard.Footnote 252 The Qualifications Rules prescribe requirements for admission:Footnote 253 a notary must be at least 21 years of age and take the oath of allegiance and the statutory notarial oath. Subject to exceptions for ecclesiasticalFootnote 254 and foreign notaries, the candidate must be a solicitor, barrister or chartered legal executive, or hold a degree. S/he must undertake the prescribed studies and pass examinations, or demonstrate the requisite degree of knowledge through practical experience.Footnote 255 The required subjects are: Public and Constitutional Law, Law of Property, Contract, European Union, Equity and Trusts, Conveyancing, Law and Practice of Companies and Partnerships, Wills Probate and Administration, Roman Law as an Introduction to Civil-Law Systems, Private International Law and Notarial Practice.Footnote 256 The emphasis in the Roman Law module is on understanding the use of written instruments and the role of the notarius and tabellio, reception of Roman law in medieval Europe and its continued relevance to modern civil-law jurisdictions, as well as the civil law courts in England, and development of the modern European notariat. Shaw attributes the development of this wide syllabus to the desire to achieve and sustain international recognition for English and Welsh notaries.Footnote 257 The Practice course aims to develop understanding of the function of a notary as a public certifying officer, preparation of notarial acts, amongst other specialised areas such as bills of exchange and shipping.Footnote 258 The scope of the course reflects the ancient traditions and contemporary spread of notarial work, with its international emphasis. Newly admitted notaries must undertake two years’ supervision and training with an experienced practitioner.Footnote 259 The Master has prescribed continuing education requirements.Footnote 260
The process of preparing notarial acts has changed remarkably little since Roman times. Brooke’s Notary highlights development in the thirteenth century by the Bologna School of Justinian’s fundamental principles; some of these may still be discerned in the Master’s Rules. The ancient procedure, refined at Bologna, was that the notary would prepare preliminary notes for the transaction and keep them in a register (or protocol);Footnote 261 the parties would not receive the originals, only a certified copy of the transaction itself. These notes were seen as being of great probative importance; ‘Latin’ notaries in civil law countries are still required to keep the original signed instrument in their ‘protocol’. The practice is reflected in the ancient oath, by which the notary promised to reduce contracts into ‘an instrument or register’ and then ‘not maliciously delay to make a public instrument therefrom …’; and in the current Notaries Practice Regulations which require retention of the originals or copies of instruments in public form in a protocol – paper or electronic – and make provision for inspection of notarial registers at the Master’s discretion.Footnote 262 Faculty Office Guidance on Remote Notarisation reinterprets in contemporary terms the ancient visa et audita suis sensibus principle.Footnote 263 The Practice Regulations also continue the historic principles that a notary is obliged to offer services to any person lawfully and reasonably requiring themFootnote 264 and must not perform any notarial act in which s/he has a personal interest.Footnote 265 Ayliffe recorded these rules in his Parergon Juris Canonici Anglicani (1726), over a century before the first edition of Brooke’s Notary; they flow from the public nature of the notary’s office which he also expounded, with much citation of pre-Reformation canonical and civilian authority.Footnote 266
The development of international trade on the secular side and ecclesiastical jurisdiction on the spiritual side created demand for notarial skills, so the profession thrived, in spite of the strength of the common law in England, as a brief historical survey illustrates.
Ayliffe devoted a chapter to notaries which is much cited by later commentators.Footnote 267 Although Baker labels him a ‘sad figure’,Footnote 268 Ayliffe speaks charmingly of the ethical character of the notary’s work: ‘he ought to keep all things committed to his Trust as the Apple of his Eye … the Business of a Notary is not so much a Dignity, as it is a Matter of great Trust and Duty’.Footnote 269 The Code of Practice (para 44) enshrines his principles in contemporary terms which also hark back to Justinian’s Novellae:Footnote 270
A person placing legitimate reliance on a notarial act should be able to trust that any statements of fact made by the notary within the notarial act were properly verified, and that any statements of law were made by the notary competently, correctly, and with due regard to the reliance that would be placed on them. For trust to be placed in a paper-based notarial act it should be as tamper-proof as possible particularly if it extends to more than one sheet of paper. For trust to be placed in an electronic notarial act it should be as secure and tamper-proof as possible using appropriate technology. The security of the notarial act (whether paper-based or electronic) should be backed up by notarial records, to which prompt recourse must be possible if any doubt should arise as to the genuineness, integrity or contents of the notarial act or the circumstances in which it was issued.Footnote 271
Samuel’s study of Anglo-Jewish notaries offers a distinctive view of secular practice. He traces forty-five Jews who were granted faculties and admitted to the Scriveners’ Company between 1741 and 1845, noting the mercantile work for which their international connections and foreign languages skills peculiarly fitted them.Footnote 272 The scriveners’ examinations continue to require fluency in at least two foreign languages and associated legal systems.Footnote 273
Lord Tenterden gave a snapshot of a City notary’s day in 1830.Footnote 274 Disagreeing that the work was limited to preparing ship-protests, he said:
A notary in the City of London has many more duties. Almost all the charter parties are prepared by notaries … There is another part of the duties … to receive the affidavits of mariners and masters of ships, and then to draw up their protests, which is a matter which requires care, attention, and diligence … many documents pass before notaries under their notarial seal, which gives effect to them, and renders them evidence in foreign courts, though certainly not in our Courts of Common Law.
Phillimore (1895) concentrates on the notary’s role as ecclesiastical registrar, identifying three duties: to register and inroll judicial acts of court; to deliver copies of them to the parties; and keep the originals in his custody, including protocols, notes or first drafts. He reproduces Canon 123 of 1603, noting Rex v Verlest (1813)Footnote 275 where a criminal prosecution for perjury based on an admission sworn before the Chancellor of London’s surrogate failed because the surrogate had not been duly appointed before a notary public; the secular court applied Canon 123, holding the purported appointment to be a nullity.
Registrars’ records are an important, although problematic, source of evidence as to historical practice in the ecclesiastical courts. Elton complained:
The act books of the Church courts are among the more strikingly repulsive of all the relics of the past; written in cramped and hurried hands, in very abbreviated and technical Latin, and often preserved (if that is the right word) in fairly noisome conditions, ill-sorted and mostly unlisted and sometimes broken in pieces …Footnote 276
This verdict may be a little harsh; as Helmholz notes, records were preserved by registrars in difficult conditions during the Commonwealth.Footnote 277 The earliest surviving post Reformation act books of the Court of Arches, for example, are severely damaged.Footnote 278 Research of such records is beyond the scope of this article but they form an important heritage bequeathed by notary registrars.Footnote 279
Part 8: Ecclesiastical notaries
Although the notary public arrived in England in the service of the Church and was much, possibly principally, employed by bishops and their courts in the succeeding centuries,Footnote 280 the first formal differentiation between ecclesiastical notariesFootnote 281 and others occurred in the Public Notaries Act 1801,Footnote 282 the material part of which remains in force and exempts from the statutory requirements for apprenticeship:
… any Secretary or Secretaries to any Bishop or Bishops, merely practising as such Secretary of Secretaries; or … any other Person or Persons necessarily created a Notary Publick for the Purpose of holding or exercising any Office or Appointment, or occupying or performing any publick Duty or Service under Government and not as a general Practitioner.
This exemption was retained by amendments to the Courts and Legal Services Bill in 1990Footnote 283 and the 2007 Act.Footnote 284 Its rationale is not explained in Hansard or any of the statutory materials. Government notaries are diplomatic and consular officials, who have statutory power to administer oaths, take affidavits and do any notarial act which any notary public may do in the United Kingdom.Footnote 285 Section 14 includes the criterion of necessity, without defining what an ecclesiastical notary is or the functions which require one. Canon 134 of 1603 assumed, without prescribing, that a registrar would be a notary public. Ayliffe argued that this was an essential requirement for a registrar because it seemed to him to be a ‘necessary qualification to his Office’,Footnote 286 citing Paulus de Castrensis, a fourteenth century doctor of canon and civil law. The proposition is repeated, without qualification, in the first (1873) edition of Phillimore Footnote 287 but the younger Phillimore, in 1895, doubted it, citing Athon’s gloss on Otto.Footnote 288 Phillimore’s first edition discusses notaries public without preamble, but in the second edition, it was considered necessary to justify their place in a work on ecclesiastical law.Footnote 289 Twentieth century texts make no mention of notaries in connection with ecclesiastical courtsFootnote 290 although Brooke’s Notary cites Halsbury’s for the proposition that their principal duties are ‘to attest records of ecclesiastical proceedings such as the election and installation of bishops, the consecration of churchyards etc.’ at which ceremonies their presence is ‘often considered to be an essential requirement’.Footnote 291 Revised Canon G4 Of Registrars contains no requirement for notarial qualification; instead, the candidate must be a solicitor or barrister, and there is no equivalent of Canon 123 of 1603.Footnote 292 This has been the case since revision of the Canons in 1968.
The Church of England appears gradually to have moved from a position where the canonical assumption was that an episcopal registrar would or must be a notary to one of indifference on the point. This stance may be contrasted with the Roman Catholic Code which still provides that acts of court are null if the notary has not signed them, perpetuating the rule laid down in Canon 38 of Lateran IV.Footnote 293 The reasons for the Anglican approach are probably the reduction of ecclesiastical jurisdictions in the nineteenth century, admission of common lawyers into the Church’s courts as solicitors, advocates and judges, and modernisation of ecclesiastical court and tribunal procedure, aligning it with secular courts. In particular, viva voce evidence was permitted by the Evidence in Ecclesiastical Courts Act 1855;Footnote 294 whilst the option of evidence being taken on oath before ‘an examiner’ was not abolished until 2019, the procedure was described in General Synod as ‘obsolete’.Footnote 295 Witness evidence is now given orally or in the form of expert reports.Footnote 296 There is no need of notaries to examine witnesses or make notes of private interrogations by judges; evidence is received in the presence of all parties, with barristers examining in chief and cross-examining along common law lines. Judges and advocates make their own notes of the evidence, as does the Registrar, but the latter’s note carries no special evidential status. ‘Act of court’ is neither a statutory nor a colloquial term; instead, the courts issue orders, directions and judgments which should be held, together with all correspondence, on the court file.Footnote 297
Halsbury’s notes the amalgamation of functions of registrar of the consistory court and registrar of the diocese/legal adviser to the bishop,Footnote 298 listing the specific duties of the latter office. These concern: marriage licences, sequestration, consecration of churches and burial grounds and maintenance of episcopal and diocesan registers. Notarisation is not required for marriage licences, although the procedural requirements are not dissimilar.Footnote 299 Similarly, although sequestration is a formal, and sometimes a court process, it does not necessarily involve notarisation of documents;Footnote 300 nor does the maintenance of episcopal and diocesan records. Whilst there are now no statutory provisions relating to consecration,Footnote 301 Halsbury’s continues to refer to Phillimore, who explains that the registrar’s statutory fee (when there was one) included ‘the notarial act’.Footnote 302 Phillimore, citing Gibson, states that a new bishop’s consent to election must be given in the presence of a notary public,Footnote 303 adding that the facts of election and confirmation must be recorded by the notary ‘to remain as authentic to posterity’.Footnote 304 Although Halsbury’s makes no reference to the notary, this procedure is still followed in confirmations of election in the Vicar-General’s Court, the notarial functions being performed by the Provincial Registrar, an ecclesiastical notary.Footnote 305
To summarise, there are now few functions in the Church of England, which, as a matter of law, require a notary to give them legal effect, and no offices for which the holder is statutorily or canonically required to be a notary public. There is, however, a long tradition, which might be termed a ‘custom’, that diocesan and provincial registrars are notaries. Modern regulations made by the Master provide for admission as a notary public, not on the basis of examination, but upon proof of appointment as:
registrar of either of the provinces of Canterbury or York, as registrar to the Archbishop of Wales, as legal adviser to the General Synod to the Church of England, as legal secretary to the Governing Body of the Church in Wales, as registrar of any diocese in England or Wales,Footnote 306 as an officer of the ecclesiastical court in Jersey or Guernsey, or as the deputy to any such officer.Footnote 307
Such application is for admission as a notary public for ecclesiastical purposes only. The supporting certificate of fitness must record that ‘the applicant is conformable to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England as by law established (or, in the case of a person qualified only by reason of holding an ecclesiastical appointment in Wales, the doctrine, discipline and constitution of the Church in Wales)’. The jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Canterbury’s Faculty Office over the disestablished Church in Wales is curious, but explicable on the basis of the statutory functions in relation to Welsh notaries reserved to the Master by the Courts and Legal Services Act 1990, s 57(3) and the Legal Services Act 2007,Footnote 308 which extends to England and Wales. The duties of ecclesiastical notaries in relation to keeping records are limited to:
such ecclesiastical acts as law or custom requires to be performed in the presence of a public notary and recorded in writing and it suffices for any notarial records to be passed on to the ecclesiastical notary’s successor, if that person is an ecclesiastical notary.Footnote 309
Of the registrars serving the 42 dioceses, 12 are ecclesiastical notaries, together with two provincial registrars.Footnote 310 There is some debate amongst them as to whether they are, in fact, required to be admitted as notaries, even on the limited basis.Footnote 311 Given current law and practice, as well as the long history of notary registrars, this debate is unsurprising but it is clear that some of the professional standards and skills required of the notary are needed for proper operation of the Church’s courts and records; court proceedings can have far-reaching consequences, especially in the disciplinary and sometimes in the faculty jurisdiction. Proper record-keeping is also important in ecclesiastical safeguarding and property law contexts. As the Church seeks to move away from adversarial models of dispute resolution in some areas, it may be able to borrow from notarial practice and re-interpret its own pre-1850s court procedures. The draft Clergy Conduct Measure, for example, proposed more flexible procedures which could include the taking and recording of evidence by skilled examiners rather than oral examination by barristers.Footnote 312
Part 9: Probative force of notarial acts
The Archbishop’s faculty of appointment as a notary public decrees ‘that full faith ought to be given as well in judgment as thereout to the instruments to be from time to time made by you’. The Notaries Practice Regulations 2019 provide that, ‘A notary in possession of a valid practising certificate issued pursuant to the Notaries (Practising Certificate) Rules 2012 may issue notarial acts in the public or private forms intended for use in England and Wales and in any other jurisdiction’. The Regulations and Code generally stress the significance of the notary’s duty of fidelity, in part because courts and individuals in foreign jurisdictions will rely on his or her notarial acts.Footnote 313
Unlike the Pope, the Master has never claimed worldwide jurisdiction to create notaries, the territorial extent of nineteenth century legislation reflecting instead the bounds of the secular British Empire.Footnote 314 International recognition of English and Welsh notarial acts is now a matter for domestic and foreign courts and governments. Ayliffe, citing civilians and canonists, stresses notarial ‘fidelity’Footnote 315 and states that ‘a judicial Register or Record’ made by a notary ‘is Evidence in every Court; And a Bishop’s Register establishes a perpetual Proof and Evidence, when ‘tis found in the Bishop’s Archives’,Footnote 316 but he is speaking in the ecclesiastical context.
At common law, authority on the probative value of notarial acts in secular English courts was conflicting.Footnote 317 The high point was a statement of Eldon LC in Hutcheon v Mannington Footnote 318 to the effect that ‘a Notary Public by the Law of Nations has credit everywhere’. He gave no reasoning for this dictum and it contrasts with Lord Tenterden’s pronouncement in R v Scriveners’ Company Footnote 319 that notarial acts were not ‘evidence’ in the common law courts. It may be no accident, however, that Lord Eldon’s older brother, Lord Stowell,Footnote 320 was, at the time, both Master of the Faculty Office and Judge of the High Court of Admiralty, where civilian law and procedure applied.
The domestic position was clarified in 1998, with the introduction of Rule 32.20 to the Civil Procedure Rules, stating, ‘a notarial act or instrument may be received in evidence without further proof as duly authenticated in accordance with the requirements of law unless the contrary is proved’.
The Faculty Office was instrumental in achieving this reform ‘after centuries of opposition by the common law courts and Lord Chancellors’.Footnote 321 Its effect is, broadly, to align domestic common law courts with continental civil law and the note in the White Book states ‘The rebuttable presumption relating to notarial acts and instruments generally, introduced by this rule facilitates proof in various procedural contexts, particularly those with a foreign dimension’.
Chianale argues that this change, along with developments on the Continent which nuance the traditional unqualified approach to the status of notarial acts, means that, ‘it is now clear that the distinction between the common law and civil law is increasingly disappearing on the significance of notarial acts’.Footnote 322
A canon lawyer, however, might characterise the introduction of CPR Rule 32.20 as the secular jurisdiction catching up with the courts ecclesiastical, whose practice, derived from Alexander III’s 1167 decretal to Roger, Bishop of Worcester, accorded full probative force to documents produced as ‘instrumenta publica’.Footnote 323 Echoing Lateran IV Canon 38, Ayliffe states, ‘the Evidence of a Notary is so great, that two Idoneous Witnesses are not of equal Credit to the Writing of one publick Notary’.Footnote 324 Citing Liber Extra,Footnote 325 he adds that the judicial Register made by him, ‘is Evidence in every Court according to the civil and canon law … One Notary Publick is sufficient for the Exemplification of any Act, because there is no Matter that requires more than one Notary to attest it’.
Comparative analysis by Chianale and UINLFootnote 326 has been limited to contrasts between Latin jurisdictions and English common law, overlooking the importance of notaries in domestic canon law.
Part 10: Comparison with the place of notaries in civil law jurisdictions
Understanding the regulation and status of notaries in England and Wales matters because, as Brooke’s Notary explains:
The importance of the English notary resides not in the functions which he performs within his own legal system, but rather in the link he provides between the institutions of the common law and those of the civil law. It is for this reason that the office of the English notary has been so jealously safeguarded in a legal system in which in many ways he is an anomalous figure.Footnote 327
European civilian practitioners see the notary as a public official.Footnote 328 At the UINL Dialogue between civil and common law systems, this was stressed by senior French and German notaries,Footnote 329 who explained that the Latin notary is critical to orderly land registration and tax collection. In this respect, development of the faculty of French notaries led the way. They came to be organised by the Crown and their acts were fundamental to the Romano-Canonical procedure introduced in the French legal reforms of Louis IX.Footnote 330 In 1597, Henry IV made the office hereditary and saleable.Footnote 331 Notaries were retained in a modernised, non-hereditary, form after the Revolution, their public status confirmed in statute.Footnote 332 The French Notarial Law 1803 provided that notarial acts would have full credit in court.Footnote 333 The UINL proclaims, ‘Rooted in the public conscience, the notary is recognized as being part of the social organization of modern France’.
The Napoleonic Code was adopted across much of Europe, so the French system is widespread on the Continent and in other parts of the world whose legal history is influenced by a European colonial past.Footnote 334 By contrast, whilst notaries are of great economic significance to the country in terms of foreign trade, especially in the City of London, not even their strongest advocate could substitute the word ‘England’ for ‘France’ in the UINL’s statement.
V G Heinz, a dual qualified German notary and English barrister, offers the following analysis:
The English Notary authenticates and produces Notarial acts by State authority. The Notary receives his certificate of appointment (his ‘Faculty’) from the Court of Faculties of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who, acting through powers delegated by the State, has since 1533 been responsible for the appointment of Notaries, both ecclesiastical and secular. The English Notary thus exercises a public office … under State supervision.Footnote 335
For British common lawyers, it is not conventional to think about a member of a legal profession as being under ‘State supervision’. Nor does this view accord with the LSB’s description of itself as, ‘independent both of government and the profession … This was important as maintenance of the rule of law was thought to depend on the regulation of lawyers being handled independently of government’.Footnote 336 Clementi had stressed independence of Government as an advantage of his model of the ‘super regulator’.Footnote 337 This prizing of independence reflects British ideas of the importance of the citizen having access to professional legal advisers who, whilst they owe duties under their professional regulations to higher principles, are nevertheless independent of the organs of State. Far from being tax officials, notaries are not treated as ‘public officers’ for tax purposesFootnote 338 and land registration is undertaken under separate legislation by statutory officers and their staff.Footnote 339
Wade observes that, in former times, an ‘office’ was treated as ‘a form of property which could be held and recovered in specie’, a remnant of this thinking being the availability of public law remedies, rather than contractual damages, for wrongful removal.Footnote 340 Thus, William Somner, Notary Public and ‘Register’ of Canterbury Commissary Court in the seventeenth century, served an apprenticeship to his father and succeeded him on his death, the office of Registrar normally being granted for life.Footnote 341 Nowadays, the terms and duration of appointment for diocesan registrars are statutory and this role fits easily within the concept of an office.Footnote 342 Turning to general notaries, application of Wade’s criteria is more complex. Writings, legislation, the oath and caselaw have consistently referred to the ‘office’ of notary public.Footnote 343 In the debate over the 1884 Bill to admit solicitors to notarial work, one of the reasons advanced in opposition was the absence of proposals for compensating notaries for loss of office.Footnote 344 Wade, however, distinguishes an office from a profession, citing Edwards v Clinch Footnote 345 where the House of Lords held that a surveyor who periodically held public inquiries was not an office-holder for tax purposes; they approved the proposition that an office is a ‘subsisting, permanent substantive position which has an existence independent of the person who fills it’. On this test, notaries are merely members of a profession and their regulation by the Master under the LSB reflects this position; for example, they are required to renew their practice certificates annually.Footnote 346
From the perspective of an ecclesiastical lawyer, the continental view also overstates the effect of establishment of the Church and, hence, misunderstands the status of the Archbishop of Canterbury’s Faculty Office. It is true that the Henrician Reformation Settlement instituted a ‘fundamental identification of the Church of England with the State, the monarch being the head of each’.Footnote 347 All courts, including those exercising ecclesiastical jurisdiction, became the King’s courts presided over by judges approved by the monarch or the Lord Chancellor.Footnote 348 Nevertheless, Phillimore J held in 1907 that the Church of England is not a ‘department of State’Footnote 349 and his decision was affirmed by the House of Lords in Parochial Church Council of the Parish of Aston Cantlow v Wallbank & Ano,Footnote 350 stating:
The Church of England as a whole has no legal status or personality. There is no Act of Parliament that purports to establish it as the Church of England: Sir Lewis Dibdin, Establishment in England: Essays on Church and State (1932), p111 … In Marshall v Graham [1907] 2 KB 112, 126 Phillimore J said: ‘A Church which is established is not thereby made a department of the State…’. The Church of England is identified with the state in other ways, the monarch being head of each: see Norman Doe, The Legal Framework of the Church of England (1996), p 9. It has regulatory functions within its own sphere, but it cannot be said to be part of government. The state has not surrendered or delegated any of its functions or powers to the Church. None of the functions that the Church of England performs would have to be performed in its place by the state if the Church were to abdicate its responsibility … The relationship which the state has with the Church of England is one of recognition, not of the devolution to it of any of the powers or functions of government.
This is a modern statement of the highest authority. Their Lordships, however, were not considering the constitutional position of ecclesiastical courts generally, the Court of Faculties specifically or the Archbishop of Canterbury. Moreover, the decision pre-dates the Legal Services Act 2007. The analysis does not sit easily with statutory arrangements for notarial regulation, which the Faculty Office website describes as ‘more constitutional than ecclesiastical in the modern sense of that word’.Footnote 351 In the Accountants’ case,Footnote 352 the Divisional Court recognised that objections adduced by the Master of Faculties and notaries ‘clearly raised a matter of public interest’, with no suggestion that this interest was religious. Whilst the Master’s powers are derived from the Archbishop’s pre-Reformation legatine powers, the 1533 Act can be interpreted as a taking (or recovery, according to the Preamble) of power from the Pope by the King and statutory delegation to the Archbishop or his Commissary. To that extent, it might be said that the State has devolved a function of government;Footnote 353 accordingly, Canon C17 provides:
By the laws of this realm the Archbishop of Canterbury is empowered to grant such licences or dispensations as are therein set forth and provided, and such licences or dispensations, being confirmed by the authority of the Queen’s Majesty, have force and authority not only within the province of Canterbury but throughout all England.Footnote 354
If the Archbishopric of Canterbury ceased to exist,Footnote 355 then the State would have to make other arrangements for regulating notaries, as happened in Wales on disestablishment. The Master’s jurisdiction is terminable by the Lord Chancellor under the transitional provisions of the 2007 ActFootnote 356 and the LSB has powers of de-designationFootnote 357 as well as the ability to promote allocation of regulatory functions to others.Footnote 358
The position in England and Wales is not on all fours with the ‘state-controlled’ European model, because of the absence of notaries from the secular common law system and their continuing connection with the Church after the Reformation. Nevertheless, the essentials of regulation under statute by an independent official are present. The Master’s appointment is approved by the Lord Chancellor/Justice Secretary and the monarch, s/he takes the oath of allegiance and judicial oathFootnote 359 and s/he is answerable to an oversight regulator to which her rules, made under statutory powers, must be submitted for approval.Footnote 360
Part 11: Conclusion
Notaries were introduced to this country by the Church and became essential to the distinctive procedure of its courts which traditionally did not apply common law rules of evidence. Specifically, the English Church came to follow the rule, promulgated at Lateran IV, that all court business must be conducted in the presence of and recorded by a notary. This procedure was sufficiently well-established at the Reformation to be enshrined in the 1603 Canons.
Church lawyers – writers, teachers, judges and practitioners – have contributed significantly to the remarkable continuity of the notarial profession for nearly 800 years in the predominantly common law jurisdiction of England and Wales.
Before the secular notarial profession produced a practitioner’s textbook, principles developed by Justinian and reinterpreted by canonists and civilians at Bologna were transmitted to English notaries by Archbishop Pecham’s notary, Johannes de Bononia. After the Reformation, these principles were handed on by the eighteenth century canonist Ayliffe and his successors, demonstrating the pervasive and enduring influence of pre-Reformation canon law.
By continuing to provide a supply of notaries to service both the ecclesiastical courts and England’s expanding international trade, the Faculty Office helped to secure continuity of substantive and procedural ecclesiastical law and contributed to national economic development.
Replacing the papal curia, successive Masters developed a judicial function which ensured rudimentary but fair professional regulation. They laid the foundations for the development of modern regulatory control on behalf of the public which is, nonetheless, founded on ancient principles refined by medieval canon and civilian lawyers.
Notwithstanding the English Reformation, the practice of the courts ecclesiastical and the regulation of notaries kept alive a unique link with pre-Reformation canon law and the civil law jurisdictions of Europe which modern secularisation has not destroyed. In some parts of the former British Empire and Wales, regulation of notaries continues to be carried out in the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury, although the Church of England has no formal status in those jurisdictions.
Following wholesale reorganisation of the ecclesiastical and admiralty jurisdictions in the nineteenth century, court-related work for notaries declined. The emphasis of notarial practice became, and remains, international, servicing commercial transactions as well as the individual needs of those with familial or business connections abroad.
Concerted action led by the Faculty Office, together with the Societies, secured the profession’s survival at critical moments of societal and legislative change in the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Notaries remain a distinct profession and their acts are now properly recognised in domestic courts, aiding recognition abroad. The Faculty Office continues to lead the way in responding to change via a rigorous modern education and admission process and in adapting the ancient ‘audita et visa suis sensibus’ principle for contemporary application.
The Master’s rules and Code of Practice embody many canonically based principles, including the duties of acting and independence, together with important details surrounding the preparation and recording of notarial acts.
This regulation, still carried out in the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury, is of real significance to the credit of English and Welsh notaries in foreign jurisdictions and, hence, to the rule of law, the national economy and the multi-cultural society of England and Wales to this day. The role of the Court of Faculties has been recognised by the Lord Chancellor and the Administrative Court as constitutionally and economically significant in the face of challenges via modern legislative programmes and litigation.
Acknowledgements
This article is based on a pamphlet published by the author to mark the 490th anniversary of the Faculty Office of the Archbishop of Canterbury. A shortened version was presented as a paper at the international Congress of Medieval Canon Law, held in Canterbury in 2024, which is to be published in the proceedings of that Congress in 2027. The author is most grateful to the following people, all of whom have helped, informed and inspired the realisation of this article: Professor Norman Doe KC (Hon); the staff of the Faculty Office, particularly the Registrar (Howard Dellar), Deputy Registrar (Ian Blaney), Clerk (Neil Turpin) and Assistant Clerk (Jaymisha Taylor); the late former Master Dr Sheila Cameron CBE KC and former Registrar Peter Beesley; Nigel Ready; the staff of the Lambeth Palace Library, Squire Law Library Cambridge and the Borthwick Institute York; and fellow LLM students for their support and encouragement throughout the Cardiff University course.