Institutional-level racism has been insufficiently explored in the academic literature on public administration and public policy, and barely addressed by practitioners in public sector and nonprofit organizations. James D. Ward and Mario A. Rivera take on this problem with this book, arguing that “institutional racism entails a multidimensional set of factors—historical, cultural, economic, political, cognitive, and organizational—which combine complexly, in negative synergism” (p. 119). They contend that when most leaders of organizations attempt to create more tolerant and inclusive environments for people of color their primary focus has too often been on changing individual behavior through diversity training or cultural competency building rather than addressing institutionalized sources of inequity. The goal for their book is “to explore how organizational behavior and culture couple with historical patterns of discrimination to impede public and nonprofit organizations from meeting their stated goals on diversity and inclusion” (p. 3). Their book constitutes a clear call to action intended “to explore how long-standing norms and traditions, and inertial historical and organizational forces, may mask discrimination and function as obstacles to the realization of social equity, justice, and fairness in the United States” (p. 4). The book is framed around six approaches: intersectionality, legal/political frames, subordination and devaluing of people of color, exclusionary recruitment and hiring practices, privileging of policies that maintain institutional racism, and ethical considerations.
Ward and Rivera devote six chapters to the documentation of discriminatory policies and practices in a variety of areas of the U. S. society, from religious institutions to nonprofit organizations. Chapter 2 provides an overview of racist government policies from the nation's founding to contemporary times. Included, for example, are Black Codes requiring blacks to pay higher fees and taxes than whites, a policy meant to discourage Black entrepreneurs from opening businesses; the “separate but equal” legal standard established in 1896; immigration laws limiting the entry of Eastern and Southern Europeans, Asians, and Latinos; exclusion from property ownership by people of color such as share-cropping among blacks; denial of citizenship for the Chinese; confinement of Mexicans to guest worker status; and the confiscation of Japanese property during the World War II Internment process. Meanwhile, highly segregated “Levitt Towns” were developed throughout the country resulting in “government-sanctioned housing discrimination, which has lingering effects even until this day” (p. 11–12). The chapter concludes by arguing that the United States today continues to reflect its history of white supremacy, and that despite President Obama's election to two terms of office the United States remains very far from a post-racial society.
As evidence for this claim, Ward and Rivera point to institutional racism in recent housing policy (e.g. the Home Affordable Refinance Program), as well as in religious institutions, higher education, nonprofit organizations, law enforcement agencies, and public administration programs. For example, Chapter 7 examines racial profiling in law enforcement. After reviewing public policies aimed at ending racial profiling such as the mandatory collection of data on police/citizen contacts and the move towards Community Oriented Policing, the authors conclude that racial profiling remains a significant problem. In fact, they argue, since 9/11 the practice has been extended to now impact immigrants and Muslim Americans. They note that anti-immigrant legislation such as Arizona's SB 1070, “stand your ground” laws, and “stop-and-frisk” police practices have reinforced racial profiling. Additionally, states such as Wisconsin and North Carolina have stopped collecting data required to monitor racial profiling.
Chapter 8 assesses institutional racism in public administration education—an area of particular interest given its strong connection to real-world government practices. Ward and Rivera assert that university hiring and promotion practices often reinforce the status quo, often limiting the active recruitment and timely advancement of people of color. They observe that “Racism is insidious because it is so often hidden amongst settled institutional practices…” (p. 121). Additionally, the authors note that academics of color too often “are expected to perform roles that are in conflict with expectations… . [are] victims of salary and status inequities and a biased reward system that tends to discredit feminist and minority research. Minority faculty often participate in minority-oriented service activities in response to an organizational logic that makes participation in such activities a settled expectation” (p. 127). However, this work is then devalued during tenure and promotion decisions. Ward and Rivera argue that what is required to make a lasting change in the institutional racism of these organizations is a multi-pronged approach that includes: “inclusive faculty hiring (and promotion), prioritization of diversity and equity coverage in public administration curricula and research, and preparation of diverse (and diversity-competent) leaders” (p. 131).
Much of this book's value lies in the way it clearly illustrates how important spheres of U.S. society are still structured in ways which benefit whites while disadvantaging people of color. Ward and Rivera debunk the belief held by many that a “colorblind” approach, focused on individuals and not institutions, is the best way to end the legacy of white supremacy. However, in their attempt to cover many topics, the authors were unable to devote much analysis to each area. There were many instances when I found myself wishing the authors had said much more about a subject, as in the brief section on the legacy of Jim Crow in the twenty-first century, or in the barely two-page discussion of Latinos in religious institutions. The final two chapters of the book would have been a good place to expand their conclusions, synthesize findings by relating them back to the six overarching themes raised in the introduction, or flesh out proposed remedies more thoroughly. Despite these limitations, Ward and Rivera had ambitious goals and for the most part, achieved them. This will be a valuable addition to classes in public policy, public administration, and nonprofit organization. In fact, I plan to adopt it in my own public policy classes, and I will assign groups of students to build on the themes Ward and Rivera so convincingly present to readers, about the persistent racial hierarchy entrenched in contemporary U.S. organizations and public policies.
