Making Social Policy Work is a collection of papers by experts in their respective social policy fields, edited by John Hills, Julian Le Grand and David Piachaud, that was produced to honour the work of Howard Glennerster. The editors note that ‘There can be no better tribute for a true scholar of social policy’ (p. 9), but from an educational viewpoint, this volume achieves far more.

In the opening chapter, the three editors set the context with the ingredients that ‘make social policy work’, namely: clear goals; the motivation for the delivery of high-quality services; user involvement and understanding; long-term public support; the importance of innovation, diversity and experiment; the contextualisation of social policy in the wider social context; and the advantages/disadvantages of targeted selective responses – which is probably the most UK-specific element of this recipe.

In Chapter 2, Jose Harris juxtaposes the principles behind the development of the Poor Law with those at work in modern welfare states. A broad distinction is made between means-testing and discretion on the one hand, and universalism that ‘detached from assessments of moral character’ (p. 13) on the other. Harris discusses the contribution of the Poor Law to economic stabilisation at the time, and argues that an ‘overemphasis on the shortcomings of the Poor Law may have obscured some of its strengths and advantages’ (p. 26), and the fact that certain modern principles of social policy, including the ‘human right to social welfare’ can be traced back to the Poor Law.

Chapter 3, written by Tania Burchardt, discusses the importance of having clear guiding principles in social policy-making, and proposes a framework for analysing the “social justice content” (p. 40) of different social policies. This chapter probably deviates slightly from the volume's stated aim of looking at social policy in practice rather than in theory, however it contributes an essential distinction between the process and the distribution of social justice, an interesting discussion of concepts like sufficiency, priority, desert and equality, and a review of the advantages of a capability approach.

Jane Lewis’ contribution in Chapter 4 reminds us of the tricky nature of family policy and the importance of policy-making in this area being ‘synchronised’ with an increasingly diverse society. Lewis examines trends in UK family policy, including the promotion of ‘parental choice’, and argues that ‘the major success of the development of work/family balance policies in the UK lies in the decision to work with the grain of social change’ (ibid.).

Anne West, in Chapter 5, revisits the issues of education funding and school performance using a 2002 paper by Glennerster on the topic as a departure point. West discusses achievement differentials between children from different social groups, changes in the allocation system of funding, the promotion of targeted strategies such as Excellence in Cities and the impact of competition on cream-skimming. West concludes that ‘Education is not just about increasing human capital, it is also about socialisation, tolerance and fostering a cohesive society’ (p. 101).

In Chapter 6, Nicholas Barr examines the reforms in the English system of financing Higher Education since 2006, and argues that ‘a regulated market is more suitable than central planning’ (p. 109) for this purpose. Barr offers a comprehensive discussion of the choice between an income-contingent loan or a graduate tax, concluding that the former has more advantages over the latter.

Julian Le Grand engages with the practical implementation of quasi-markets in healthcare in Chapter 7. Le Grand briefly discusses the trust, target and performance, and voice models of service delivery before assessing the evidence to date on the efficiency and effectiveness of quasi-markets in the NHS. Le Grand argues that ‘Publicly funded healthcare systems that incorporate quasi-market elements . . . can achieve the ends of healthcare policy . . . but they must be properly designed so as to meet the conditions for effectiveness’ (p. 143).

In Chapter 8, Martin Knapp reviews the ‘mixing’ of the social care economy and the gradual shifting of power and responsibility to service users, with an emphasis on control rather than choice. Knapp notes the extent of policy change thus: ‘The adventurous experimentation with user control in social care in England is impressive’ (p. 166), referring to the issue of slow take-up of Direct Payments, and to the concept of Individual Budgets as ‘a leap in the dark for everyone concerned’ (Ibid).

Anne Power, in Chapter 9, uses research conducted at the LSE's Centre for the Analysis of Social Exclusion to assess the work ‘on the ground’ by the Neighbourhood Renewal Unit (p. 173). Power maps the decline in social renting and increase in owner-occupation, and details the progress made (or not) in 12 high-poverty areas tracked by the researchers. Power concludes that ‘the renewal of existing neighbourhoods is the most direct and affordable way of creating sustainable communities’ (p. 187), particularly emphasising the advantages of so-called ‘mixed communities’.

In Chapter 10, David Piachaud examines changes under Labour in both the structure and the extent of redistribution through the tax and benefits system. Piachaud notes that Labour policies have resulted in ‘all getting something but the poor getting more’ (p. 203), reflecting the government's ‘progressive universalism’ in practice. Piachaud ends with a cautious note that Labour is ‘a long way before child poverty, let alone poverty among older people, disabled people or those seeking jobs, has been eliminated’ (p. 213).

Chapter 11 offers an excellent review of the recent debate on pension reform in the UK by John Hills, treading through changing perceptions of the problem since 1997 on the part of both the public and the government. Hills details the Pension Commission's recommendations to the government, and discusses the ‘unavoidable’ choices associated with spending on pensions. He concludes that ‘what is essential for [hard] decisions to endure is that we make them with our eyes open’ (p. 241) – a tribute to Glennerster's exemplary research record and to the importance of evidence-based social policy more broadly.

Finally, Tony Travers in Chapter 12 discusses the needs-driven character of resource allocation in the British welfare state particularly in the second part of the twentieth century, providing brief analyses of different policy areas, such as education and housing. He argues that ‘in the increasingly complex and fractured society that appears to be emerging in Britain, it is likely that public welfare services will continue to be funded by mechanisms that retain elements of the needs-driven systems that have been used since the 1950s’ (pp. 261–2).

In preparing the manuscript, the editors missed an opportunity to give the book the title ‘How to fall in love with social policy’, because, in addition to being a tribute to Howard Glennerster's distinguished career, its wealth of debates and relevance to our everyday lives combine to produce exactly that effect.