Some scholars predict that by 2030 China will be home to the largest Christian population in the world. Wrapping one's head around what China might look like as both the largest Christian and communist country is a daunting task. Gerda Wielander's Christian Values in Communist China helps us rise to the challenge. This book explores the social and political impact of Christianity in contemporary China. It seeks to answer whether and how Chinese Protestants represent a new moral vanguard; to what extent Christian values are politically supportive or subversive to the party-state; in what ways Christianity influences China's transformation; and how and why Christian values might usher in or oppose political change.

This study approaches the influence of Christianity in China as an intellectual history, exploring how Chinese Protestants think and behave in the wider political and social context. Wielander also takes a decidedly China-centred approach. She draws primarily on Chinese and Chinese-language sources, ranging from academic literature and online magazines, journals and blogs to interviews with religious leaders and practitioners. This is a substantial contribution and reminds us how thoughtfully the presence of Christianity is debated within China.

Christian Values in Communist China is organized into six chapters that centre on themes of morality, love, charity, the online presence of Christians, and intellectuals and political transcendence. What emerges from these chapters is a decidedly rich and diverse picture of Chinese Protestantism. Wielander, for instance, problematizes the common characterization of house churches versus government-sponsored Three-Self Patriotic Movement (TSPM) churches. Here, the assumption is that house churches are small, underground, and operate in opposition to the state and TSPM churches. Yet Wielander details unregistered churches operating in full awareness of the party-state and some on the scale of mega-churches. She also reveals the complexity of the Chinese church, including regional differences, evangelizing churches and those with a church-planting mission, churches that send missionaries abroad, and politically engaged churches as well as those that actively avoid the political arena on theological grounds. Wielander further introduces us to cultural Christians, public intellectual Christians, rights lawyers, entrepreneurs, rural and blue-collar pastors, and nanny and migrant worker Christians. In short, this book challenges us to embrace the complexity of contemporary Chinese Christianity.

One of the more interesting themes that emerge from this study is how and to what extent Christians represent a new moral vanguard, especially in a post-socialist context where ideology has atrophied. Wielander argues that Christianity is slowly losing its stigma as a foreign, imperialist religion in favour of one associated with charity, strong business and work ethics, patriotism, urban sophistication, compassion and altruism (chapters three and four). However, in light of the on-going crackdown on Christian communities, it is worth questioning whether perceptions of Christianity have really changed, especially among regime representatives.

As for assessing the political role of Christians and what impact they might play in China's transformation, Wielander is cautious for several reasons. One is that the Christian voices that are the loudest and most articulate tend also to be very conservative (p. 159). Another is that these voices appear reluctant to embrace issues of religious freedom that extend beyond their immediate community. A third reason is that some churches who choose to engage the political area seem content to portray Christian values as working in tandem with the party-state, such as showing parallels between Christian thought and the Party's “harmonious society” or “eight honours, eight shames.” A final reason to be cautious in viewing Christians as a nascent opposition movement emerges in the excellent chapter “Protestant and online.” Here, Wielander observes that the vast majority of Christian netizens' activity is non-political. This situation will not easily change. And yet, Wielander leaves a small window for potential political engagement. She suggests that online journals have become the samizdat magazines of 1978; virtual Christian communities rarely exist only online; and online publications create “rights awareness” and education among Chinese Christians so they are better equipped to deal with repression (pp. 85–102).

In so far as the book merits criticism, Wielander concludes that Christian values have the potential to play a bridging role in contemporary China, but could better unpack the bridging mechanisms at work. For instance, will Christian values forge links with Chinese Catholics, a community scarcely mentioned in the book? Will Christian values build bridges to other religions in China, and if so to what end? Will Christian bridges to society and the party-state operate as one-way overtures, be closed, or met with reciprocal action? These are open questions.

Overall, Christian Values in Communist China is accessible and engaging. It sheds light on the growing presence of Christianity in a country where the ruling party is atheist. It raises important questions and does not shy away from complexity in providing answers. It will appeal both to Sinologists and religious studies scholars, as well as graduate students and upper-level undergraduates. It will also be a stimulating read for anyone interested in Protestantism in China more generally.