President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

President Obama. Well, I just completed an excellent one-on-one discussion with Prime Minister Netanyahu, and I want to welcome him back to the White House.

I want to, first of all, thank him for the wonderful statement that he made in honor of the Fourth of July, our Independence Day, when he was still in Israel. And it marked just one more chapter in the extraordinary friendship between our two countries.

As Prime Minister Netanyahu indicated in his speech, the bond between the United States and Israel is unbreakable. It encompasses our national security interests, our strategic interests, but most importantly, the bond of two democracies who share a common set of values and whose people have grown closer and closer as time goes on.

During our discussions in our private meeting we covered a wide range of issues. We discussed the issue of Gaza, and I commended Prime Minister Netanyahu on the progress that's been made in allowing more goods into Gaza. We've seen real progress on the ground. I think it's been acknowledged that it has moved more quickly and more effectively than many people anticipated.

Obviously there's still tensions and issues there that have to be resolved, but our two countries are working cooperatively together to deal with these issues. The Quartet has been, I think, very helpful as well. And we believe that there is a way to make sure that the people of Gaza are able to prosper economically, while Israel is able to maintain its legitimate security needs in not allowing missiles and weapons to get to Hamas.

We discussed the issue of Iran, and we pointed out that as a consequence of some hard work internationally, we have instituted through the U.N. Security Council the toughest sanctions ever directed at an Iranian government. In addition, last week I signed our own set of sanctions, coming out of the United States Congress, as robust as any that we've ever seen. Other countries are following suit. And so we intend to continue to put pressure on Iran to meet its international obligations and to cease the kinds of provocative behavior that has made it a threat to its neighbors and the international community.

We had an extensive discussion about the prospects for Middle East peace. I believe that Prime Minister Netanyahu wants peace. I think he's willing to take risks for peace. And during our conversation, he once again reaffirmed his willingness to engage in serious negotiations with the Palestinians around what I think should be the goal not just of the two principals involved, but the entire world, and that is two states living side by side in peace and security.

Israel's security needs met, the Palestinians having a sovereign state that they call their own—those are goals that have obviously escaped our grasp for decades now. But now more than ever I think is the time for us to seize on that vision. And I think that Prime Minister Netanyahu is prepared to do so. It's going to be difficult; it's going to be hard work. But we've seen already proximity talks taking place. My envoy, George Mitchell, has helped to organize five of them so far. We expect those proximity talks to lead to direct talks, and I believe that the government of Israel is prepared to engage in such direct talks, and I commend the Prime Minister for that.

There are going to need to be a whole set of confidence-building measures to make sure that people are serious and that we're sending a signal to the region that this isn't just more talk and more process without action. I think it is also important to recognize that the Arab states have to be supportive of peace, because, although ultimately this is going to be determined by the Israeli and Palestinian peoples, they can't succeed unless you have the surrounding states having as—a greater investment in the process than we've seen so far.

Finally, we discussed issues that arose out of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Conference. And I reiterated to the Prime Minister that there is no change in U.S. policy when it comes to these issues. We strongly believe that, given its size, its history, the region that it's in, and the threats that are leveled against us—against it, that Israel has unique security requirements. It's got to be able to respond to threats or any combination of threats in the region. And that's why we remain unwavering in our commitment to Israel's security. And the United States will never ask Israel to take any steps that would undermine their security interests.

So I just want to say once again that I thought the discussion that we had was excellent. We've seen over the last year how our relationship has broadened. Sometimes it doesn't get publicized, but on a whole range of issues—economic, military-to-military, issues related to Israel maintaining its qualitative military edge, intelligence-sharing, how we are able to work together effectively on the international front—that in fact our relationship is continuing to improve. And I think a lot of that has to do with the excellent work that the Prime Minister has done. So I'm grateful.

And welcome, once again, to the White House.

Prime Minister Netanyahu. Thank you, Mr. President.

The President and I had an extensive, excellent discussion in which we discussed a broad range of issues. These include of course our own cooperation in the fields of intelligence and security. And exactly as the President said, it is extensive. Not everything is seen by the public, but it is seen and appreciated by us.

We understand fully that we will work together in the coming months and years to protect our common interests, our countries, our peoples, against new threats. And at the same time, we want to explore the possibility of peace.

The greatest new threat on the horizon, the single most dominant issue for many of us, is the prospect that Iran would acquire nuclear weapons. Iran is brutally terrorizing its people, spreading terrorism far and wide. And I very much appreciate the President's statement that he is determined to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.

That has been translated by the President through his leadership at the Security Council, which passed sanctions against Iran; by the U.S. bill that the President signed just a few days ago. And I urge other leaders to follow the President's lead, and other countries to follow the U.S. lead, to adopt much tougher sanctions against Iran, primarily those directed against its energy sector.

As the President said, we discussed a great deal about activating, moving forward the quest for peace between Israel and the Palestinians. We're committed to that peace. I'm committed to that peace. And this peace I think will better the lives of Israelis, of Palestinians, and it certainly would change our region.

Israelis are prepared to do a lot to get that peace in place, but they want to make sure that after all the steps they take, that what we get is a secure peace. We don't want a repeat of the situation where we vacate territories and those are overtaken by Iran's proxies and used as a launching ground for terrorist attacks or rocket attacks.

I think there are solutions that we can adopt. But in order to proceed to the solutions, we need to begin negotiations in order to end them. We've begun proximity talks. I think it's high time to begin direct talks. I think with the help of President Obama, President Abbas and myself should engage in direct talks to reach a political settlement of peace, coupled with security and prosperity.

This requires that the Palestinian Authority prepare its people for peace—schools, textbooks, and so on. But I think at the end of the day, peace is the best option for all of us, and I think we have a unique opportunity and a unique time to do it.

The President says that he has a habit of confounding all the cynics and all the naysayers and all those who preclude possibility, and he's shown it time and time again. I think I've had my opportunity to confound some cynics myself, and I think if we work together, with President Abbas, then we can bring a great message of hope to our peoples, to the region, and to the world.

One final point, Mr. President—I want to thank you for reaffirming to me in private and now in public as you did the longstanding U.S. commitments to Israel on matters of vital strategic importance. I want to thank you, too, for the great hospitality you and the First Lady have shown Sara and me and our entire delegation. And I think we have to redress the balance—you know, I've been coming here a lot. It's about time—

President Obama. I'm ready.

Prime Minister Netanyahu.—you and the First Lady came to Israel, sir.

President Obama. We look forward to it. Thank you.

Prime Minister Netanyahu. Any time.

President Obama. Thank you very much. Thank you.

All right, we've got time for one question each. I'm going to call on Stephen Collinson, AFP.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. As part of the steps which need to be taken to move proximity talks on to direct talks, do you think it would be helpful for Israel to extend the partial settlement moratorium, which is set to expire in September?

And if I could just briefly ask the Prime Minister, with regards to the sanctions you mentioned, do you think that these measures will contain or halt Iran's nuclear program where others have failed?

President Obama. Let me—let me, first of all, say that I think the Israeli government, working through layers of various governmental entities and jurisdictions, has shown restraint over the last several months that I think has been conducive to the prospects of us getting into direct talks.

And my hope is, is that once direct talks have begun, well before the moratorium has expired, that that will create a climate in which everybody feels a greater investment in success. Not every action by one party or the other is taken as a reason for not engaging in talks. So there ends up being more room created by more trust. And so I want to just make sure that we sustain that over the next—over the next several weeks.

I do think that there are a range of confidence-building measures that can be taken by all sides that improve the prospects of a successful negotiation. And I've discussed some of those privately with the Prime Minister. When President Abbas was here, I discussed some of those same issues with him.

I think it's very important that the Palestinians not look for excuses for incitement, that they are not engaging in provocative language; that at the international level, they are maintaining a constructive tone, as opposed to looking for opportunities to embarrass Israel.

At the same time, I've said to Prime Minister Netanyahu—I don't think he minds me sharing it publicly—that Abu Mazen working with Fayyad have done some very significant things when it comes to the security front. And so us being able to widen the scope of their responsibilities in the West Bank is something that I think would be very meaningful to the Palestinian people. I think that some of the steps that have already been taken in Gaza help to build confidence. And if we continue to make progress on that front, then Palestinians can see in very concrete terms what peace can bring that rhetoric and violence cannot bring—and that is people actually having an opportunity to raise their children, and make a living, and buy and sell goods, and build a life for themselves, which is ultimately what people in both Israel and the Palestinian Territories want.

Prime Minister Netanyahu. I think the latest sanctions adopted by the U.N. create illegitimacy or create de-legitimization for Iran's nuclear program, and that is important. I think the sanctions the President signed the other day actually have teeth. They bite.

The question is—how much do you need to bite is something I cannot answer now. But if other nations adopted similar sanctions, that would increase the effect. The more like-minded countries join in the American-led effort that President Obama has signed into act, into law, I think the better we'll be able to give you an answer to your question.

President Obama. Is there somebody you want to ask here?

Q. Mr. President, in the past year, you distanced yourself from Israel and gave a cold shoulder to the Prime Minister. Do you think this policy was a mistake? Do you think it contributes to the bashing of Israel by others? And is that—you change it now, and do you trust now Prime Minister Netanyahu?

And if I may, Mr. Prime Minister, specifically, did you discuss with the President the continuing of the freezing of settlements after September? And did you tell him that you're going to keep on building after this period is over?

President Obama. Well, let me, first of all, say that the premise of your question was wrong and I entirely disagree with it. If you look at every public statement that I've made over the last year and a half, it has been a constant reaffirmation of the special relationship between the United States and Israel, that our commitment to Israel's security has been unwavering. And, in fact, there aren't any concrete policies that you could point to that would contradict that.

And in terms of my relationship with Prime Minister Netanyahu, I know the press, both in Israel and stateside, enjoys seeing if there's news there. But the fact of the matter is that I've trusted Prime Minister Netanyahu since I met him before I was elected President, and have said so both publicly and privately.

I think that he is dealing with a very complex situation in a very tough neighborhood. And what I have consistently shared with him is my interest in working with him—not at cross-purposes—so that we can achieve the kind of peace that will ensure Israel's security for decades to come.

And that's going to mean some tough choices. And there are going to be times where he and I are having robust discussions about what kind of choices need to be made. But the underlying approach never changes, and that is the United States is committed to Israel's security; we are committed to that special bond; and we are going to do what's required to back that up, not just with words but with actions.

We are going to continually work with the Prime Minister and the entire Israeli government, as well as the Israeli people, so that we can achieve what I think has to be everybody's goal, which is that people feel secure. They don't feel like a rocket is going to be landing on their head sometime. They don't feel as if there's a growing population that wants to direct violence against Israel.

That requires work and that requires some difficult choices—both at the strategic level and the tactical level. And this is something that the Prime Minister understands, and why I think that we're going to be able to work together not just over the next few months but hopefully over the next several years.

Prime Minister Netanyahu. The President and I discussed concrete steps that could be done now, in the coming days and the coming weeks, to move the peace process further along in a very robust way. This is what we focused our conversation on. And when I say the next few weeks, that's what I mean. The President means that, too.

Let me make a general observation about the question you posed to the President. And here I'll have to paraphrase Mark Twain, that the reports about the demise of the special U.S.-Israel relations—relationship aren't just premature, they're just flat wrong. There's a depth and richness of this relationship that is expressed every day. Our teams talk. We don't make it public. The only thing that's public is that you can have differences on occasion in the best of families and the closest of families; that comes out public—and sometimes in a twisted way, too.

What is not told is the fact that we have an enduring bond of values, interests, beginning with security and the way that we share both information and other things to help the common defense of our common interests—and many others in the region who don't often admit to the beneficial effect of this cooperation.

So I think there's—the President said it best in his speech in Cairo. He said in front of the entire Islamic world, he said, the bond between Israel and the United States is unbreakable. And I can affirm that to you today.

President Obama. Thank you very much, everybody.

Interview of President Barack Obama by Yonit Levi, Israeli TV

Q. President Barack Obama, shalom, and thank you so much for talking with us today.

President Obama. Thank you. Thank you very much.

Q. Is a peace agreement, in your opinion, it can be reached in the first term of your presidency?

President Obama. I think so. I had an excellent meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu. And I think that he is somebody who understands that we've got a fairly narrow window of opportunity. On the Palestinian side, moderates like Abu Mazen and Fayyad are, I think, willing to make the concessions and engage in negotiations that can result in peace. But their time frame in power may be limited if they aren't able to deliver for their people.

There's a constant contest between moderates and rejectionists within the Arab world. And then there's the demographic challenges that Israel is going to be facing if it wants to remain not only a Jewish state but a democratic state. So you look at all these pressures and you say to yourself, we probably won't have a better opportunity than we have right now. And that has to be seized. Now, it's going to be wrenching. It's going to be difficult.

Q. Do you believe Benjamin Netanyahu is the right man? Do you believe that he can bring peace?

President Obama. I think that not only is Prime Minister Netanyahu a smart and savvy politician, but the fact that he is not perceived as a dove in some ways can be helpful in the sense that any successful peace will have to include the hawks and the doves, on both sides, and in the same way that Richard Nixon here in the United States was able to go to China because he had very strong anti-communist credentials, I think Prime Minister Netanyahu may be very well positioned to bring this about.

And in our conversations yesterday, I had the impression that Prime Minister Netanyahu isn't interested in just occupying a space, a position, but he's interested in being a statesman and putting his country on a more secure track.

So I hope that opportunity is seized. But ultimately, one of the things you learn very quickly, whether you're President or a Prime Minister, is that your power derives from the people. And it goes back to your first question—the Israeli people are going to have to overcome legitimate skepticism, more than legitimate fears, in order to get a change that I think will secure Israel for another 60 years.

Q. You know, you met with him on Tuesday and you both said that the meeting was excellent. And, you know, perfect photo, an idyllic photo notwithstanding, it wasn't exactly—hasn't exactly been smooth sailing in your relationship so far.

President Obama. Well, some of this has been greatly overstated. I mean, the last time that the Prime Minister came here, we had a terrific meeting. It was so good that it spilled over. And the reports then came out that somehow I had snubbed the Prime Minister, when in fact what had happened was the Prime Minister was interested and eager enough in working out some issues that he wanted to convene with his team, and then I came back and we had this meeting. That—

Q. And the fact that there was no—there were no briefings, no photo-ops in that meeting, it doesn't—

President Obama. Well, all of that fed this impression that somehow there were more strains than there were.

Now, I don't want to be disingenuous. There have been differences. I think that our view on settlements, for example, is consistent with all previous U.S. administrations. But the fact of the matter is, is that that view was always voiced not in the spirit of trying to undermine Israel's security, but to strengthen it—because we believe strongly that if we can achieve calm on the ground, that will help in the negotiations that lead to peace. And in fact, the moratorium that's been in place I think has been conducive to us rebuilding trust on all sides. And as a consequence, I'm more optimistic about the ability to get into direct talks.

Q. Will you, by the way, extend—request that Israel extends that settlement freeze after September?

President Obama. You know, what I want is for us to get into direct talks. As I said yesterday, I think that if you have direct talks between Abu Mazen, Netanyahu, their teams, that builds trust. And trust then allows for both sides to not be so jumpy or paranoid about every single move that's being made, whether it's related to Jerusalem or any of the other issues that have to be dealt with, because people feel as if there's a forum in which conflicts can get resolved. And the problem, what we've had over the last several years is just a constant erosion of trust that has been counterproductive.

Q. Now, I must ask you this, Mr. President, there are people in Israel who are anxious about you—

President Obama. Right.

Q.—and who—you know, I'm quoting their sentiments—feel like you don't have a special connection to Israel. How do you respond to that?

President Obama. Well, it's interesting—this is the thing that actually surfaced even before I was elected President, in some of the talk that was circulating within the Jewish American community. Ironically, I've got a Chief of Staff named Rahm Israel Emmanuel. My top political advisor is somebody who is a descendent of Holocaust survivors. My closeness to the Jewish American community was probably what propelled me to the U.S. Senate.

And my not just knowledge but sympathy and identification with the Jewish experience is rooted in part because of the historic connection between the African American freedom movement here in the United States and the civil rights efforts of Jewish Americans and some of the same impulses that led to the creation of Israel. And so I think what this arises from—some of it may just be the fact that my middle name is Hussein, and that creates suspicion. Some of it may have to do with the fact that I have actively reached out to the Muslim community, and I think that sometimes, particularly in the Middle East, there's the feeling of the friend of my enemy must be my enemy. And the truth of the matter is, is that my outreach to the Muslim community is designed precisely to reduce the antagonism and the dangers posed by a hostile Muslim world to Israel and to the West.

Q. So that fear, the tangible fear that some Israelis have that their best ally in the world might abandon them is—

President Obama. Well, it's pretty hard to square with the fact that not only have I in every speech that I've ever given talked about the unbreakable bond to Israel, not only did I describe that special relationship and condemn those who would try to drive a rift between us in Cairo in front of a Muslim audience, but if you look at our actions—and Prime Minister Netanyahu will confirm this, and even critics I think will have to confirm that the United States under my administration has provided more security assistance to Israel than any administration in history. And we've got greater security cooperation between our two countries than at any time in our history. And the single most important threat to Israel—Iran, and its potential possession of a nuclear weapon—has been my number one foreign policy priority over the course of the last 18 months.

So it's hard to, I think, look at that track record and look at my public statements and in any way think that my passions for Israel's survival, its security, and its people are in any way diminished.

Q. You mentioned Iran, and obviously you instituted tough sanctions against Iran. You said that in the meeting with Netanyahu. How long are you going to give the Iranian President, and what are you willing to do if he continues with his nuclear program?

President Obama. Well, what I've said consistently is, is that it is unacceptable for Iran to possess a nuclear weapon, that we're going to do everything we can to prevent that from happening. What I've also tried to do is build an international consensus so that Iran can't somehow play a victim, can't suggest somehow that they're being singled out by the West. They are the only country that has not been able to convince the International Atomic Energy Agency that they are pursuing nuclear power for peaceful means. It's not hard to do, but they haven't been able to do it because all indicators are that they are in fact pursuing a nuclear weapon.

So we just pursued the toughest sanctions that have ever been applied against the Iranian government. We followed those up with U.S. sanctions that are going to be tough. Allies and partners are following up with those sanctions. We want to continually ratchet up the costs of them pursuing this nuclear program.

Now, will that work? We don't know. And we are going to continue to keep the door open for a diplomatic resolution of this challenge. But I assure you that I have not taken options off the table.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, thank you. It's a pleasure, once again, to welcome a friend and colleague, Foreign Minister Judeh, back to the Department to have an in-depth discussion on the range of issues that are subjects of intense work and consultation between our two countries.

His Majesty King Abdullah is a strong and effective voice for tolerance and cooperation in a region that sees too little of both. And his government has been a steadfast partner against the violent extremism that threatens the cities and citizens in Jordan, the United States, and around the world. Our two peoples may have different histories, Mr. Minister, but we are united and have been in our hopes for a better future.

We share a strong commitment to achieving a comprehensive peace in the Middle East based on the two-state solution that provides all of the people in the region the chance to pursue their full God-given potential in security and dignity.

And once again, today, the foreign minister and I discussed important steps that must be taken to achieve a real and lasting peace.

We know that the recent meeting that President Obama had with Prime Minister Netanyahu reaffirmed the commitment that the United States has to this process. We commended the progress in allowing more goods into Gaza. We think it is possible to meet Israel's legitimate security needs while preventing Hamas from continuing to build up arms in Gaza. And Jordan and other Arab states are crucial to this effort to foster conditions for further progress. Investments in the Palestinian economy, political support for the Palestinian Authority, and condemnation of violence will all help improve the situation for the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank.

The foreign minister and I discussed the ongoing talks and we both believe that moving to direct talks as soon as possible is in the interest of Israelis, Palestinians, the region and the world.

We believe that through good-faith negotiations, the parties can mutually agree on an outcome that ends the conflict and reconciles the Palestinian goal of an independent, viable, and contiguous state, based on the 1967 lines, with agreed swaps, and the Israeli goal of a Jewish state with secure and recognized borders that reflect subsequent developments and meet Israeli security requirements. So we continue to encourage the parties to move toward negotiations to reach an agreement on the permanent status issues.

Jordan has been an active participant in the Arab Peace Initiative and we're very grateful for not only all that His Majesty and his government do on behalf of these regional and global issues, but in Afghanistan, in the search for a greater understanding among people, in education, healthcare, water, border security, good governance, and so much more. There's a broad and deep partnership. And we very much appreciate that partnership and friendship.

Foreign Minister Judeh. Thank you very much, Madam Secretary. It is a true honor and privilege and a real pleasure to be here at the State Department and to meet with you again.

As you know, we are always very keen to have a continuous consultation with you. And so my visit here today comes in that context and in the context of the very solid and strong strategic relationship, which I referred to in this very room on my previous visits, as not only a friendship but a true partnership.

And my visit also comes in the context of a follow-up to the talks that His Majesty the King had with President Obama when he was here in April for the Nuclear Security Summit and also the discussions that His Majesty has had with you recently both in person here in Washington when he was visiting privately and on the phone.

And I have to say that it is always important to remind the world of this special relationship between the United States and Jordan. It has been a strong and solid relationship for over 60 years. And I have said previously that it has withstood many tests, but gets stronger by the day. And certainly the commonality of vision and interest that we have is the basis of this relationship. And we always appreciate the support that this country provides for Jordan and the unity of vision and objectives that we have for the future.

And as you said, Madam Secretary, maybe different cultures and different history, but certainly a common future, I hope. I have to say that on the subject of the peacemaking efforts, the United States's role is not only crucial, but is very much required. We share the vision of the two-state solution that happens to be the only solution to the Palestinian problem, which rests at the heart of the broader Arab-Israeli conflict.

We view the U.S. efforts in this context as pivotal and central, and we fully and unequivocally support the leading U.S. role in this regard. We are committed to helping in every way possible. When His Majesty met with President Obama back in April 2009, he said that we cannot leave the U.S. to do the heavy lifting on its own. We are there to help and do our fair share of the heavy lifting, and I think we have modestly tried to do as much as we can in continuous consultation and coordination with our U.S. friends.

We are in agreement that direct talks addressing all final status issues including borders, security, Jerusalem, and refugees must resume quickly. In Jordan, we stress that direct talks should resume from the point at which they stopped in the past and build on previous agreements and understanding. Such talks have to be time-bound, benchmarked, and conducted in good faith in order to expeditiously arrive at the two-state solution, whereby, a sovereign, viable, territorially continuous Palestinian state emerges on the 1967 lines with East Jerusalem as its capital living in peace and (inaudible) security with Israel and all its neighbors.

And I have to remind you, if I may, Madam Secretary, of what His Majesty said which is, that will bring about peace between Israel and normal relations between Israel and 57 Arab and Muslim nations. I recently said peace in the Middle East is peace of mind for the rest of the world. It's important to remember that the Arab-Israeli conflict can no longer be looked at as a local or regional conflict; it is a global conflict with global repercussions and global ramifications. And it is in our interest, and we are heartened by the fact that the President and Secretary of State always remind us that peace in the Middle East is a vital U.S. national interest. And it is from that perspective that we highly value the U.S. role.

The solution has to be the product of negotiations between the parties themselves, and is indeed one that would be more permanent and stable than any solution that is imposed or prescribed. But our role is important in bringing the parties to talking to each other. And again, I need to remind that the sense of urgency is one that compels us to do this as soon as possible. All actions that are prejudicial to the resumption and the success of direct talks—provocation, unilateral measures in occupied territories—all provocation has to end. All prejudicial action has to stop to ensure that the atmosphere is right to resume negotiations and to ensure the success of these negotiations. And as we have said recently, perhaps in the last eight—sixteen months, we have seen an emphasis on Israeli-Palestinian track, but I think we have to remind again of the comprehensiveness that is needed.

Madam Secretary, thank you very much, and thank you for hosting me. I look forward to our continuous engagement and consultation, and hopefully seeing our common objectives through.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, my friend.

Foreign Minster Judeh. Thank you.

Q. (Inaudible.) Madam Secretary, I wanted to ask you—President Abbas has been calling on Prime Minister Netanyahu to endorse the parameters on security and borders that has come from Annapolis Conference. What is your position on that?

And Mr. Foreign Minister, I want to ask you—President Obama has asked the Arab states to have a bigger role in the peace process now. I know you've talked about the Arab Peace Initiative, but what more tangible steps can the Arab states take at this point to push the process forward?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we believe that all the issues that need to be resolved between the parties must be discussed in direct negotiations. The sooner that the Israelis and Palestinians get into direct negotiations, the sooner they can actually make decisions. That's the way it's worked in the past. That is the only way it can work today. And it's very clear from what the United States has said and done that we continue to urge the parties to get into direct negotiations as soon as possible. And I'm hopeful that that will be agreed to and that direct negotiations can start in a timely manner.

Foreign Minister Judeh. Thank you. I think when you say that of peace initiative, this is a peace initiative that was adopted in the Beirut summit of 2002, reaffirmed in every single Arab summit since then and endorsed by the Organization for the Islamic Conference, which is another 35 states added to the 22 Arab states. So this is, again, why we say the 57-state solution, the 57 nation that will support this peace.

And I totally agree with the Secretary of State that we need to now arrive at a conducive environment that will see a sliding from these proximity talks, which are very, very important because it reflects the total commitment of the United States to this endeavor, to direct talks, which is the only way you can get a deal on the table. And I think that all Arab states will support this process. We have meetings that are upcoming of the Arab Peace Initiative Committee and of the Arab foreign ministers plenary. I think we've provided as much support and endorsement for the Palestinians to engage in this effort, and the Palestinians have been not only engaged, but extremely forthcoming. The atmospherics that we're hearing about in these proximity talks provide a lot of room for hope and seem to be encouraging.

But I think what we need to refrain from now is unilateral action and provocation, whether it is in the form of deportations or evictions or demolitions or any unilateral action.

I think once direct negotiations resume, you'll see an engagement by the overall Arab (inaudible) and the tangible support that you refer to. But let's not put the cart before the horse. Let's try to get the process going, not another open-ended process, not another timeless kind of engagement. We need to see benchmarks and we need to see traction on the ground.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much.

Notice of Continuation of the National Emergency With Respect to the Actions of Certain Persons to Undermine the Sovereignty of Lebanon or Its Democratic Processes and Institutions

President Obama. On August 1, 2007, by Executive Order 13441, the President declared a national emergency and ordered related measures blocking the property of certain persons undermining the sovereignty of Lebanon or its democratic processes or institutions and certain other persons, pursuant to the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (50 U.S.C. 1701-1706). The President determined that the actions of certain persons to undermine Lebanon's legitimate and democratically elected government or democratic institutions; to contribute to the deliberate breakdown in the rule of law in Lebanon, including through politically motivated violence and intimidation; to reassert Syrian control or contribute to Syrian interference in Lebanon; or to infringe upon or undermine Lebanese sovereignty contribute to political and economic instability in that country and the region and constitute an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States.

While there have been some recent positive developments in the Syrian-Lebanese relationship, continuing arms transfers to Hizballah that include increasingly sophisticated weapons systems serve to undermine Lebanese sovereignty, contribute to political and economic instability in Lebanon, and continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States. Therefore, the national emergency declared on August 1, 2007, and the measures adopted on that date to deal with that emergency, must continue in effect beyond August 1, 2010. In accordance with section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)), I am continuing for 1 year the national emergency declared in Executive Order 13441.

This notice shall be published in the Federal Register and transmitted to the Congress.

Secretary Robert Gates delivered these remarks at MacDill Air Force Base, in Tampa, Florida

Secretary Gates. It is a pleasure to be here as we pay tribute to the outstanding officers who have led this organization over the past two years, welcome a new commander, and reflect on the important work being done by the men and women of CENTCOM at a time of war and daunting security challenges in the Middle East and Central Asia.

General Petraeus obviously can't be with us tonight—as you are aware he's somewhat busy somewhere else. But I'd like to start by saying a few words about the achievements of CENTCOM on his watch.

We have seen dramatic improvements in the U.S. military relationship with Pakistan, overcoming more than a decade of distrust and estrangement. With our security assistance, the Pakistanis have recognized the Taliban threat from within, driven militants out of long-time safe havens and killed or arrested numerous extremist leaders.

We also saw a robust effort to build the counter-terrorism capabilities of the Yemeni government, in order to prevent that country from becoming a safe-haven and base of operations for Al Qaeda.

Working with and through General Odierno, General Petraeus oversaw the successful drawdown of our forces in Iraq and the transition to full Iraqi security responsibility—developments made possible by his inspired leadership during the surge three years ago that turned the tide.

General Petraeus has deepened our joint efforts with partners in the Gulf in areas of missile defense, infrastructure protection, and counter-piracy—cooperation that has strengthened the determination of our allies to stand together with us against common threats.

Last year, I counted on Dave's judgment and expertise born of a proven record of success in making my recommendations to the President on our way ahead in Afghanistan.

As you are all aware, a little more than month ago we had to quickly call upon General Petraeus to bring his considerable talents to bear more directly in Afghanistan by assuming command of the International Security Assistance Force. And I too would like to especially thank Lieutenant General John Allen, who so ably assumed command responsibilities of this organization on short notice. As General Mattis said during his confirmation hearings, under General Allen CENTCOM suffered no loss of momentum and our allies have been amply assured of our commitment and capability. So John, thank you for your outstanding leadership under difficult circumstances.

Which brings me to General James N. Mattis. Jim was looking forward to a very well earned rest in Washington state—my adopted home—after a brilliant and eventful military career spanning nearly 40 years. Instead, he has answered his country's call once more.

We are fortunate that he has done so, as General Mattis is one of our military's foremost strategic thinkers and combat leaders, with extensive experience within the CENTCOM area of responsibility. That experience includes: Commanding a battalion that liberated Kuwait in the first Gulf War; Leading the first major conventional ground forces inserted into Afghanistan shortly after 9/11; Commanding the 1st Marine Division during the initial combat and stability phases of the Iraq War; and Later leading all Marine Corps forces in Central Command.

General Mattis is one of the most formidable warrior-scholars of his generation. His intellectual achievements include collaborating with General Petraeus on the historic Army-Marine Corps counterinsurgency manual and developing new operating concepts for our military at JFCOM. His insights into the nature of warfare in the 21st century significantly influenced my views about the shape and posture of our armed forces for a complex and unpredictable future.

Before closing, I would like to say a few words about the work of this command, and its vital importance to our nation—an importance recognized by multiple presidents of both political parties going back several decades. As a National Security Council staffer in the Carter Administration, I recall the discussions about the need for a sustained and credible U.S. military presence in the Middle East, deliberations that ultimately led to the creation of this command in 1983. Our basic goals have not changed since that time—to defend America's vital national interests and deter aggression in this region; whether from: The Soviet Union and its client states; Saddam Hussein's aspirations for oil and empire; Violent terrorist and militant groups; or Iran's meddling and quest for nuclear weapons.

We meet today in the ninth consecutive year of major combat operations in this command, with more than 200,000 soldiers, sailors, airmen and marines, and coast guardsmen deployed in the CENTCOM area of responsibility. More than 5,500 have made the ultimate sacrifice, with tens of thousands more wounded in ways both seen and unseen. To all the young men and women in uniform giving everything of themselves in this fight, and to our adversaries looking for weakness in our resolve, know this: The United States will continue to stand by our allies, defend our vital interests, and honor the sacrifices of so many who have fought and fallen wearing our nation's uniform.

Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Senator George Mitchell delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. I will appoint a negotiator to deal with that.

Since the beginning of this Administration, we have worked with the Israelis and Palestinians and our international partners to advance the cause of comprehensive peace in the Middle East, including a two-state solution which ensures security and dignity for Israelis and Palestinians. The President and I are encouraged by the leadership of Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas and fully share their commitment to the goal of two states—Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security.

After proximity talks and consultations with both sides, on behalf of the United States Government, I've invited Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority President Abbas to meet on September 2^nd in Washington, D.C. to relaunch direct negotiations to resolve all final status issues, which we believe can be completed within one year.

President Obama has invited President Mubarak of Egypt and King Abdullah of Jordan to attend in view of their critical role in this effort. Their continued leadership and commitment to peace will be essential to our success. The President will hold bilateral meetings with the four leaders followed by a dinner with them on September 1^st. The Quartet Representative Tony Blair has also been invited to the dinner in view of his important work to help Palestinians build the institutions of their future state, an effort which must continue during the negotiations. I've invited Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas to join me here at the State Department on the following day for a trilateral meeting to re-launch direct negotiations.

As we move forward, it is important that actions by all sides help to advance our effort, not hinder it. There have been difficulties in the past; there will be difficulties ahead. Without a doubt, we will hit more obstacles. The enemies of peace will keep trying to defeat us and to derail these talks. But I ask the parties to persevere, to keep moving forward even through difficult times, and to continue working to achieve a just and lasting peace in the region.

As we have said before, these negotiations should take place without preconditions and be characterized by good faith and a commitment to their success, which will bring a better future to all of the people of the region.

George. Thank you all.

Q. Madam Secretary, are you traveling to Pakistan (inaudible) concern, Madam? Thank you, Madam.

Senator Mitchell. I'll be pleased to respond to any of your questions.

Q. As tempted as I am to ask you about Roger Clemens, I'd rather—or P.J. perhaps.

Q. Can you tell us what was the turning point here? What was it that got the—that overcame the final snags to get them to come back to direct talks?

Senator Mitchell. We believe it's the recognition by the parties themselves, by their leaders—Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas—that the best outcome is an agreement which results in two states living side by side in peace and security, and that the only way that can be achieved is through direct negotiations between the parties in which the United States will be an active and sustained participant, and with the full support of our many friends and allies around the world, including, of course, specifically, the Quartet.

Q. But what was it that got them to—I mean, you've been trying to do this for months now.

Senator Mitchell. Yeah.

Q. And why—so why—how is it that today, you've gotten to this point, whereas three days ago, you weren't at this point?

Senator Mitchell. Yeah. I think it's the cumulative result of the efforts made over that time and the recognition by the parties that this is the right time. We will be active participants and there is broad support, as you know, by members of the Quartet and others around the world. But in the end, these decisions will be made by the parties themselves.

Q. Senator Mitchell, could you—

Senator Mitchell. I'll let—why don't I let P.J.—

Q. Could you talk about the sequencing of the talks? Will they discuss territory, refugees, or Jerusalem first, or will this all be in parallel?

Senator Mitchell. All permanent status issues will be on the table. It will be for the parties themselves to decide the manner by which they should be addressed.

Q. Senator Mitchell—

Q. Yes. Madam Secretary mentioned without doubt there will be more—without doubt, there will be more obstacles. What will these obstacles be? What are the main sticking points that are going to be going forward?

Senator Mitchell. We are all well aware that there remains mistrust between the parties, a residue of hostility developed over many decades of conflict, many previous efforts that have been made to resolve the conflict that had not succeeded, all of which takes a very heavy toll on both societies and their leaders. In addition, we all know that, as with all societies, there are differences of opinion on both sides on how best to proceed, and as a result, this conflict has remained unresolved over many decades and through many efforts. We don't expect all of those differences to disappear when talks begin. Indeed, we expect that they will be presented, debated, discussed, and that differences are not going to be resolved immediately.

But we do believe that peace in the Middle East, comprehensive peace, including, but not limited to, an end to the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, is very much in the interests of Israelis and Palestinians, of all people in the region; it's in the national security interests of the United States, and therefore, we are going to continue to pursue that objective with patience, perseverance, and determination. We know that will be difficult. We know, as the Secretary said, there will be obstacles. But we're going to proceed, as I said, with patience, perseverance, and determination.

Q. Senator Mitchell, sir, the Palestinians, the Israelis, and the United States have been down that road many times before. Now, what is in your opinion, sir, this time around that engenders—or should engender hope and optimism to get these talks into its intended end? And what kind of incentive did you offer President Abbas to entice him into the direct talks?

Senator Mitchell. I don't want to repeat everything I said in response to prior questions, but I will say that I believe that it is very much in the interest of people in both societies that there be an end to this conflict enabling both to live in peace and security. And I believe that their leaders believe and understand that, and therefore, notwithstanding the many difficulties that they face—and we recognize those difficulties—this is the best course for them.

On the question of past efforts in failing and succeeding, I'll return, if I might, to my experience in Northern Ireland. I chaired three separate sets of discussions in Northern Ireland, spanning a period overall of five years. The main negotiation lasted for 22 months. During that time, the effort was repeatedly branded a failure. I was asked at least dozens, perhaps hundreds, of times when I was leaving because the effort had failed.

And of course, if the objective is to achieve a peace agreement, until you do achieve one, you have failed to do so. In a sense, in Northern Ireland, we had about 700 days of failure and one day of success. And we approach this task with the same determination to succeed notwithstanding the difficulties and notwithstanding the inability to get a final result so far, including past efforts. But past efforts at peace that did not succeed cannot deter us from trying again, because the cause is noble and just and right for all concerned.

Q. I wanted to get a sense of this timeline, this 12 months that the Secretary talked about. Do you see that as a deadline or is that—or is it looser than that? And also, just following up on this other question. I mean, what makes this peace process any different from all other peace processes?

Senator Mitchell. We will only know the answer to your second question when it is completed. But I believe that, as I said in response to the previous question, that the cause is so important, so right, so just, that our continued effort is the right thing to do, and we are going to pursue it with determination. I believe that the two leaders themselves, President Abbas and Prime Minister Netanyahu, are sincere and serious and believe that it can be done, and we will do everything humanly possible to help them see that it is done.

With respect to your first question, Prime Minister Netanyahu said in a public appearance in this country on his most recent visit to Washington that he believed it could be done within a year. President Abbas has expressed similar sentiments to me, and I hold strongly to that belief, having now been involved for some time in the region. So, we believe it can be done within a year and that is our objective.

Q. But it's not a deadline then?

Q. It took you about nine months to get to the point where these guys were willing to sit down and talk to each other. What makes you think that you can get them to agree to peace in one year? At what point during this process is the U.S. willing to put its own ideas on the table to help move this forward? And after the initial set of talks here in D.C., where do you expect the talks to take place?

Senator Mitchell. I'll take your questions in reverse order. One of the subjects to be discussed in the meeting on September 1^st and 2^nd, and also in preparatory meetings that have been occurring on a regular basis and will continue between now and then, will be the timing and location of subsequent meetings, and we certainly expect some of those meetings to occur in the region.

With respect to the timing and nature, how long it took to get here and how long will it take to get in, I don't think one is a necessary determinant of the other. It's—I liken it to the first time I owned a house and had it painted. It took the painters seemingly forever to prime the building and the walls. I kept asking myself, “When are they going to start painting? We're paying by the hour and we want some progress.” And after this seemingly endless priming, they painted it very quickly.

Now, I don't want to suggest one year is quickly, but I don't think that events leading up to the negotiations are themselves decisive in terms of the negotiations themselves. We believe that the statements by the prime minister regarding within one year are credible and appropriate. We believe that President Abbas shares a similar view, as do we. And that's what we're going to pursue.

Q. And at what point does the U.S. put its own ideas on the table in this process?

Senator Mitchell. We will be active and sustained partners, although we recognize that this is a bilateral negotiation and we have indicated to both parties that, as necessary and appropriate, we will offer bridging proposals. But I repeat: This is a direct bilateral negotiation between the parties with our assistance and with the assistance of our friends and allies. And although nobody has asked it, I do want to take a moment to acknowledge and recognize the enormous support and assistance we have received from many of our friends and allies: Egypt, under President Mubarak; Jordan, under King Abdullah; many of the other Arab states; the other members of the Quartet; the United Nations under Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, who has been extremely helpful in this process; the European Union, with Lady Ashton as the foreign minister; and the—Russia, with Foreign Minister Lavrov, have all been active and very helpful along with other European states.

So it's important to understand that while the United States is playing an important and active and sustained role, we do so with full participation, full input, full consultation, full discussion, and we hope full support, from a wide variety of allies whose efforts have been extremely important getting us to this phase and will be extremely important in reaching a conclusion.

Q. Good morning. Actually, it's two; I apologize. Have all the invited parties accepted the United States’ invitation to weigh in next month? And the Secretary had mentioned references to peace in the world, and as an envoy of peace, I wanted to know what your thoughts are on whether the proposed mosque be built at the Ground Zero site.

Senator Mitchell. I'm sorry, I didn't understand.

What was the first question? We have been in consultation with both. We expect to hear from them shortly, but it will be their decisions on whether to accept.

Q. Yeah. Do both parties have to ask for the U.S. to step in with its bridging proposals, or is it enough for one party to ask for that bridging proposal?

Senator Mitchell. We're getting a little bit ahead of the game now to be speculating on what may or may not occur well into the process. As I stated earlier, this is a direct bilateral negotiation with the active and sustained support of the United States. And we will make bridging proposals at such time as we deem necessary and appropriate. But I don't want anyone to have the impression that we are somehow going to supplant or displace the roles of the parties themselves, nor do we have any view other than that this must, in the end, be an agreement by the parties themselves.

Q. Thank you. One technical question and then a real question. On September the 2^nd—is that—are they actually—are you actually launching direct talks on September the 2^nd, or are the leaders getting together with the Secretary to discuss the re-launching of direct talks? And the other thing: What role, if any, does Hamas have in this process?

Senator Mitchell. The first question is yes, we are launching direct negotiations beginning on September 2^nd. And the second question is: None.

Q. Senator, is re-launching the direct negotiations without preconditions means that we are re-launching the direct negotiations without terms and references?

Senator Mitchell. Only the parties can determine terms of reference and basis for negotiations, and they will do so when they meet and discuss these matters. As you know, both we and the Quartet have previously said that the negotiations should be without preconditions.

Q. Thank you. Can you tell us whether they're going to start from scratch, or will they build on what talks that—during the Olmert period? And the second question is whether Israel is expected to continue the freeze. Do you think that they'll continue the freeze? Do you think the Palestinians will continue their boycott of settler goods?

Senator Mitchell. The parties themselves will determine the basis on which they will proceed in the discussions, in response to your first question. In response to the second, our position on settlements is well-known and remains unchanged. We've always made clear that the parties should promote an environment that is conducive to negotiations. And as the Secretary said in her statement a few moments ago, it's important that actions by all sides help to advance our effort, not hinder it.

Q. Senator, just to follow up on that and a previous question, your position is well-known on settlements, but the Israelis, when they've chosen to, have ignored it and gone ahead with settlement construction as they've seen fit to do. Do you have any understanding from them that they will not do that this time?

And referring to the earlier question on Hamas and your quick answer that they will have no role, how do you get around the fact, even in the best of all circumstances that you negotiate an agreement, how do you get around the fact that Hamas is playing a huge role in Gaza?

Senator Mitchell. With respect to the first question, let's be clear that the declaration of the moratorium itself last November was a significant action, which has had a significant effect on new housing construction starts in the West Bank. And as I said, our position on settlements is well-known, remains unchanged, and we expect both parties to promote an environment conducive to negotiations.

With respect to Hamas, let's be clear. Hamas won a legislative election. They acknowledge the continued executive authority of President Abbas and his team, and it is entirely appropriate that we negotiate with the executive head of that government. When Democrats regained control of the Congress in 2006, that didn't end President Bush's tenure as president, and others who wanted to negotiate with the United States negotiated with the legally elected and then-chief of our executive branch of government. And that is the situation here.

Q. So you expect Hamas to accept any decision made by President Abbas at these negotiations?

Senator Mitchell. It is not for me to make decisions for others.

Q. Senator Mitchell, is it your understanding that this would be a shelf agreement, something to take effect at a later date when political conditions in the Palestinian territories allow, or is it your understanding that this is something that would take effect in a very short period after it was agreed?

Senator Mitchell. That's obviously subject to the results of the negotiations. We are not creating limitations or restraints upon what the parties may agree to. Our hope is that there will be an agreement that will end the conflict for all time and will result in the establishment of a viable, democratic, and independent state of Palestine living side by side in peace and security with Israel.

Q. Hi, thanks for taking our questions. The Palestinian press has reported that the U.S. put the harshest pressure to date on the Palestinians to get them into the talks. What I want to know is why did the U.S. feel that this was the time, in the Palestinians’ view, to bully the Palestinians into talking, considering the politics of the Israeli administration right now?

Senator Mitchell. The United States position has been well-known from the time that this administration entered office. We have and we do favor direct negotiation between the parties to resolve the conflict and to produce an agreement that results in two states living side by side in peace and security. We have encouraged the two parties to enter into such negotiations and they have now agreed. And we are—we believe it's the right thing to do, we think that both of the leaders believe it's the right thing to do, and we believe it's in the best interests of the people they represent.

Q. Hello, Senator Mitchell. You harkened back to the Northern Ireland peace process, and as you certainly recall, the President then played a very intimate role in that. Considering that many Americans themselves are even confused about President Obama's religious affiliation, do you feel like the people of the Middle East on both sides of this issue will see President Obama as an honest broker and someone that they can actually reach out to in that same intimate fashion?

Senator Mitchell. Yes, I do believe that they do and will continue to regard President Obama in that fashion. I will say that from the outset, both he and the Secretary of State have played an important, indeed critical, role in this effort. Both are deeply involved on a regular basis and deeply, personally committed to the cause of a comprehensive peace in the Middle East. I think that is not only widely recognized throughout the region and the world, but very much appreciated, and in particular, throughout the region.

Q. The total settlement freeze never happened, so I was wondering, how can these talks be considered authentic in the region when that demand was never met?

Senator Mitchell. We believe that there is a basis for proceeding and achieving a successful result, and we're going to pursue that. We do not take the position that if you don't get everything you want the first time you ask for it, you pack up your bags and go home. If that had been the standard applied in South Africa, there would never have been peace there; in Northern Ireland, there would never have been peace there; in Bosnia, there would never have been peace there.

It takes patience, persistence, a willingness to go back again and again, to not take the first no as a final no, to not take the 50^th no as the final no or the 100^th no. We are patient, we are persevering, and we are determined, and we believe there is a basis for concluding a peace agreement in the region, and that's what we're going to pursue.

Q. Senator, do you understand that—you expect Abbas to accept entering these talks without preconditions?

Senator Mitchell. Both the United States and the Quartet have said that we believe there should be direct talks without preconditions. And we also have said many times that we think that these talks should be conducted in a positive atmosphere in which the parties refrain from taking any steps that are not conducive to making progress in the discussions, that negotiate seriously and in good faith. And in all of these respects, we think that there is a basis for making progress.

Q. So the talks won't be based on the Quartet statement of March 19?

Senator Mitchell. The parties are the only ones who can determine what the basis of their discussions are, and that is the case.

Q. Yes, thank you. Senator, so many Palestinians, as you know, and Arabs believe peace with the actual Israeli Government is practically impossible because of its nature, past statement regarding refugees, Jerusalem, et cetera. Aren't you concerned that by setting this one-year deadline, you'll probably be raising expectations just like a la Camp David and all what happened after that?

Senator Mitchell. The reality is, of course, that there are some in both societies who do not believe that the other side is serious, who do not trust the other side, who do not wish to proceed with the other side. And if we accept the premise that because some in one or both societies hold these views that we cannot proceed, then of course, what we are doing is consigning all of those people to never-ending conflict, never-ending difficulties. We simply don't believe that's a proper basis for any country, and certainly not ours, the United States, on which to base its policy.

We believe that the best course of action is the direct negotiations that result in a peace agreement ending this conflict and resulting in two states living side by side in peace and security. We believe the only way to achieve that is through direct negotiations. We believe that if those negotiations are conducted seriously and in good faith, they can produce such an agreement within 12 months. And that is our objective. We acknowledge, we recognize, as you have just stated, that there are many who don't believe that, many who don't want that, many who will act to prevent that.

But their lack of belief, their contrary views, their contrary actions cannot serve to prevent us from trying to deal with this conflict, nor can it prevent the leaders of those countries who both recognize that the interests of their people, the future of their societies rests upon resolving this conflict and achieving the kind of peace and stability and security from which they will all benefit.

Q. Senator, this Administration believed from the early days that its Middle East strategy and its Iran strategy were linked in the sense that if you could make progress in one, you might help make progress in another and vice versa. You now are moving into a period of less engagement and more confrontation with Iran. I'm wondering whether you think that is an added hurdle to a peace agreement or is it something that could actually help in the sense that the Israelis may feel that the U.S. is going to be tough on Iran and it allays their fears somewhat in that regard.

Senator Mitchell. That extends somewhat beyond the area of my involvement in this process, and so I would defer for a more full and thoughtful answer to those who are directly engaged on the broader issues. I will simply say that if you look at the Middle East and review its history over just the past half century, never mind several millennia, you will conclude that there is no really, quote, “right time” to do this, that there always have been and always will be issues external to the immediate parties that have an effect upon what is occurring.

And in my judgment, what is occurring in the—throughout the region, not just in Iran but in other areas, all add compelling, cumulative evidence to the need to act with respect to this conflict. That is to say, whether or not the circumstance you describe produces the result you describe, it still remains a compelling argument that it is very much in the national security interest of the United States, in terms of dealing with other conflicts, to assist, to do all we can with the help and support of our allies, to bring about a resolution of this conflict. It helps in so many ways, and most importantly, it's the best thing for the Palestinian people and for the people of Israel. And it is in our national security interest and in that of others.

Thank you all very much. It's been a pleasure to be with you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu delivered these statements in Washington, DC

Prime Minister Netanyahu. We witnessed today a savage murder of four innocent Israelis. There are seven new orphans that were added to the circle of grief in Israel. We will not let the blood of Israeli civilians go unpunished. We will find the murderers. We will punish their dispatchers. We will not let terror decide where Israelis live or the configuration of our final borders. These and other issues will be determined in the negotiations for peace that we're conducting, and in these negotiations I will set clearly the security needs that are required precisely to address this kind of terror; and I hope to have the opportunity to go into greater detail in my conversations with President Obama tomorrow and with you, Secretary Clinton, today, and the leaders of Egypt, Jordan, and the Palestinians as well. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, let me express our deepest sympathy to the families who have lost their loved ones. This kind of savage brutality has no place in any country, under any circumstances. The forces of terror and destruction cannot be allowed to continue. It is one of the reasons why the prime minister is here today: to engage in direct negotiations with those Palestinians who themselves have rejected a path of violence in favor of a path of peace. We have to not only stand against the kind of horrific murders we saw today on behalf of the four who were lost and, as the prime minister said, the seven orphans who have been brutally deprived of their parents, but on behalf of all people—Israelis, Palestinians, everyone who knows that there is no answer when violence begets violence. And I thank the prime minister for his leadership in seeking a different future for the children of Israel. And we pledge to do all we can, always, to protect and defend the State of Israel and to provide security to the Israeli people. That is one of the paramount objectives that Israel has that the United States supports in these negotiations.

President Barack Obama delivered this statement in Washington, DC

President Obama. Good afternoon, everybody.

Upon taking office, I declared that America is a friend of each nation and every person who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that the United States was ready to lead in pursuit of that future. At the beginning of my administration, I stated that it was our policy to actively and aggressively seek a lasting peace between Israel and the Palestinians, as well as a comprehensive peace between Israel and all of its Arab neighbors. And to support my outstanding Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton's leadership, I appointed a special envoy and one of our nation's finest statesmen, former Senator George Mitchell, to guide our efforts.

As I've said many times, our goal is a two-state solution that ends the conflict and ensures the rights and security of both Israelis and Palestinians. And despite the inevitable challenges, we have never wavered in pursuit of this goal. I've met with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas on numerous occasions. Between them, Secretary Clinton and Senator Mitchell have made countless trips to the region.

Over the past year, both the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority have taken important steps to build confidence. And with Senator Mitchell's support, Israelis and Palestinians have engaged in several rounds of proximity talks—even in the face of difficult circumstances. But we've always made it clear that the only path to lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians is direct talks between Israelis and Palestinians.

Tomorrow, after nearly two years, the parties will relaunch those direct talks.

Today, I had a series of very productive meetings with key partners in this effort. I urged Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas to recognize this as a moment of opportunity that must be seized. I thanked President Mubarak of Egypt and His Majesty King Abdullah of Jordan, for their valuable leadership and for the support that will be necessary going forward. And I look forward to hosting these four leaders at a private working dinner at the White House tonight.

I also want to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to many friends and allies, especially our Quartet partners. And former Prime Minister Tony Blair will be joining us as representing the Quartet at the dinner this evening.

The purpose of these talks is clear. These will be direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians. These negotiations are intended to resolve all final status issues. The goal is a settlement, negotiated between the parties, that ends the occupation which began in 1967 and results in the emergence of an independent, democratic and viable Palestinian state, living side by side in peace and security with a Jewish state of Israel and its other neighbors. That's the vision we are pursuing.

Now, I know these talks have been greeted in some quarters with skepticism. We are under no illusions. Passions run deep. Each side has legitimate and enduring interests. Years of mistrust will not disappear overnight. Building confidence will require painstaking diplomacy and trust by the parties. After all, there's a reason that the two-state solution has eluded previous generations—this is extraordinarily complex and extraordinarily difficult.

But we know that the status quo is unsustainable—for Israelis, for Palestinians, for the region and for the world. It is in the national interests of all involved, including the United States, that this conflict be brought to a peaceful conclusion.

So even as we are clear-eyed about the challenges ahead, so, too, do we see the foundation for progress. The Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority are already cooperating on a daily basis to increase security and reduce violence, to build institutions and improve conditions on the ground.

Among the Israeli and Palestinian publics, there is wide support for a two-state solution, the broad outlines of which are well known to both peoples. And even in the midst of discord, ordinary Israelis and Palestinians—faith leaders, civil society groups, doctors, scientists, businessmen, students—find ways to work together every day. Their heroic efforts at the grassroots show that cooperation and progress is possible and should inspire us all.

In addition, Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas are two leaders who I believe want peace. Both sides have indicated that these negotiations can be completed within one year. And as I told each of them today, this moment of opportunity may not soon come again—they cannot afford to let it slip away. Now is the time for leaders of courage and vision to deliver the peace that their people deserve.

The United States will put our full weight behind this effort. We will be an active and sustained participant. We will support those who make difficult choices in pursuit of peace. But let me very clear. Ultimately the United States cannot impose a solution, and we cannot want it more than the parties themselves. There are enormous risks involved here for all the parties concerned, but we cannot do it for them. We can create the environment and the atmosphere for negotiations, but ultimately it's going to require the leadership on both the Palestinian and the Israeli sides, as well as those in the region who say they want a Palestinian state.

A lot of times I hear from those who insist that this is a top priority and yet do very little to actually support efforts that could bring about a Palestinian state.

So only Israelis and Palestinians can make the difficult choices and build the consensus at home for progress. Only Israelis and Palestinians can prove to each other their readiness to end this conflict and make the compromises upon which lasting peace deserves.

What the rest of us can do, including the United States, is to support those conversations, support those talks, support those efforts—not try to undermine them.

So the hard work is only beginning. Neither success nor failure is inevitable. But this much we know: If we do not make the attempt, then failure is guaranteed. If both sides do not commit to these talks in earnest, then the longstanding conflict will only continue to fester and consume another generation. And this we simply cannot allow.

We know that there will be moments that test our resolve. We know that extremists and enemies of peace will do everything in their power to destroy this effort—as we saw in the heinous attacks near Hebron, which we have strongly condemned. But we also know this: Too much blood has already been shed. Too many lives have already been lost. Too many hearts have already been broken.

And despite what the cynics say, history teaches us that there is a different path. It is the path of resolve and determination, where compromise is possible, and old conflicts, at long last, can end. It is the path traveled by those who brought peace to their countries, from Northern Ireland—where Senator Mitchell was so deeply involved—to the Balkans, to Africa, Asia, to those who forged peace between Israel and Egypt and Israel and Jordan.

This path is open to Israelis and Palestinians. If all sides persevere, in good faith and with a sense of purpose and possibility, we can build a just, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East. Thank you very much.

President Barack Obama, President Muhamad Mubarak, King Abdullah II bin al-Hussein, President Benjamin Netanyahu, and President Mahmoud Abbas delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

President Obama. Good evening, everyone. Tomorrow, after nearly two years, Israelis nd Palestinians will resume direct talks in pursuit of a goal that we all share—two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security. Tonight, I'm pleased to welcome to the White House key partners in this effort, along with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and the representative of our Quartet partners, former Prime Minister Tony Blair.

President Abbas, Prime Minister Netanyahu, Your Majesty King Abdullah, and President Mubarak—we are but five men. Our dinner this evening will be a small gathering around a single table. Yet when we come together, we will not be alone. We'll be joined by the generations—those who have gone before and those who will follow.

Each of you are the heirs of peacemakers who dared greatly—Begin and Sadat, Rabin and King Hussein—statesmen who saw the world as it was but also imagined the world as it should be. It is the shoulders of our predecessors upon which we stand. It is their work that we carry on. Now, like each of them, we must ask, do we have the wisdom and the courage to walk the path of peace? All of us are leaders of our people, who, no matter the language they speak or the faith they practice, all basically seek the same things: to live in security, free from fear; to live in dignity, free from want; to provide for their families and to realize a better tomorrow. Tonight, they look to us, and each of us must decide, will we work diligently to fulfill their aspirations?

And though each of us holds a title of honor—President, Prime Minister, King—we are bound by the one title we share. We are fathers, blessed with sons and daughters. So we must ask ourselves what kind of world do we want to bequeath to our children and our grandchildren.

Tonight, and in the days and months ahead, these are the questions that we must answer. And this is a fitting moment to do so. For Muslims, this is Ramadan. For Jews, this is Elul. It is rare for those two months to coincide. But this year, tonight, they do.

Different faiths, different rituals, but a shared period of devotion—and contemplation. A time to reflect on right and wrong; a time to ponder one's place in the world; a time when the people of two great religions remind the world of a truth that is both simple and profound, that each of us, all of us, in our hearts and in our lives, are capable of great and lasting change.

In this spirit, I welcome my partners. And I invite each to say a few words before we begin our meal, beginning with President Mubarak, on to His Majesty King Abdullah, Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas.

President Mubarak. I am pleased to participate with you today in relaunching direct peace negotiations between Palestinians and Israelis. Like you, and the millions of Palestinians, Israelis, Arabs and the rest of the world, I look forward that these negotiations be final and decisive, and that they lead to a peace agreement within one year.

Our meet today would not have taken place without the considerable effort exerted by the American administration under the leadership of President Obama. I pay tribute to you, Mr. President, for your personal, serious commit and for your determination to work for a peaceful settlement of the question of Palestine since the early days of your presidency. I appreciate your perseverance throughout the past period to overcome the difficulties facing the relaunching of the negotiations.

I consider this invitation a manifestation of your commitment and a significant message that the United States will shepherd these negotiations seriously and at the highest level.

No one realizes the value of peace more than those who have known wars and their havoc. It was my destiny to witness over many events in our region during the years of war and peace. I have gone through wars and hostilities, and have participated in the quest for peace since the first day of my administration. I have never spared an effort to push it forward, and I still look forward to its success and completion.

The efforts to achieve peace between the Palestinians and the Israelis encountered many difficulties since the Madrid Conference in October 1999, and progress and regression, breakthroughs and setbacks, but the occupation of the Palestinian Territory remains an independent—an independent Palestinian state is yet—remains a dream in the conscious of the Palestinian people. There is no doubt that this situation should raise great frustration and anger among our people, for it is no longer acceptable or conceivable on the verge of the second decade of the third millennium that we fail to achieve just and true peace—peace that would put an end to the century of conflict, fulfill the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people, lift the occupation, allow for the establishment of normal relations between the Palestinians and Israelis.

It is true that reaching a just and comprehensive peace treaty between both sides has been an elusive hope for almost two decades. Yet the accumulated experience of both parties, the extended rounds of negotiations, and the previous understandings, particularly during the Clinton parameters of 2000, and subsequent understandings of Taba and with the previous Israeli government, all contributed in setting the outline of the final settlement.

This outline has become well known to the international community and to both peoples—the Palestinian and Israeli people. Hence, it is expected that the current negotiations will not start from scratch or in void. No doubt, the position of the international community, as is stated in the consecutive statements of the Quartet, in particular, in its latest August 20th statement, paid due respect to relevant international resolutions and supported the outline of final settlements using different formulation without prejudice to the outcome of negotiations.

It has stressed that the aim of the soon-to-start direct negotiation is to reach a peaceful settlement that would end the Israeli occupation which began in 1967, allowing for the independent and sovereign state of Palestine to emerge and live side by side in peace and security with the state of Israel.

I met with Prime Minister Netanyahu many times since he took office last year. In our meetings, I listened to assertions on his willingness to achieve peace with the Palestinians, and for history to record his name for such an achievement. I say to him today that I look forward to achieving those assertions in reality, and his success in achieving the long-awaited peace, which I know the people of Israel yearn for, just like all other people in the region. Reaching just peace with the Palestinians will require from Israel taking important and decisive decisions—decisions that are undoubtedly difficult yet they will be necessary to achieve peace and stability, and in a different context than the one that prevailed before. Settlement activities on the Palestinian Territory are contrary to international law. They will not create rights for Israel, nor are they going to achieve peace or security for Israel. It is, therefore, a priority to completely freeze all these activities until the entire negotiation process comes to a successful end.

I say to the Israelis, seize the current opportunity. Do not let it slip through your fingers. Make comprehensive peace your goal. Extend your hand to meet the hand already extended in the Arab Peace Initiative. I say to President Mahmoud Abbas, Egypt will continue its faithful support to the patient Palestinian people and their just cause. We will continue our concerted efforts to help fulfill the aspirations of your people and retrieve their legitimate rights. We will stand by you until the independent state of Palestine on the land occupied since 1967 with East Jerusalem as its capital. We will also continue our efforts to achieve Palestinian reconciliation for the sake of the Palestinian national interest.

Once again, I'd like to express my thanks to President Obama, and I renew Egypt's commitment to continue exerting all efforts, sharing honest advice and a commitment to the principles on which Arab and regional policy rests upon.

Please accept my appreciation, and peace be upon you.

King Abdullah. In the name of God most merciful, most compassionate, President Obama, peace be upon you. For decades, a Palestinian-Israeli settlement has eluded us. Millions of men, women and children have suffered. Too many people have lost faith in our ability to bring them the peace they want. Radicals and terrorists have exploited frustrations to feed hatred and ignite wars. The whole world has been dragged into regional conflicts that cannot be addressed effectively until Arabs and Israelis find peace.

This past record drives the importance of our efforts today. There are those on both sides who want us to fail, who will do everything in their power to disrupt our efforts today—because when the Palestinians and Israelis find peace, when young men and women can look to a future of promise and opportunity, radicals and extremists lose their most potent appeal. This is why we must prevail. For our failure would be their success in sinking the region into more instability and wars that will cause further suffering in our region and beyond.

President Obama, we value your commitment to the cause of peace in our region. We count on your continued engagement to help the parties move forward. You have said that Middle East peace is in the national security interest of your country. And we believe it is. And it is also a strategic European interest, and it is a necessary requirement for global security and stability. Peace is also a right for every citizen in our region. A Palestinian-Israeli settlement on the basis of two states living side by side is a precondition for security and stability of all countries of the Middle East, with a regional peace that will lead to normal relations between Israel and 57 Arab and Muslim states that have endorsed the Arab Peace Initiative. That would be—well, that would also be an essential step towards neutralizing forces of evil and war that threaten all peoples.

Mr. President, we need your support as a mediator, honest broker, and a partner, as the parties move along the hard but inevitable path of settlements.

Your Excellencies, all eyes are upon us. The direct negotiations that will start tomorrow must show results—and sooner rather than later. Time is not on our side. That is why we must spare no effort in addressing all final status issues with a view to reaching the two-state solution, the only solution that can create a future worthy of our great region—a future of peace in which fathers and mothers can raise their children without fear, young people can look forward to lives of achievement and hope, and 300 million people can cooperate for mutual benefit.

For too long, too many people of the region have been denied their most basic of human rights: the right to live in peace and security; respected in their human dignity; enjoying freedom and opportunity. If hopes are disappointed again, the price of failure will be too high for all.

Our peoples want us to rise to their expectations. And we can do so if we approach these negotiations with goodwill, sincerity and courage.

Prime Minister Netanyahu. Mr. President, Excellencies, Shalom Aleichem. Shalom Alkulanu. Peace unto us all.

I'm very pleased to be here today to begin our common effort to achieve a lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians.

I want to thank you, President Obama, for your tireless efforts to renew this quest for peace. I want to thank Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Senator Mitchell, the many members of the Obama administration, and Tony Blair, who've all worked so hard to bring Israelis and Palestinians together here today.

I also want to thank President Mubarak and King Abdullah for their dedicated and meaningful support to promote peace, security, and stability throughout our region. I deeply appreciate your presence here today.

I began with a Hebrew word for peace, “shalom.” Our goal is shalom. Our goal is to forge a secure and durable peace between Israelis and Palestinians. We don't seek a brief interlude between two wars. We don't seek a temporary respite between outbursts of terror. We seek a peace that will end the conflict between us once and for all. We seek a peace that will last for generations—our generation, our children's generation, and the next.

This is the peace my people fervently want. This is the peace all our peoples fervently aspire to. This is the peace they deserve.

Now, a lasting peace is a peace between peoples—between Israelis and Palestinians. We must learn to live together, to live next to one another and with one another. But every peace begins with leaders.

President Abbas, you are my partner in peace. And it is up to us, with the help of our friends, to conclude the agonizing conflict between our peoples and to afford them a new beginning. The Jewish people are not strangers in our ancestral homeland, the land of our forefathers. But we recognize that another people shares this land with us. I came here today to find an historic compromise that will enable both our peoples to live in peace and security and in dignity. I've been making the case for Israel all of my life. But I didn't come here today to make an argument. I came here today to make peace. I didn't come here today to play a blame game where even the winners lose. Everybody loses if there's no peace. I came here to achieve a peace that will bring a lasting benefit to us all. I didn't come here to find excuses or to make them. I came here to find solutions. I know the history of our conflict and the sacrifices that have been made. I know the grief that has afflicted so many families who have lost their dearest loved ones. Only yesterday four Israelis, including a pregnant women—a pregnant woman—and another woman, a mother of six children, were brutally murdered by savage terrorists. And two hours ago, there was another terror attack. And thank God no one died. I will not let the terrorists block our path to peace, but as these events underscore once again, that peace must be anchored in security. I'm prepared to walk down the path of peace, because I know what peace would mean for our children and for our grandchildren. I know it would herald a new beginning that could unleash unprecedented opportunities for Israelis, for Palestinians, and for the peoples—all the peoples—of our region, and well beyond our region. I think it would affect the world.

I see what a period of calm has created in the Palestinian cities of Ramallah, of Janin, throughout the West Bank, a great economic boom. And real peace can turn this boom into a permanent era of progress and hope.

If we work together, we can take advantage of the great benefits afforded by our unique place under the sun. We're the crossroads of three continents, at the crossroads of history, and the crossroads of the future. Our geography, our history, our culture, our climate, the talents of our people can be unleashed to create extraordinary opportunities in tourism, in trade, in industry, in energy, in water, in so many areas. But peace must also be defended against its enemies. We want the skyline of the West Bank to be dominated by apartment towers—not missiles. We want the roads of the West Bank to flow with commerce—not terrorists.

And this is not a theoretic request for our people. We left Lebanon, and we got terror. We left Gaza, and we got terror once again. We want to ensure that territory we'll concede will not be turned into a third Iranian-sponsored terror enclave armed at the heart of Israel—and may I add, also aimed at every one of us sitting on this stage.

This is why a defensible peace requires security arrangements that can withstand the test of time and the many challenges that are sure to confront us. And there will be many challenges, both great and small. Let us not get bogged down by every difference between us. Let us direct our courage, our thinking, and our decisions at those historic decisions that lie ahead.

Now, there are many skeptics. One thing there's no shortage of, Mr. President, are skeptics. This is something that you're so familiar with, that all of us in a position of leadership are familiar with. There are many skeptics. I suppose there are many reasons for skepticism. But I have no doubt that peace is possible.

President Abbas, we cannot erase the past, but it is within our power to change the future. Thousands of years ago, on these very hills where Israelis and Palestinians live today, the Jewish prophet Isaiah and the other prophets of my people envisaged a future of lasting peace for all mankind. Let today be an auspicious step in our joint effort to realize that ancient vision for a better future.

President Abbas. His Excellency President Barack Obama, His Excellency President Hosni Mubarak, His Majesty King Abdullah II, His Excellency Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Mrs. Hillary Clinton, Mr. Tony Blair, ladies and gentlemen. I would like to start by thanking President Obama for his invitation to host us here today to relaunch the permanent status negotiations to reach a Palestinian-Israeli peace agreement covering all the permanent status issues within a year in accordance with international law and relevant resolutions. As we move towards the relaunch of these negotiations tomorrow, we recognize the difficulties, challenges and obstacles that lie ahead. Yet we assure you, in the name of the PLO, that we will draw on years of experience in negotiations and benefit from the lessons learned to make these negotiations successful.

We also reiterate our commitment to carry out all our obligations, and we call on the Israelis to carry out their obligations, including a freeze on settlements activities, which is not setting a precondition but a call to implement an agreed obligation and to end all the closure and blockade, preventing freedom of movement, including the (inaudible) siege.

We will spare no effort and will work diligently and tirelessly to ensure that these new negotiations achieve their goals and objectives in dealing with all of the issues: Jerusalem, refugees, settlements, border security, water, as well as the release of all our prisoners—in order to achieve peace. The people of our area are looking for peace that achieves freedom, independence, and justice to the Palestinian people in their country and in their homeland and in the diaspora—our people who have endured decades of longstanding suffering.

We want a peace that will correct the historical injustice caused by the (inaudible) of 1948, and one that brings security to our people and the Israeli people. And we want peace that will give us both and the people of the region a new era where we enjoy just peace, stability, and prosperity. Our determination stems to a great extent from your willpower, Mr. President, and your firm and sweeping drive with which you engulfed the entire world from the day you took office to set the parties on the path for peace—and also this same spirit, exhibited by Secretary Hillary Clinton and Senator George Mitchell and his team. The presence of His Excellency President Mubarak and His Majesty King Abdullah is another telling indication of their substantial and effective commitment overall, where Egypt and Jordan have been playing a supportive role for advancing the peace process. Their effective role is further demonstrated by the Arab Peace Initiative, which was fully endorsed by all of the Arab states, and the Islamic countries as well.

This initiative served a genuine and sincere opportunity to achieve a just and comprehensive peace on all tracks in our region, including the Syrian-Israeli track and the Lebanese-Israeli track, and provided a sincere opportunity to make peace.

The presence here today of the envoy of the Quartet, Mr. Tony Blair, is a most telling signal, especially since he has been personally involved in the Palestinian Authority for many years and in the efforts for state building in Palestine.

Excellencies, the time has come for us to make peace and it is time to end the occupation that started in 1967, and for the Palestinian people to get freedom, justice, and independence. It is time that a independent Palestinian state be established with sovereignty side by side with the state of Israel. It is time to put an end to the struggle in the Middle East. The Palestinian people who insist on the rights and freedom and independence are in most need for justice, security, and peace, because they are the victim, the ones that were harmed the most from this violence. And it is sending message to our neighbors, the Israelis, and to the world that they are also careful about supporting the opportunities for the success of these negotiations and the just and lasting peace as soon as possible.

With this spirit, we will work to make these negotiations succeed. And with this spirit, we are—trust that we are capable to achieve our historical, difficult mission—making peace in the land of peace.

Mr. Netanyahu, what happened yesterday and what is happening today is also condemned. We do not want at all that any blood be shed, one drop of blood, on the part of the—from the Israelis or the Palestinians. We want people in the two countries to lead a normal life. We want them to live as neighbors and partners forever. Let us sign an agreement, a final agreement, for peace, and put an end to a very long period of struggle forever. And peace be upon you.

President Obama. I want to thank all the leaders for their thoughtful statements. I want to thank the delegations that are represented here because they are the ones who oftentimes are doing a lot of the work. This is just the beginning. We have a long road ahead, but I appreciate very much the leaders who are represented here for giving us such an excellent start. And I particularly want to commend Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas for their presence here. This is not easy. Both of them have constituencies with legitimate claims, legitimate concerns, and a lot of history between them. For them to be here, to be willing to take this first step—the most difficult step—is a testament to their courage and their integrity and I think their vision for the future. And so I am hopeful—cautiously hopeful, but hopeful—that we can achieve the goal that all four of these leaders articulated. Thank you very much, everybody.

Secretary Hillary Clinton, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and President Mahmoud Abbas delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good morning and welcome to the State Department here in the Benjamin Franklin Room. I want to thank all of you for joining us today to relaunch negotiations to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I know the decision to sit at this table was not easy. We understand the suspicion and skepticism that so many feel, born out of years of conflict and frustrated hopes. The tragic act of terror on Tuesday and the terrorist shooting yesterday are yet additional reminders of the human costs of this conflict. But by being here today, you each have taken an important step toward freeing your peoples from the shackles of a history we cannot change, and moving toward a future of peace and dignity that only you can create. So, thank you. Thank you for your courage and your commitment.

I also want to recognize the support of Egypt and Jordan, which have long been crucial partners for peace. And we appreciate the support of the Arab League for the vision of a comprehensive peace embodied in these talks.

I also wish to thank former Prime Minister Tony Blair, the special representative of the Quartet, for his leadership and efforts. Mr. Blair's work in support of the institutional and economic development of the Palestinian people is critical to the success of these peace efforts. As we've said all along, progress on this track must go hand-in-hand with progress in negotiations.

And let me also, as represented by this overwhelming turnout of representatives of the press from across the world, express our gratitude to many friends and allies who have worked so hard for progress toward our shared goals. To those who criticize this process, who stand on the sidelines and say no, I ask you to join us in this effort. As President Obama said yesterday, we hear often from those voices in the region who insist that this is a top priority and yet do very little to support the work that would actually bring about a Palestinian state. Now is the opportunity to start contributing to progress.

For our part, the United States has pledged its full support for these talks, and we will be an active and sustained partner. We believe, Prime Minister and President, that you can succeed, and we understand that this is in the national security interests of the United States that you do so. But we cannot and we will not impose a solution. Only you can make the decisions necessary to reach an agreement and secure a peaceful future for the Israeli and Palestinian people.

Now, for many of us in this room, this is not the first trip to the negotiating table. I look around and I see veterans from all three of us. We've been here before and we know how difficult the road ahead will be. There undoubtedly will be obstacles and setbacks. Those who oppose the cause of peace will try in every way possible to sabotage this process, as we have already seen this week.

But those of you here today, especially the veterans who are here today, you have returned because you have seen the cost of continued conflict. You know that your people deserve the benefits of peace. The core issues at the center of these negotiations—territory, security, Jerusalem, refugees, settlements, and others—will get no easier if we wait. Nor will they resolve themselves.

Success will take patience, persistence, and leadership. The true test of these negotiations will not be their first day and it will not be their last day. It will be all those long days in the middle, when the path toward peace seems hidden, and the enemies of peace work to keep it obscured. But we are convinced that if you move forward in good faith and do not waver in your commitment to succeed on behalf of your people, we can resolve all of the core issues within one year.

You have taken the first steps. You have both embraced the idea of a two-state solution, which is the only path toward a just, lasting peace that ensures security and dignity for both Israelis and Palestinians. I fervently believe that the two men sitting on either side of me, that you are the leaders who can make this long, cherished dream a reality. And we will do everything possible to help you. This is a time for bold leadership and a time for statesmen who have the courage to make difficult decisions.

Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. President, you have the opportunity to end this conflict and the decades of enmity between your peoples once and for all.

And I want to conclude by just saying a few words directly to the people of the region. Your leaders may be sitting at the negotiating table, but you are the ones who will ultimately decide the future. You hold the future of your families, your communities, your people, this region, in your hands. For the efforts here to succeed, we need your support and your patience. Today, as ever, people have to rally to the cause of peace, and peace needs champions on every street corner and around every kitchen table. I understand very well the disappointments of the past. I share them. But I also know we have it within our power today to move forward into a different kind of future, and we cannot do this without you.

So now let me turn to the prime minister, who will make his remarks, followed by the president.

Prime Minister Netanyahu. Thank you, Madam Secretary. I want to thank you and President Obama for the many efforts that you have invested to bring us to this moment. My friend, Senator Mitchell, thank you for your consistent effort, for you and your staff's efforts to bring a lasting and durable peace to our region.

President Abbas, as I said yesterday in our meeting at the White House with the President of the United States, the President of Egypt and the King of Jordan, I see in you a partner for peace. Together, we can lead our people to a historic future that can put an end to claims and to conflict.

Now, this will not be easy. A true peace, a lasting peace, would be achieved only with mutual and painful concessions from both sides—from the Israeli side, from the Palestinian side, from my side, and from your side. But the people of Israel, and I as their prime minister, are prepared to walk this road and to go a long way, a long way in a short time, to achieve a genuine peace that will bring our people security, prosperity, and good neighbors—good neighbors, to shape a different reality between us. That's going to involve serious negotiations, because there are many issues in contention. The core issues that you outlined, Madam Secretary, are things that we have disagreements on, but we have to get from disagreement to agreement—a big task.

Now, two years ago, or rather, a year ago, in a speech I gave in Bar-Ilan University in Israel, I tried to outline the two pillars of peace that I think will enable us to resolve all the outstanding issues. And these are legitimacy and security. Just as you expect us to be ready to recognize a Palestinian state as the nation-state of the Palestinian people, we expect you to be prepared to recognize Israel as the nationstate of the Jewish people. There are more than a million non-Jews living in Israel, the nation-state of the Jewish people, who have full civil rights. There is no contradiction between a nation-state that guarantees the national rights of the majority and guaranteeing the civil rights, the full civil equality, of the minority.

I think this mutual recognition between us is indispensible to clarifying to our two people—our two peoples that the conflict between us is over. I said, too, yesterday that a real peace must take into account the genuine security needs of Israel that have changed. They have changed since I was last here. You spoke about the veterans who are gathered here at this table. We've been here before. We fashioned the Hebron agreement and the Wye agreement. This was 12 years ago. In these 12 years, new forces have risen in our region, and we've had the rise of Iran and its proxies and the rise of missile warfare. And so a peace agreement must take into account a security arrangement against these real threats that have been directed against my country, threats that have been realized with 12,000 rockets that have been fired on our territory, and terrorist attacks that go unabated.

President Abbas, I am fully aware and I respect your people's desire for sovereignty. I am convinced that it's possible to reconcile that desire with Israel's need for security. We anticipate difficult days before we achieve the much-desired peace. The last two days have been difficult. They were exceedingly difficult for my people and for me. Blood has been shed, the blood of innocents: four innocent Israelis gunned down brutally, two people wounded, seven new orphans. President Abbas, you condemned this killing. That's important. No less important is to find the killers, and equally to make sure that we can stop other killers. They seek to kill our people, kill our state, kill our peace. And so achieving security is a must. Security is the foundation of peace. Without it, peace will unravel. With it, peace can be stable and enduring.

President Abbas, history has given us a rare opportunity to end the conflict between our peoples, a conflict that has been lasting for almost a century. It's an unprecedented opportunity to end a century conflict. Well, there have been some examples in history, but not many. But we face such a task to end the bloodshed and to secure a future of promise and hope for our children and grandchildren.

In the first book of the Bible, the book of Genesis, there is a story of how two brothers in conflict—brothers, Isaac and Ishmael—joined together to bury their father Abraham, our father, the father of our two peoples. Isaac, the father of the Hebrew nation, Ishmael, the father of the Arab nation, joined together at a moment of pain and mutual respect to bury Abraham in Hebron.

I can only pray, and I know that millions around the world, millions of Israelis and millions of Palestinians and many other millions around the world, pray that the pain that we have experienced—you and us—in the last hundred years of conflict will unite us not only in a moment of peace around a table of peace here in Washington, but will enable us to leave from here and to forge a durable, lasting peace for generations. Shalom. Salaam. Peace.

President Abbas. In the name of God, Madam Secretary Hillary Clinton, Mr. Prime Minister of Israel Benjamin Netanyahu, ladies and gentlemen, let me, in the first place, once again, extend my thanks to President Barack Obama and to Secretary Clinton and Senator George Mitchell and their teams for the unrelenting effort they exerted during the last month in order to re-launch the negotiation on the final status between the PLO and the Israeli Government.

Ladies and gentlemen, now that you are launching these negotiations today, we do know how hard are the hurdles and obstacles we are facing and we will face during these negotiations, negotiations that should, within a year, lead to an agreement that will bring the peace—the just peace of international law—international legality between our two people, the Israelis and the Palestinians. What's encouraging as well and what's giving us confidence is that the road is clear in front of us in order to reach peace. The road of international law is represented by the National Security Council and the General Assembly of United Nations, the Quartet, and the positions of the European Union, of the Arab Follow-up Committee. And all these position clearly for us represent international unanimity on the references, the bases, and the goals of the negotiations.

Ladies and gentlemen, also we're not starting from scratch, because we had many rounds of negotiations between the PLO and the Israeli Government, and we studied all horizons and we also defined and determined all the pending issues. We will work on all the final status issues—Jerusalem, the settlements, the borders, security, water, and also releasing the detainees—in order to end the occupation that started 1967, the occupation of the Palestinian territories, and in order to create the state of Palestine that lives side by side with the state of Israel, in order to end the conflict and end the historic demands in the Middle East, and to bring peace and security for the two people and all the peoples of the region.

Once again, we want to state our commitment to follow on all our engagement, including security and ending incitement. And we call on the Israeli Government to move forward with its commitment to end all settlement activities and completely lift the embargo over the Gaza Strip and end all form of incitement.

Also, with respect to security, you do know, ladies and gentlemen, that we have security apparatuses that are still being built, that are still young, but that are doing everything that is expected from them. Yesterday, we condemned the operations that were carried. We did not only condemn them, but we also followed on the perpetrators and we were able to find the car that was used and to arrest those who sold and bought the car. And we will continue all our effort to take security measures in order to find the perpetrators. We consider that security is of essence, is vital for both of us, and we cannot allow for anyone to do anything that would undermine your security and our security. And we therefore do not only condemn, but we keep on working seriously. Security is fundamental and very sensitive.

Ladies and gentlemen, once again, I want to state today what I said at the White House meeting yesterday in front of President Obama, President Mubarak, and King Abdullah. And we do believe that their participation was of essence and was very strong and represented the belief of Jordan and Egypt in peace. These two states alongside with other Arab states do believe that peace is a vital interest not only for the Palestinians and the Israelis, but also for all the peoples in the region and for the United States, as President Obama said when he said that the creation of a Palestinian state, or the two-state vision, is a vital national American interest.

The PLO participates in these negotiations with good intentions and seriousness and is adamant about bringing just peace that guarantees freedom and independence for the Palestinian people who is attached to his land and his rights, the fair solution of the problem of the refugees according to international resolutions. We are attached to the international resolutions. We do not want anything above and we do not want anything under. We want to have a new era in our region, an era that brings peace, justice, security, and prosperity for all.

And let me say here that in 1993, on the 9^th of September of this year, we signed, Mr. Prime Minister, what is called a document of mutual recognition between us and Israel, between former President Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin, and this document was signed. And in this document, we give enough so—to show that our intentions are good, our intentions with respect to recognizing the state of Israel. And you do know, sir, that in Camp David, also commitments were required from us. And when we came back with President Clinton, we carried on with all our commitments because we respect our commitments and our agreements.

Therefore, we stand from here to reach a peace that will end the conflict, that will meet all the demands, and start a new era between the Israeli and the Palestinian people.

Thank you, and peace be among you.

Secretary Clinton. I want to thank both leaders for their statements. And I also want to thank the members of their respective teams who are here in both delegations. The people sitting here have worked very hard, some for many years, and they certainly have traveled a long way to be here and we're grateful for their commitment as well.

Today, President Obama and I, Senator Mitchell and our entire team, are prepared to do whatever we can to help you succeed. And we believe in you and we support you. So again, let me thank you for being here, and now it's time to get to work.

Thank you all very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave this interview to Amira Hanania Rishmawi of Palestine TV and Udi Segal of Israel Channel 2 in Washington, DC

Q. Madam Secretary, Shalom, and thank you for this unique opportunity with my colleague, Amira Hanania.

Q. Thank you very much, Your Excellency, for this interview. We're taking your—from your time to send some messages, very important messages, to our people. I want to start directly, because I know your time is tight. I will start in asking, this Administration repeats that the Palestinian state is a strategic American interest. Is this become slogan for varied and concrete policies and steps to be taken from your side? Touch on that.

Secretary Clinton. First, thank you both for giving me this opportunity not only to talk to you, but through you to Israeli and Palestinian citizens. And I thank you for that.

The United States believes very strongly, and we are totally committed to working with and supporting the efforts of the Israeli and Palestinian leadership and people to achieve a viable Palestinian state and a secure Israel living side by side. That has been a personal commitment of mine going back many years, and I believe first and foremost it is in the interests of the people of Israel and of the Palestinians, and particularly of the children.

But it is also an interest of the United States. We strongly support the security and the future of Israel and we strongly support the aspirations of the Palestinian people. The only way, in our opinion, in the 21^st century, that you can have the kind of security and peace that gives you a chance for the future that each of your people deserve is through a settlement of all of the outstanding issues and an end to the conflict.

Q. Madam Secretary, you said it yourself yesterday, both sides are so disappointed. What makes this attempt different? Why are the odds—this time it's for us rather than against us?

Secretary Clinton. It's a great question, because I know of the skepticism and even the suspicion in the minds and hearts of people in the region. And I said yesterday I'm personally disappointed. I have not only supported the efforts that have come before, but was deeply involved in the support of what my husband tried to do in the 1990s. And I think I'm the first person ever associated with an American administration who called for a Palestinian state as a way to realize the two-state solution.

Why is it different? I think it's different for three reasons. First, I think that time is not on the side of either Israeli or Palestinian aspirations for security, peace, and a state. It's not because—there are so many changes in the region where the rejectionist ideology and the commitment to violence that some unfortunately have as we recently saw with the terrible killings in Hebron and the attack outside of Ramallah. They gained greater access to weapons. They have a sponsor, namely Iran, who is very much behind a lot of what they're doing. The technology is threatening to the stability of both peoples’ lives.

I mean, if you look at the economies that are now growing, much of the world is still coming out of a recession. In the Palestinian business community, in Israel, you have vibrant, growing economies that are making a difference. In Nablus, last year, unemployment was 30 percent; it's down to 12 percent. It's clear to me that the forces of growth and positive energy are in a conflict with the forces of destruction and negativity. And the United States wants to weigh in on the side of leaders and people who see this as maybe the last chance for a very long time to resolve this.

Now, I will be the first to tell you it is very difficult. I cannot change history. I cannot take an eraser to the history books and change everything that has happened between you for so many years. But what we can do is offer a different future. But then it takes courage to accept that, because it is a bit of a leap of faith. That's why I was very impressed that both Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas came here despite the skepticism.

Q. Okay. So Your Excellency, [the] public in the region—consider that Prime Minister Netanyahu came here for a public relationship—relations exercises. What are you going to do at the end of this month if he will not—if he wants to combine between settlement and th[is] public relationship? The end of the month is going to be the last date for that sort of moratorium before the settlement. What are you going to do?

Secretary Clinton. Well, first let me say that I have known Prime Minister Netanyahu for many years, and I am convinced that he understands and accepts the importance of achieving a two-state solution. He publicly committed to that, something he had not done before, and he negotiated with the Palestinians in the past. He and President Abbas know each other. They have, in my presence, been very clear that they want to work extremely hard to get to a final agreement.

We're well aware that there are issues that have to be dealt with, such as the one you referred to, at the end of the month. I'm not going to get into their discussions, because that really is at the core of their being able to make some tough decisions, being able to have the confidence that they can have sensitive discussions without me or anybody else talking about them. But I am absolutely convinced that these two men, for different reasons, maybe the two can actually do this.

Everyone knows that in order for Israelis to accept a two-state solution, they have to believe—and I support this with all my heart—that they will be more secure, not less secure. And from their perspective, and one of the reasons for the skepticism in Israel, is we pulled out of Lebanon, we got Hezbollah, we pulled out of Gaza, we got Hamas. So there's a reality to it. It's not just a kind of public relations or theoretical argument. I think with President Abbas, he was courageous in the times when he was alone in the Palestinian leadership, in the PLO, in Fatah. He's been calling for a two-state solution for decades and has given his whole life to trying to realize that. And he knows that this may be the last time.

So I really am convinced that we have obstacles, we have some looming challenges in terms of time. But I believe that both men came with the best of intentions. And now, we have to work hard to overcome those obstacles.

Q. President Abbas said clearly that if [the] settlement freeze does not continue, there will be a—come to a screeching halt in negotiation. What do you—do you agree to that? What do you make of that saying of President Abbas?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Udi, I think part of what we are doing here is creating an atmosphere that is conducive to a final agreement that rests on tough decisions. And the parties know that the goal here is to make the decisions within a framework agreement on all the core issues, all the difficult core issues. And clearly, territory, settlements, borders, security, those are the hardest of the core issues in my opinion.

Q. Refugees?

Secretary Clinton. They have to—and absolutely, Jerusalem, refugees, water, I mean, there's a whole list of the hard internal core decisions. And I think that dealing with all of them—not in a piecemeal way, but in a comprehensive way, because each side is going to have to make concessions, each side is going to have to make tradeoffs. I've never been in a negotiation where one side got everything, because that's not what happens in negotiations. So I understand the positions of both leaders and I think they are sincere about trying to work to get to a resolution of the outstanding problems, including the one that is looming at the end of the month.

Q. Your Excellency, let's go back—go back with me to the normal and daily life for the Palestinians in the Palestinian territories, checkpoints involved. The Palestinian—Israel maintained more than 500 checkpoints that seriously hinder the freedom of movement in the West Bank. Are the United States writing this up in the negotiation? And are there steps that really give the Palestinians freedom to move, freedom to pray, to reach Jerusalem, to reach a mosque, to reach a better future?

Secretary Clinton. That is very much on our mind and it's very much on the minds of both the Israeli and Palestinian leadership. We are well aware that improving the daily lives of Palestinians, which has been going on for a few years now—we think that President Abbas, Prime Minister Fayyad, other leaders—but mostly citizens themselves, mostly Palestinians who have really, in the West Bank, been able to do more on their own behalf—are demonstrating, in ways we could not say, the effects, the positive effects of peace. So, the checkpoints, the roadblocks, all of the daily challenges that we know affect the Palestinians are certainly on the agenda.

Tony Blair, who you know represents the Quartet, which has played an important role in keeping the world's attention focused on the need for these negotiations, will be working even more with the—persistently and we hope effectively with both Israel and the Palestinian leadership to try to ease as many of those problems as possible while the negotiations are going.

You see, I think the political negotiations need to be matched with changes on the ground and confidence-building and interactions between Israelis and Palestinians. You both know the problems that we face in any society where there is a really small number of people who are committed to terror and violence—it sends all kinds of messages of fear into people who themselves are just wanting to live their lives. So we want to increase freedom of access, we want to increase opportunities in the West Bank, while at the same time, we're pursuing the political track.

Q. Your Excellency, peace doesn't only come through beautiful words, but needs to be backed by actions. We all know that the PA government now is through a financial crisis. So what is your message to the donors? And we really need, as a Palestinian, your message to them because they are—start losing hope in peace.

Secretary Clinton. Yes. Well, two messages.

First, on the Palestinian Authority, I want to publicly commend the work that has been done by the Palestinian Authority. The advances in security are recognized by all of us. The Palestinian security forces have gained a good and well-deserved reputation for their work in the West Bank. I want to commend the changes in financial management and accountability. And the United States, as you, I'm sure, know has increased dramatically our direct support for the Palestinian Authority. And I have encouraged and urged all the donors to do that and more. Last year was a good year. We got a very robust amount of contributions. This year, we are upping our request to all of the donors to support the peace process by supporting the Palestinian Authority.

And the second message is really to the Palestinian people themselves. I was in Ramallah last year and I met with a group of young Palestinians. And I came away not only impressed, but so encouraged by their motivation, their ambition, their curiosity, their intelligence. And then shortly after that, I was in Israel and I met with a group of young Israelis. And as an outsider, but someone who has long been devoted to Israel and long been committed to a Palestinian state, I see the potential in this next generation.

And I'm hoping that the adults, I'm hoping that the leadership will be willing to try one more time and to be willing to do the hard work of making peace, because these young people—they deserve to have a future in Ramallah or Jericho, not in Toronto or Chicago. If the Palestinian diaspora came home, it would be one of the most talented group of people ever—the doctors, the lawyers, the business leaders. And Israel deserves to have a peaceful, secure future. And so that's a passion for me, and I will do everything I can to support this process.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks en route to Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt

Secretary Clinton. Now, I have, as many of you—and I look around and see people who have been following this for decades—have been asked repeatedly—I look—have been asked repeatedly what are the prospects for success, how can we evaluate? And I can only say this: that there is no prospect for success in the absence of direct negotiations; there is absolutely no way that the legitimate needs of Israel can be satisfied for the long term, nor that the aspirations of the Palestinians can be achieved.

So for me, it is a question of: how can we work toward making these direct negotiations break through the clear and difficult obstacles that stand in the way toward achieving a comprehensive peace? And the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations are part of what has to happen in the region that would include an agreement between Syria and Israel, and Lebanon and Israel. But we have to begin and we felt encouraged by the—both the words and the body language and the commitments made by the two leaders when we met with them in Washington.

I am completely aware of all the challenges that we confront, but I have said, and I will repeat, that I think that the time is right for a lot of reasons for these two leaders and their people to work diligently and productively toward a resolution. So when we meet in Egypt tomorrow we will be having individual bilateral meetings, including with President Mubarak, and we will have then a trilateral meeting among the Palestinians, Israelis, and the U.S. The next day, we will continue those meetings in Jerusalem and we will push the parties to come to grips with a lot of the issues that have to be sorted out.

But for me, this is a simple choice: no negotiations, no security, no state. Negotiations at least hold out the potential for reaching the agreement that both parties have pledged that they wish to pursue despite the difficulties that they face from both within and without.

So with that, let me—

Q. Would you take one on the looming expiration of the settlement moratorium? Nothing that Prime Minister Netanyahu or his aides have said has suggested that he's willing to extend it, and as you're well aware, President Abbas has taken the position that if it is not extended, he may walk out of the talks. The President on Friday seemed to suggest that there might be a way for Netanyahu to extend it if Abbas might do some things. Do you see any scintilla of evidence that Netanyahu is interested in extending it such as it is?

Secretary Clinton. As the President said on Friday, the United States believes that the moratorium should be extended. At the same time, we recognize that an agreement that could be forged between the Israelis and the Palestinians on actions that would be taken by both sides that would enable the negotiations to continue is in the best interests of both sides. This has to be understood as an effort by both the prime minister and the president to get over a hurdle posed by the expiration of the original moratorium in order to continue negotiations that hold out the promise of resolving all the core issues.

And some of you may remember that when I pushed for and then went and stood with Netanyahu on behalf of the moratorium, it was summarily criticized roundly and consistently by everyone in the region. And I took my fair share of that criticism for saying what happened to be the fact that it was an unprecedented decision by an Israeli government. And now, we're told that negotiations can't continue unless something that was viewed as being inadequate continues as well.

So I think there's a lot of ways to get to the goal. Remember, the goal is to work toward agreement on core issues like borders and territories that would, if agreed upon, eliminate the debate about settlements, because some areas would be inside Israel and some areas would not be inside Israel. So I think that there are obligations on both sides to ensure that these negotiations continue, and we're going to be discussing that in depth with both of them over the next two days.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and President Shimon Peres delivered these remarks in Jerusalem, Israel

President Peres. Mrs. Secretary of State, ladies and gentlemen, I must admit I knew the Secretary of State a long time when she was called Hillary, and already then I had the highest regard for her—her wisdom, her friendship, her carefulness and caring. And it's a great pleasure to see you at a very important time in the history of the Middle East, providing us with your experience and knowledge and determination to bring peace.

I heard your comments before the Foreign Affairs in New York. My God, what a list of nations, what a list of problems and it so happened that you are today the traveling ambassador of goodwill all over the world, the most mobile statesman that carries hope and the responsibility. It is in this spirit that we receive you here. It's a good and (inaudible) and able (inaudible) in our time. The Middle East—new ups and downs. We are not repeating what happened in the past.

There are two important developments that we shouldn't forget. The nature of the region has changed. It's less of a conflict between Palestinians and Arabs, and less of a conflict between Muslims and Jews and Christians. It's more of a conflict of one country that wants to become the hegemon of the Middle East. We used to call it, in the past, an imperial ambition; I'm referring to Iran, which is using terror, and financing terrorists, training them, and building a nuclear threat to the Middle East. I believe all the independent countries in the Middle East feel that they are threatened, no matter to which religion or nation they do belong. It's also a threat, I believe, to the rest of the world. Nobody would like to see the world living under the double threat of a nuclear bomb and of the terroristic activities. It never happened in history; all this is a new experience and it requires a great deal of courage and wisdom.

The second thing is, in spite of (inaudible), there was a progress in our relations with the Arab countries. I think the relations with Egypt and Jordan are of importance as a precedent and an experience. But (inaudible) progress was done between the Palestinians and ourselves, even in the last month. I remember that just a few months ago, people were extremely skeptical, they should be able to go there from proximity talks to direct talks. We have the direct talks. It's an important step. Until you achieve at something, it's very important. When you achieve, people forget it.

And the second thing, yesterday, the opening in Sharm el-Sheikh was much better than all the pessimists and skeptics anticipated. I don't believe that we can solve the problems in one or two or three meetings. But it was an opening. It was a continuation. And my impression is, talking to our own prime minister and some of the other leaders, the sense is, let's do what can be done for the better and easier and earlier for all parties concerned. I think we have to act with great dynamism and determination.

And I want to say definitely, as an old hand in the Middle East, that nobody has a better alternative. The fact is that upon the invitation of the President of the United States, there were four participants in the previous opening—the President of Egypt, the King of Jordan, the Prime Minister of Israel, and the President of the Palestinian Authority—shows how serious and urgent and profound is the need to find peace.

We have to be serious. The dangers are not simple. But I don't think that we can solve all the problems just by saying some nice things. But on the other hand, I do believe it can be achieved, it must be achieved, and I do believe that we are the side that carries a message of goodwill and hope for our children. It's a great advantage. I believe we are on the moral side, on the side of human beings, no matter which nations. And I think no matter what the other side may have in the way of (inaudible), we have in the way of spirit and future and message.

Mrs. Secretary of State, we highly appreciate your efforts. It's not simple to travel with all those (inaudible) from place to place—suffering from jet lags and hoping for a new way of life for all of us. Thank you so much for coming.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, my friend. It is, as always, a personal pleasure, privilege, and honor to be here with you, to have the opportunity to sit and talk, and to work toward the outcome of a peace that you have been devoted to your entire life. I always look forward to our meetings, and I always look forward to your wisdom and advice. And I know that Israel has no greater champion, and the cause of peace has no better friend.

Once again, it was useful and enlightening to have this opportunity that Senator Mitchell and I did to spend time with you, and we thank you. It is also always a pleasure to be back in Jerusalem, especially on a day like today. This is a city that holds such deep meaning for Jews, Christians, and Muslims, and it is a privilege to be here during the high holidays. As I drive through the streets in slightly different circumstances than the first visit that I made, now more—I guess 30 years ago, and look at streets that I once walked down with my husband and with friends, I am heartened by not only the sense of continuity and history, but also the positive energy of the people.

I'm well aware of the obstacles that stand in the way of peace. I know that this long history of conflict and distrust hangs over everything. But I see the future that can deliver on the aspirations of Israelis and Palestinians for this city, and which safeguards its meaning forever. And that is why we are here today, because we are convinced that the legitimate aspirations of these two peoples are not incompatible. We are also convinced that peace is both necessary and possible, and that this is a moment of opportunity that must be seized.

President Peres referred to the challenges that confront the people of this region. Those challenges make our task even more urgent. Now, I appreciate the skepticism that many Israelis feel, the doubt and the disappointment over so many failed efforts and continuing conflict. But Shimon has lived long enough to see more than his share of frustrated hopes and dreams deferred, yet he remains an eternal optimist, with his feet firmly planted in the real world. And I take great inspiration from your example.

He understands better than most the fundamental reality facing the State of Israel, that the status quo is unsustainable—now, that doesn't mean that it can't be sustained for a year or a decade, or two or three, but fundamentally, the status quo is unsustainable—and that the only path to ensure Israel's future as a secure and democratic Jewish state is through a negotiated two-state solution, and a comprehensive regional peace.

Shimon also understands the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people for dignity, self-determination, and a state of their own. And he knows very well, through hard experience, that this effort takes patience, persistence, and leadership. That there will always be obstacles and setbacks is a given. It is always easier to defer or criticize tough decisions than to make them. It is always easier to sit on the sidelines than to roll up your sleeves. It is always easier to doubt than to trust.

President Peres has never been one to sit on the sidelines. And, thankfully, we now have, with Prime Minister Netanyahu, a leader who understands how important it is to move forward. And as he has said, we also have a Palestinian president who shares that determination. I have sat with these two men, individually and together. I have listened to them talk candidly and forcefully. They are getting down to business, and they have begun to grapple with the core issues that can only be resolved through face-to-face negotiations.

I believe they are serious about reaching an agreement that results in two states living side by side in peace and security. That outcome is not only in the interests of both Israelis and Palestinians, it is in the interests of the United States and people everywhere. This is the time and these are the leaders. And the United States will stand by them as they make difficult decisions. We will be an active and sustained partner throughout this effort, and I look forward to continuing our talks today, here in Jerusalem.

So again, let me thank you, Mr. President, for your leadership. You, my friend, were there at Israel's creation. And may you also be with us and leading us as we see Israel emerge free from conflict, secure in its borders, confident in its future, and at peace with its neighbors. God bless you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh delivered these remarks in Amman, Jordan

Foreign Minister Judeh. Secretary Clinton is a longtime friend of Jordan, a distinguished and remarkable international figure, a champion of peace and a multitude of (inaudible) causes, and indeed, as Secretary of State of the United States of America, an ally, a close friend, and supporter of Jordan. So I personally am grateful, Madam Secretary, for the excellent (inaudible) relationship which I have.

His Majesty King Abdullah the II had very productive conference and talks with Secretary Clinton earlier today. The talks, as you would all expect, focused on developments pertaining to the ongoing direct negotiations between the Palestinians and the Israelis that began in Washington on September 2^nd and resumed in Sharm el-Sheikh and Jerusalem in the past two days. His Majesty reiterated Jordan's firm, unwavering commitment to exert every effort to ensure the success of these negotiations and their fruitful conclusion with an agreed upon timeframe and the realization of the two-state solution whereupon independent, sovereign, territorially contiguous Palestinian state living side by side in security, peace, good neighborly relations, cooperation, and integration with Israel and the other countries of the region within a regional context that also leads to the achievement of comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace on the basis of internationally agreed upon terms of reference for Middle East peace and particularly the Arab Peace Initiative.

We are encouraged by the focused and concentrated course of direct negotiations thus far. President Abbas and Prime Minister Netanyahu have met several times since the resumption of these direct talks on the 2^nd of September. Secretary Clinton, who has presently attended several of these meetings herself with the two leaders, stated yesterday that the two sides have already delved into negotiations regarding all the core issues. And these core issues are Jerusalem, refugees, borders, security, and water. And of course, there is much discussion on settlements.

If you remember, Madam Secretary, many times when we have met in the past, we have spoken of the need to fast-track and pay special emphasis to borders and security, which may, in themselves, open the doors for a resolution of the—all points of contention.

As you all know, and needless to say, all these core issues are related to Jordan and its interests, and therefore we are happy that we are engaging with our friends on all fronts on this issue. And we are doing all that we can to ensure that this focused and concentrated engagement continues with a view of successfully concluding the negotiations and reaching agreement within one year.

We are grateful to President Obama, to Secretary Clinton, Senator Mitchell and his team for their relentless efforts, unshakable commitment, firm resolve, and deep engagement that contributed to the resumption of direct negotiations. We trust that this active engagement will continue and intensify as the leadership role of the United States in this endeavor is pivotal for its success, notwithstanding the fact that the parties themselves are the ones who eventually have to reach agreement. Nevertheless, the essential role of the United States in encouraging the parties and its continued active engagement in assisting them to surmount any obstacles is paramount. And on our behalf in Jordan and as His Majesty the King has stated, we will do our full share of the needed encouragement for the parties to arrive at an agreement and that the current negotiations will bring tangible progress and meaningful traction expeditiously and won't become another open-ended process.

His Majesty the King stressed in his remarks during the event hosted by President Obama to launch direct negotiations in Washington that peace has eluded us for so long and that we must succeed this time in realizing the two-state solution and achieving comprehensive peace. The onus is on all of us to ensure that this endeavor succeeds, to make history and deliver the long-awaited peace and its dividends to the countries and peoples of the entire Middle East and to the world at large, which is united in its view that realizing the two-state solution and achieving comprehensive peace is a vital global interest and not only an interest for the countries and peoples of the region.

Goodwill, strong leadership, and matching words with action, and judging action rather than just words, is needed on the part of the parties to ensure success. Desisting from all provocative unilateral action and ensuring, Madam Secretary—and I think I speak on behalf of both of us—ensuring that nothing that is done or said derails this commitment and this effort. Success is very much contingent upon resurrecting mutual confidence and restoring faith on both sides of the divide.

On bilateral relations, I would like to say that this strategic relationship between us gets stronger by the day. We thank the United States for its support for Jordan on all levels. In my most recent meeting with the Secretary in Washington a couple of weeks ago, or just under a couple of weeks ago, we made serious headway on a range of issues. Particularly, I mentioned the nuclear cooperation agreement which is under discussion and hopefully nearing the end of that discussion, and we thank the United States for its strong and firm support for Jordan on that front.

And I think today in the meeting with His Majesty, the Secretary had some good news for Jordan, but I'll let the Secretary talk about that. And I would just like to say, Madam Secretary, that—Hillary, if I may call you, you have many friends here in Jordan. You are no stronger to Jordan. You have people who admire you, admire your work and your commitment to peace. Welcome on this short visit, and I hope that the next one will be longer. Thank you, Madam Secretary. Please.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so very much. It is a great pleasure for me to be here not only with a colleague and counterpart foreign minister, but a friend. I have had an extraordinarily close and productive working relationship with Nasser Judeh. We have spent many hours talking about issues between our two countries in the region and indeed across the world. And I want personally to thank you for your constructive, constant contributions to all of the difficult issues that we are dealing with.

And so it is a pleasure to be back in Amman. I am very grateful that I had the opportunity to meet with His Majesty King Abdullah II and the great pleasure of being hosted by the King and Queen for a private lunch, where we had a chance both to catch up personally but also to delve into the issues that Nasser has referenced.

The United States values our strong, close relationship, our very important partnership with Jordan. It is rooted in respect and common purpose. And today, I am very pleased to announce that yesterday a new Millennium Challenge Corporation compact was voted on that will invest more than $275 million in sustainable development here in Jordan. We worked very hard on this, and it was in partnership with the Jordanian Government that we looked at the needs that the people of Jordan have. We consulted broadly, outside even the Jordanian Government, with the private sector, with academics, experts, and others. And constantly, we heard, “Help Jordan deal with the water and waste water issues that affect people across the country.”

So this compact will help rehabilitate the water supply network, improve waste water collection and irrigation, and expand a key waste water treatment plant. This investment will create jobs for the people of Jordan, so it has the added benefit of not only building infrastructure that will help people in their homes, in their businesses, and provide a base for further economic development, but put people to work right now. And at the end, more than one million Jordanians will be supplied with safe and reliable access to clean drinking water for the very first time.

I want to thank the Government of Jordan for its close cooperation. These were highly technical decisions because they require a lot of expertise about what will work, and we could never have reached the decision to make this commitment without the guidance and leadership of Jordan.

We make this investment because we care about the people of Jordan. We make this investment because we believe investing in Jordan is good for the region and for the world. Jordan goes way above and beyond the call to duty. There's a saying that Jordan punches above its weight. It may not be a huge population, but it has a commitment to excellence in so many areas.

Jordan has continued to help build a stable, sovereign, and self-reliant Iraq, and I want to thank the government and people of Jordan for the assistance that you give to Iraqi refugees. I know that that was a difficult responsibility to accept, but I thank you for carrying it forward.

I also thank the government and people of Jordan for your efforts on behalf of peacekeeping missions around the world, where Jordan has proven time and time again to be a force for peace and progress.

And of course, as Nasser said, Jordan is a crucial partner working to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and bring a comprehensive peace to the Middle East. We were honored to host King Abdullah II in Washington as these talks got underway, and I want to publicly thank him, as I privately have, for his contributions both to the resumption of direct negotiations and to the constructive beginning that has occurred. Jordan's steadfast support for this process is essential. And today, His Majesty and I discussed ongoing negotiations and I expressed my confidence that Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Abbas can make the difficult decisions necessary to resolve all of the core issues within one year.

Ever since September 2^nd, despite the fact that I have known both of these men for many years, I have spent hours and hours with them and watched them interact with each other. I've watched them talk and listen to each other. They are serious about this effort. They are committed and they have begun to grapple with the hard but necessary questions. I am convinced that this is the time and these are the leaders who can achieve the result we all seek: two states for two peoples, living in peace and security.

I am well aware there are many skeptics and doubters, and I appreciate the concerns that many throughout the region have. But I ask: What is the alternative? What is the alternative for the Palestinian people, who deserve to have their aspirations fulfilled in a sovereign, independent, viable state of their own? And what is the alternative for Israel, who asks that they get the security that they are seeking so that they can live side by side with their Palestinian neighbors?

We believe that not only is it important to pursue the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, but a comprehensive regional peace, the vision that is at the heart of the Arab Peace Initiative. And Nasser and I have spent a lot of time talking about the remarkable document that the Arab Peace Initiative is. I'm not sure many Arabs nor many Israelis have read it, and I would commend to you, particularly those of you in the media, read this document that was begun as a wholly Arab initiative. It was led by, it was written by, it was promulgated by Arab leaders. And it holds out the very promise that we seek.

And also, we are seeking to determine what direction we can head in order to pursue peace between Israel and Syria, and Israel and Lebanon. To this end, Senator Mitchell is on his way for consultations in Damascus and Beirut. We believe that progress toward regional peace will support and give confidence to the direct Israeli-Palestinian negotiations and also bring peace to those countries as well.

Now, I hope that we keep in mind what is possible, because I think peace is possible. And I also think peace is necessary. I will always remember watching the late King Hussein as he signed a treaty that ended decades of war with Israel. That was a historic achievement that continues to inspire me. And under the leadership of King Abdullah II, Jordan has continued to demonstrate its willingness to make difficult decisions in the name of peace that will lead to stability and security.

So with the commitment of an Israeli prime minister and a Palestinian president who both embrace the goal of a two-state solution, peace is once again within our reach. But it is really going to be up to all of us. The leaders may meet in the room and discuss these issues, the negotiators may debate around the table, but peace only comes from the people themselves. And I would ask that all of the people of this region do what you can to promote the possibility and then the reality of peace.

So again, let me thank Jordan and particularly my friend, the Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh, for your leadership and your active involvement in the pursuit of this important goal—important for Jordan, for the Palestinian people, Israel, the United States, and all the world who cares about what we are achieving and attempting to accomplish here today. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and President Mahmoud Abbas delivered these remarks in Ramallah, Palestine

President Abbas. I warmly welcome Secretary Clinton to Ramallah today and I would like to express my appreciation for the efforts she is exerting, and also President Obama is exerting the American Administration in order to achieve peace in the region. I know that these are difficult times, circumstances are difficult, but unwavering American commitments and the tireless efforts give us hope that we will reach peace. We all know that there is no alternative to peace other than negotiating peace, so we have no alternative but to continue peace efforts.

I would like to introduce Secretary Clinton.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Mr. President, for not only receiving me here again in Ramallah with such warmth among now friends, but for your leadership and your commitment to peace for the Palestinian people. And as President Abbas said, the United States and all of us, led by President Obama, are very committed and determined to work toward a peace agreement through direct negotiations that leads to an independent, sovereign, viable Palestinian state that realizes the aspirations of the Palestinian people.

Thank you, Mr. President.

Secretary Clinton. Oh. Just like you were saying that you'd seen previous footage of Senator Mitchell in Damascus.

President Abbas. Yes.

Secretary Clinton. They could just bring out one of the hundreds of pictures of you and I shaking hands.

Thank you.

President Barack Obama delivered this statement in New York, NY to the United Nations General Assembly

President Obama. Last year, I pledged my best efforts to support the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security, as part of a comprehensive peace between Israel and all of its neighbors. We have travelled a winding road over the last twelve months, with few peaks and many valleys. But this month, I am pleased that we have pursued direct negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians in Washington, Sharm el-Sheikh and Jerusalem.

Now, many are pessimistic about this process. The cynics say that Israelis and Palestinians are too distrustful of each other, and too divided internally, to forge lasting peace. Rejectionists on both sides will try to disrupt the process, with bitter words and with bombs. Some say that the gaps between the parties are too big; the potential for talks to break down is too great; and that after decades of failure, peace is simply not possible.

But consider the alternative. If an agreement is not reached, Palestinians will never know the pride and dignity that comes with their own state. Israelis will never know the certainty and security that comes with sovereign and stable neighbors who are committed to co-existence. The hard realities of demography will take hold. More blood will be shed. This Holy Land will remain a symbol of our differences, instead of our common

“Peace must be made by Israelis and Palestinians, but each of us has a responsibility to do our part as well. Those of us who are friends of Israel must understand that true security for the Jewish state requires an independent Palestine—one that allows the Palestinian people to live with dignity and opportunity. And those of us who are friends of the Palestinians must understand that the rights of the Palestinian people will be won only through peaceful means—including genuine reconciliation with a secure Israel.

Many in this hall count themselves as friends of the Palestinians. But these pledges must now be supported by deeds. Those who have signed on to the Arab Peace Initiative should seize this opportunity to make it real by describing and demonstrating the normalization that it promises Israel. Those who speak out for Palestinian self-government should help the Palestinian Authority with political and financial support, and—in so doing—help the Palestinians build the institutions of their state. And those who long to see an independent Palestine rise must stop trying to tear Israel down.

After thousands of years, Jews and Arabs are not strangers in a strange land. And after sixty years in the community of nations, Israel's existence must not be a subject for debate. Israel is a sovereign state, and the historic homeland of the Jewish people. It should be clear to all that efforts to chip away at Israel's legitimacy will only be met by the unshakeable opposition of the United States. And efforts to threaten or kill Israelis will do nothing to help the Palestinian people—the slaughter of innocent Israelis is not resistance, it is injustice. Make no mistake: the courage of a man like President Abbas—who stands up for his people in front of the world—is far greater than those who fire rockets at innocent women and children.

The conflict between Israelis and Arabs is as old as this institution. And we can come back here, next year, as we have for the last sixty, and make long speeches about it. We can read familiar lists of grievances. We can table the same resolutions. We can further empower the forces of rejectionism and hate. We can waste more time by carrying forward an argument that will not help a single Israeli or Palestinian child achieve a better life. We can do that.

Or, we can say that this time will be different—that this time we will not let terror, or turbulence, or posturing, or petty politics stand in the way. This time, we will think not of ourselves, but of the young girl in Gaza who wants to have no ceiling on her dreams, or the young boy in Sderot who wants to sleep without the nightmare of rocket fire. This time, we should draw upon the teachings of tolerance that lie at the heart of three great religions that see Jerusalem's soil as sacred. This time we should reach for what's best within ourselves. If we do, when we come back here next year, we can have an agreement that will lead to a new member of the United Nations—an independent state of Palestine, living in peace with Israel.