In his scholium on canon 16 of the Council of Chalcedon, the late twelfth-century canonist Theodore Balsamon (1130s–1195) sheds light on a facet of Byzantine spirituality that remains underexplored. The original canon, dated to 451, forbids the marriage of individuals who have dedicated themselves to God; it provides that the transgressors are to be excluded from receiving communion, though the actual punitive measures are left to the discretion of the local bishop.Footnote ¹ In his scholium, Balsamon gives the following comments on this canon:

The record attests to the existence of a distinctive foundation known as a parthenon. Moreover, during the era of Theodore Balsamon, Thebes was home to such a parthenon, which will be the subject of this article. Balsamon's interpretation depicts it as a religious initiative, aligned with the enigmatic Christian practice of consecrated virgins – a subject of the mid fifth-century canon upon which he provides commentary. Understanding this practice is crucial for interpreting this religious foundation, but the record itself offers limited information. As a result, the precise nature of the practice remains elusive, and it is uncertain how closely the Theban parthenon was connected to it, aside from Balsamon's claims. Therefore, to fully extract what the record has to offer about the Theban parthenon, it is necessary first to contextualise it by reconstructing the practice of consecrated virgins.

The consecration of virgins seems to have already been established by the beginning of late antiquity. In the ensuing periods, a variety of traditions emerged, each evolving differently over time.Footnote ³ To reconcile the resultant conflicting documentation and to give a comprehensive study of the practice is certainly beyond the scope of this article. Adding to this intricacy is the fact that by the time of Balsamon, the practice had become obsolete.Footnote ⁴ Only erudite ecclesiastics, like Balsamon himself, would have encountered it in their reading. Therefore, since the Theban parthenon was connected to the practice through Balsamon's interpretation, the focus should be on reconstructing Balsamon's personal understanding of the practice, which is most pertinent and could be considered the most representative for his contemporaries in Byzantium.

The information in this regard comes from the surviving canonical scholia of Balsamon. Within these texts, he does not provide a systematic discourse on the practice; rather, he intermittently references it when commenting on specific canons he deems relevant. In such instances, his explanations of the practice are confined to the aspects pertinent to the canon under discussion. In this case, the materials available for contextualising the practice are twofold: the original sources from which Balsamon learned about the practice, and his own comments on the practice. In addressing the former category, the examination will focus on canons Balsamon annotated or cited in his scholia, which include canons from both ecumenical and local councils, as well as pronouncements of prominent church Fathers.Footnote ⁵ Additionally, imperial laws, such as those from the Novels of Justinian, or the Basilika, which Balsamon occasionally referenced, also fall within this category.Footnote ⁶

Starting with Balsamon's sources, canon 18 of Basil the Great (329/330–79) gives a detailed discussion of the consecration of virgins.Footnote ⁷ According to this canon, a consecrated virgin was one who took a vow of chastity, offering herself voluntarily as the bride of Christ and God's sacred vessel; she renounced marriage in favour of a life of sanctity. To be admitted among the virgins, a woman should be examined in terms of her exercise of discretion and take her vow after the age of sixteen or seventeen. It is worth noting that later, at the Council of Trullo, dated to 692, the minimum age for entering the monastic life had been adjusted to ten, which perhaps applied to the recruitment of the consecrated virgins as well.Footnote ⁸ Additionally, the woman must exhibit a consistent resolution to join the consecrated virgins, which may include a probationary period. It seems that this period involved scrutinising the candidate's genuine intentions, as suggested by canons 9 and 10 of the Council of Gangra (c. 340), which imply that one who practised as a virgin should be motivated by the pursuit of the holy nature of virginity rather than by a disdain for marriage.Footnote ⁹

Concerning the status of consecrated virgins, the sources make a clear distinction between them and other female religious vocations. One of the key differences highlighted is that, according to canon 135 of the Council of Carthage (418/19), a virgin was not required to assume the habit (σχήματος), which had been symbolic of those embracing the monastic or clerical life. Nevertheless, the same canon also implies that, in pressing circumstances, virgins could assume the habit before reaching the age of twenty-five.Footnote ¹⁰ Here, the assumption of the habit actually conveys a particular meaning. The referenced age of twenty-five originates from canon 16 of the same council, which stipulates the minimum age for ordination as a deacon. As interpreted by all its known scholia,Footnote ¹¹ canon 135 is thus seen as governing the ordination of virgins into deaconesses. The subsequent Council of Chalcedon supports this interpretation, addressing the issues concerning virgins and deaconesses in consecutive canons.Footnote ¹² Furthermore, canon 15 of the council revises the minimum age for becoming a deaconess to forty and mandates a thorough examination for such ordination.Footnote ¹³ In this context, ordination as deaconesses was often on the vocational paths of consecrated virgins.

In the realm of administration, canon 6 from the Council of Carthage hints that the consecration (καθιέρωσιν) of virgins (κορῶν) was conducted by bishops and that presbyters were prohibited from this undertaking.Footnote ¹⁴ The above-mentioned canon 16 of the Council of Chalcedon further implies that bishops held the authority to impose penalties for any transgressions committed by the virgins.Footnote ¹⁵ Delving into the specifics of the virgins’ lifestyle, canon 19 of the Council of Ancyra, dated to 314/15, provides that virgins should not cohabit with (συνερχομένας, literarily ‘go with’) certain men (τισὶν) as if they were these men's sisters.Footnote ¹⁶ Additionally, canon 51 of the Council of Carthage, which pertains to the supervision of consecrated virgins (ἰερὰς παρθένους), stipulates that upon separation from their fathers, virgins should be placed under the guardianship of the most honourable women at the suggestion of the bishop or, in his absence, the presbyter. The virgins also had the provision to mutually supervise each other while residing together.Footnote ¹⁷ Collectively, these canons imply that virgins were sent from their familial homes to come under the supervision of the bishop or presbyters. It appears they resided in a secluded building where the presence of men was not anticipated. In some cases, senior virgins were appointed as mentors, playing an active role in the novices’ daily lives. Alternatively, the community of virgins could engage in mutual oversight without senior mentorship.

Although the above canons may lead to the assumption that the residence for consecrated virgins – a parthenon, as referred to by Balsamon – was exclusively for women, there is evidence that these virgins in fact interacted frequently with men.Footnote ¹⁸ Canon 45 from the Council of Carthage notes that clerics or ascetics could visit the virgins with the bishop's or presbyter's permission, provided they were accompanied by reputable individuals.Footnote ¹⁹ A more explicit indication comes from canon 4 of the Council in Trullo, which prescribes punitive measures for those engaging in sexual relations with a woman dedicated to God (γυναικὶ ἀφιερωμένῃ τῷ Θεῷ), including a consecrated virgin.Footnote ²⁰ The canon mandates the deposition of clerical transgressors – bishops, presbyters, deacons, subdeacons, readers (ἀναγνώστης), cantors and janitors – and the excommunication of laymen. These canons suggest that men did sometimes enter the parthenon, and thus, intimate encounters with the virgins, while not the norm, were within the realm of possibility.

Canons also stipulate that a virgin who violated her vows and entered into marriage should face punitive measures. Canon 19 from the Council of Ancyra equates such a breach with bigamy, meting out a penance of one year.Footnote ²¹ Basil the Great later deemed this offence far more grievous than bigamy, on par with adultery. Therefore, the offenders would be barred from communion until the dissolution of their marriage.Footnote ²² Nevertheless, Basil also clarified that those women who broke their vowed virginity prior to baptism – during their catechumenal life – could be absolved, since the vow and the violation occurred when they were not yet ‘under the yoke of Christ, nor had they recognised the legislation of the Lord’.Footnote ²³

The examination now proceeds to the pertinent imperial laws, which Balsamon probably referred to as authoritative sources to elucidate the practice of consecrated virgins. In terms of the Code of Justinian, Code 1.2.13 from the year 455 characterises consecrated virgins (‘virgo deo dicata’) as bearers of the title of religious honour or dignity, along with widows, deaconesses and sanctified women (‘sanctimonialis mulier’). The same clause also endorses the bequeathing of a consecrated virgin's estate to ecclesiastical entities such as churches, shrines, clerics, monks or to the indigent.Footnote ²⁴ Furthermore, Code 9.13.1, dated to 528, regards the defilement of consecrated virgins and widows as an affront to humanity and a sacrilege against God, prescribing capital punishment for those found guilty of such acts.Footnote ²⁵

With regard to the Novels of Justinian, Novel lxxix.1 from the year 539 decrees that any legal disputes concerning the venerable sanctified women (‘aliquibus venerabilibus sanctimonialibus’), the consecrated virgins and women residing full-time in monasteries are to be adjudicated by the city's bishop.Footnote ²⁶ The use of the same term sanctimonialis implies that ‘the venerable sanctified women’ mentioned herein are identical to the ‘sanctified women’ referenced in Code 1.2.13. This group probably constituted a distinct segment of ecclesiastical women from the sixth century. As to ‘women living entirely in the monasteries’, the Novel here clearly refers to nuns. Following this vein, this clause corroborates the previous observation that consecrated virgins held a unique position within the broader assembly of women with religious vocations. In this case, although it has been noted previously that these virgins often sought to become deaconesses in due course, the vocation of a consecrated virgin existed in its own right. In other words, being a consecrated virgin could have been a lifelong pursuit, though many might strive for a change in their vocational path, including becoming deaconesses. On the other hand, the provision regarding legal disputes reaffirms that the bishop had significant authority over consecrated virgins.

Besides the above source information, Balsamon offers his own interpretation of the status of consecrated virgins when commenting on relevant canons, thereby complementing the reconstruction in areas where canons and imperial laws are ambiguous. In one scholium, Balsamon clarifies that the virgins following this practice, irrespective of male and female gender, are not those who have forsaken secular life for monasticism. Instead, they are individuals who approached God in lay clothing and promised to remain virgins.Footnote ²⁷ Here, he makes it clear that the consecrated virgins he had been discussing could be male or female. Furthermore, he reinforces the previous observation about the distinction between consecrated virgins and followers of other religious vocations, particularly nuns. Regarding the peculiar traits of consecrated virgins, in addition to not assuming the habit as the canons have stated, he adds that they did not renounce the secular world either.Footnote ²⁸

In another scholium, where Balsamon offers a concise overview of the status of consecrated virgins, he claims that there were virgins and widows in lay clothing approaching the Church and vowing to maintain their virginity and chastity. Once dedicated to God, their welfare became the responsibility of the bishops.Footnote ²⁹ This commentary suggests the existence of devotional groups for widows akin to those for virgins. However, as Balsamon specifies elsewhere, only consecrated virgins (παρθένους/παρθένων ἀνατεθειμένων τῷ Θεῷ) were officially recognised within the ecclesiastical hierarchy (κανονικοὺς), along with clerics, monks and nuns.Footnote ³⁰ This distinction implies that consecrated widows may not have been as formally acknowledged as their virgin counterparts. Moreover, Balsamon's remarks indicate that bishops bore the duty of providing for the needs of the consecrated virgins as well.

At the end of the same scholium, Balsamon draws parallels between consecrated virgins and nuns or ascetics (μοναζούσας, ἢ ἀσκητρίας). He observes that although nuns were tonsured at a younger age, it seems to him that their vow of chastity remained binding in the future.Footnote ³¹ This comment suggests that virgins, nuns and ascetics likely led similar devotional lives in general, to the extent that Balsamon finds it necessary to underscore their specific differences. To further differentiate consecrated virgins from nuns, Balsamon notes that the former took on their devotional commitment at an older age, and their vows of chastity were deemed less binding. While Balsamon leaves the reasons for this variance in vow commitment unexplained, it could stem from the consecrated virgins’ practice of taking a silent (σιωπώμενον) vow, in contrast to a public (ἐναργῆ) one, as suggested in his other writings.Footnote ³²

The investigation has already revealed the canonical implication that many consecrated virgins might have pursued careers as deaconesses upon reaching the requisite age. In his scholia, Balsamon more explicitly draws the link between consecrated virgins and deaconesses. Most notably, the aforementioned canon 15 of the Council of Chalcedon, which prescribes the minimum age for deaconess ordination, has been frequently associated with consecrated virgins, suggesting that deaconesses should have been customarily selected from their ranks.Footnote ³³

The last relevant scholium of Balsamon has to do with the lifestyle of consecrated virgins. Canon 51 of the Council of Carthage, which suggests that a virgin lived either with a senior virgin or with her peers, has already been mentioned.Footnote ³⁴ In the scholium of this canon, Balsamon further illustrates the lifestyle of the virgins by paraphrasing a pertinent Novel of Justinian, which mandates communal living in cenobitic monasteries, where all inhabitants live in one room, dine collectively and sleep separately yet within the same room – suggesting a similar lifestyle for the virgins.Footnote ³⁵ Then he continues by noting that, in his time, such communal living was nearly obsolete among monks or nuns (ἀσκήτριαι), and only preserved in cenobitic convents and Latin monasteries.Footnote ³⁶ Balsamon thus claims here that consecrated virgins dined and slept in the same place, a lifestyle that had become less common in his days.

At this point, the practice of consecrated virgins, as understood by Balsamon and the contemporary Byzantines he represents, can be summarised based on his commentary and the canons and imperial laws he referenced. Firstly, although consecrated virgins were typically women, the practice could theoretically extend to men. Secondly, they were part of a broader category of female consecration that included widows, yet they appear to have held a more prominent position within the church hierarchy. Thirdly, these virgins vowed to keep their virginity for God and abstain from secular marriage. Fourthly, they led a devotional life similar to that of ascetics and nuns, but unlike nuns, they did not take the monastic habit and renounce the secular world. They probably also started their devotional life at an older age, and their vow of chastity, which is the only vow required, was less binding, possibly due to its tacit nature. Fifthly, in terms of administration, after being admitted through a test, the consecrated virgins would generally come under the care of the bishop, who was responsible for their sustenance, initiation rites, monitoring their interactions with outsiders and resolving transgressions. The virgins were supposed to dine and sleep in the same place as one another. Sometimes senior members would be appointed by the bishop to act as the virgins’ mentors; at other times, the virgins simply supervised one another while living together. Lastly, regarding their career trajectory, consecrated virgins, while acknowledged as embodying a distinct religious vocation, often sought to become deaconesses upon reaching the age of twenty-five, or forty according to certain sources.

With the above knowledge of the practice of consecrated virgins, the scholium of Balsamon that initiated this article can now be revisited. The canonist notes that by his time – the second half of the twelfth century – the practice had seemingly vanished, at least in Constantinople. Thus, there were neither lay virgins consecrated to God nor a parthenon.Footnote ³⁷ This claim is supported by evidence from Balsamon's other scholia. For instance, his commentary on canon 51 of the Council of Carthage suggests that the lifestyle of the virgins had become less common or disappeared entirely in his days.Footnote ³⁸ On another occasion, Balsamon employs the term ‘once’ (ποτὲ) when referring to consecrated virgins, hinting that it was no longer a phenomenon of his contemporary society.Footnote ³⁹ In a similar vein, John Zonaras (fl. 1118–59), a contemporaneous canonist from Constantinople, uses ‘in the past’ (παλαιὸν) in his discussion of the same practice, corroborating Balsamon's remarks.Footnote ⁴⁰

When was the practice abandoned? The fact that the ongoing presence of consecrated virgins was still implied at the Council of Trullo in 692 indicates that the practice persisted among the Byzantines at that time.Footnote ⁴¹ An episode from the chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor (c. 758/60–817/8) may provide a more precise terminus post quem for the abandonment of the practice. In 766/7, during the first period of iconoclasm, the emperor Constantine v launched a series of persecutions throughout the empire against those who transgressed his iconoclastic doctrine. Amidst his oppression of religious foundations, Theophanes reports that ‘[the emperor] turned monasteries built to the name of God and refuges (καταφύγια) of those seeking salvation into common barracks for soldiers who shared his opinions. Thus he converted into a soldiers’ dwelling the foremost koinobion of Byzantium, that of Dalmatos, while he completely demolished those named after Kallistratos, Dios, and Maximinus as well as other holy habitations of monks and parthenons (παρθενῶνας)’.Footnote ⁴² The ‘refuges’ used along with monasteries in the first sentence and followed by a list of cenobitic monasteries suggests that the author intended to include cenobitic foundations distinct from monasteries, rendering the subsequent mention of parthenons logical and unlikely to be a scribal error.Footnote ⁴³ On the other hand, since all the named monasteries, those of Dalmatos, Kallistratos, Dios and Maximinus, were located in Constantinople, it can be assumed that the parthenons here were meant to be Constantinopolitan foundations.Footnote ⁴⁴ Therefore, Theophanes's account suggests that parthenons likely still existed in Constantinople well into the latter half of the eighth century.

The presence and subsequent decline of parthenons in Constantinople could reflect a broader shift in Byzantium. The city had been the paramount centre for the empire's religious foundations, particularly female-oriented ones. Statistical data from Raymond Janin's investigation on Byzantine monasteries reveals that the number of convents in Constantinople far exceeded those in any other surveyed provincial settlements by a factor of ten.Footnote ⁴⁵ The term ‘only’ (μόνος), which precedes Balsamon's remarks on the Theban parthenon, also implies that his observations about Constantinople may be indicative of a wider trend across the empire. Therefore, it is reasonable to deduce that the practice of consecrated virgins, as denoted by the establishment of a parthenon, underwent a significant decline after the latter half of the eighth century, dwindling to near extinction by the second half of the twelfth century.

Having clarified the practice of consecrated virgins with the contextual information, attention can now be directed to specifics about the Theban parthenon as detailed in Balsamon's scholium in question. It is revealed that John Kaloktenes, the metropolitan of Thebes, founded the parthenon sometime during his term of office (1166–c.1190).Footnote ⁴⁶ Being a contemporary of Kaloktenes, Balsamon is the only source for several deeds of this metropolitan. Beyond the foundation of the Theban parthenon, Balsamon also attests to Kaloktenes's initiative of appointing bishops without the permission of the Great Synod of Constantinople, which he probably heard in person during one of the synods.Footnote ⁴⁷ Considering that Kaloktenes also attended the synods held in Constantinople at least twice, Balsamon's source of information on the metropolitan's undertakings must have stemmed from discussions at these synods or directly from Kaloktenes himself.Footnote ⁴⁸ Furthermore, John Apokaukos, the metropolitan of Naupaktos (c.1200–32), documents Kaloktenes's conversion of a male monastery (ἀνδρῴα μονὴ) into a convent (γυναικείαν), bestowing it with the name of the appointed hegoumene, Dekane (Δεκανή).Footnote ⁴⁹ Although Apokaukos notes the rarity of convents (γυναικείων μονῶν) in Byzantine provincial areas, this conversion occurred amidst a proliferation of ‘many other convents’ (πολλῶν ἑτέρων γυναικείων καταγωγῶν) in Thebes.Footnote ⁵⁰ Considering Kaloktenes's demonstrated commitment to enhancing local women's religious lives, it is plausible that he also supported these ‘many other convents’. In short, Kaloktenes seems to have been acknowledged by his peers as a pioneering reformer, with the establishment of the Theban parthenon being emblematic of his innovative spirit and aligning with his reformative endeavours.

The following features of the Theban parthenon can be drawn from Balsamon's record. Firstly, the use of feminine terminology – ‘lay’ (λαϊκάς), ‘ascetics’ (τὰς ἀσκητρίας), ‘such virgins’ (τοιαὐτας παρθένους) and ‘them’ (ταύτας) – suggests that the foundation was exclusively for female virgins. Secondly, these virgins were described with the term ‘lay’ (λαϊκάς), which may carry many connotations if used alone. However, within this context, it seems to bear the specific meaning of ‘lay clothing’ (λαϊκοῦ σχήματος), as explained at the beginning of the scholium. In other words, the virgins did not adopt the monastic habit but retained their secular clothing. Thirdly, the virgins bore a strong resemblance to ascetics and were possibly often referred to as such. Fourthly, Balsamon draws a clear line between these virgins and nuns, noting differences in their tonsure and monastic vows, although he does not specify these distinctions.

Most of the Theban parthenon's documented characteristics align closely with the reconstructed practice of consecrated virgins: the consecrated virgins were usually women and led a devotional life akin to ascetics and nuns, but, unlike nuns, they did not don the monastic habit and their vow of chastity was distinct. Notably, that the virgins were not tonsured as nuns is an unprecedented detail in the Theban case. However, it is not entirely unexpected. Although the ritual of tonsure was not stipulated in canons, the sixth-century Novels of Justinian had already specified that it should accompany the adoption of the monastic habit upon entering monastic life.Footnote ⁵¹ In the era of Balsamon and the Theban parthenon, tonsure was still a critical rite for initiating nuns. Balsamon frequently posited in his scholia that embracing monastic life and receiving tonsure went side by side.Footnote ⁵² This practice was also evident in Boeotia during the same period, where the parthenon was active. For instance, St Nicholas the Pilgrim (1075–1094), a native of Boeotia who spent most of his life around the region, once enlisted a laywoman as his pilgrim companion. His vita, dated to around 1100, records that he observed ‘all those things that are foreseen in the assumption of the monastic habit’: the woman adopted the monastic attire and received tonsure from the saint in a church.Footnote ⁵³ In this context, that the virgins in the Theban parthenon bore a distinctive tonsure or, more likely, were not tonsured at all, adds nothing new; it merely reiterates their established distinction from nuns, which had always underpinned the status of consecrated virgins. Following in this vein, all the known elements of the Theban parthenon are highly consistent with the status of consecrated virgins as perceived by contemporaneous Byzantines like Balsamon. In this case, the foundation of the Theban parthenon would have signified a deliberate revival of the practice, making it a rare, if not unprecedented, instance of this type in the history of Byzantine Christianity.

Thus this article presents a detailed synthesis of the revival of a lesser-known Christian practice within a Byzantine provincial city. The consecration of virgins, once a common practice, well-regulated in ecclesiastical and legal sources, fell into disuse sometime after the second half of the eighth century. However, in the second half of the twelfth century, the metropolitan John Kaloktenes, a notably pioneering leader, reinstated the practice within his diocese through the establishment of a parthenon in Thebes, adhering closely to the prescribed tradition as reconstructed following the lead of Balsamon.

The case of the Theban parthenon could have far-reaching implications. It epitomises the practice of the consecration of virgins, which remains a largely untrodden aspect of Byzantine monasticism.Footnote ⁵⁴ Furthermore, the exceptional case of reviving an obsolete Christian practice demonstrates that the memory of such religious practices was persistent among contemporary Byzantine clergy. The precise reconstruction of the practice by John Kaloktenes indicates a deep familiarity with the relevant ecclesiastical and legal sources. His example aligns well with the model of intellectual authority that some scholars propose was pursued by Byzantine bishops of this era, in which an intimate knowledge of such materials was essential.Footnote ⁵⁵ More importantly, the investigation prompts further inquiries into the Theban parthenon: What was the rationale behind this unusual establishment? Was it an antiquarian experiment to reconstruct an ancient practice that Kaloktenes had learned about from certain sources, or was it the inception of a new tradition, disguised as a faithful revival of the past? The key issue in both scenarios is the impetus behind this initiative: was Kaloktenes motivated by a spiritual quest to rejuvenate a former ecclesiastical tradition, or was he pragmatically responding to a new social condition within his diocese? Balsamon himself does not provide any clues, but contextual information lends credence to both interpretations.

Around the tenure of Kaloktenes, an emerging trend toward reform through the reinstatement of early Christian practices was observed in the religious circles of the contemporary Latin West.Footnote ⁵⁶ There is good reason to infer a connection between this trend and Kaloktenes's initiative, given Thebes’s strong ties with the Latin West.Footnote ⁵⁷ Thebes was a pivotal commercial centre for Venice within Byzantium, harbouring a Venetian community attested since the late eleventh century, which persisted even amidst the intense Byzantine-Venetian rivalry in the late twelfth century. The surviving Venetian documents suggest that this community constituted a sizable portion of the Theban population. They were primarily engaged in commerce, operating trade routes across Byzantium and further afield, with a major part oriented towards the Latin West.Footnote ⁵⁸ Additionally, the region around Boeotia, where Thebes is located, had long been an important junction, linking the Latin West with Byzantium and territories beyond. Apart from traders like the Venetians, travellers, pilgrims, diplomats and military contingents are also frequently attested in sources as moving between the region and the Latin West.Footnote ⁵⁹ The convenient sea routes provided by the Gulf of Corinth, coupled with Venetian maritime prowess, likely enhanced such interactions.Footnote ⁶⁰ In this case, the parallel religious developments observed in the contemporary Latin West and Thebes could be the result of reciprocal influence fostered by their close ties. However, it is equally plausible that such reciprocal influence was inconsequential or absent, akin to the situation in various Western locales exhibiting similar religious patterns.Footnote ⁶¹ The resemblance might represent a Zeitgeist, emerging independently in areas sharing analogous historical contexts. A thorough comparative investigation will be necessary to explore this possibility further.

From a pragmatic perspective, Thebes's role as the paramount centre for the silk industry in Byzantium during the second half of the twelfth century merits attention in assessing Kaloktenes's motivations.Footnote ⁶² In this context, the framework of the Parthenon – supporting a community of women living and labouring together under the aegis of the Church while retaining secular connections – might have been strategically designed to appeal to and integrate the female artisans who played an essential role in the industry.Footnote ⁶³ Until more conclusive evidence comes to light, this interpretative angle also has to remain conjectural.