In his new book, social historian Paolo Frascani reconstructs Naples’ most recent history and current state of affairs. He contends that the recent refurbishing and tourist boom have woken Naples up from its apparent torpor, but have not solved its structural problems, such as unemployment, low security, illegal activities, and crime (especially in the inner city). The author highlights not only the unresolved problems, but also the city's often unrecognised and undervalued resources to resolve them.
The first chapter (‘Storie di ieri e di oggi’, pp. 3–33) reviews Naples’ current problems through its recent history. The city, Frascani contends, still suffers heavily from the dismantling of the Ilva steel plant in Bagnoli after its closure in 1992 and the lack of effective recovery of the area since then. In the same period, Italy's political crisis, after Tangentopoli, also contributed to put Naples at a serious disadvantage within the EU and the economy's growing globalisation. The author proceeds to examine the dynamics that never allowed the implementation of well-thought out plans.
The second chapter (‘Napoli oggi: non solo Gomorra’, pp. 34–69) focuses on the relationship between the city's reality and its current representations in the arts. Naples looks immobile, impenetrable, and stuck between an indolent upper middle class, unable and unwilling to face modernity, and an impoverished lower class oscillating between desperation and illegality (as in Elena Ferrante's My Brilliant Friend). Film and literature, however, Frascani contends, seldom examine and/or question the complex historical context of the gap between the bourgeoisie and the lower classes. In addition to it, more tension comes from a middle class whose hard-won wealth and security have been eroded. Similarly, institutions like hospitals and schools lose public funding while still trying to produce excellence. TV series still fluctuate between the criminal proletariat of Gomorrah and the leisurely lives of Posillipo's Lucky Ladies.
Naples’ current economic reality is the subject of the third chapter (‘Oltre il fordismo’, pp. 70–103). The city's loss of jobs, after the closing of Ilva, has been partially offset in the 92 municipalities of the whole province. There, even if severely affected by the 2009 recession, manufacturing still persists and sometimes even expands, as in the case of Fiat-Chrysler in Pomigliano d'Arco. The strongest sector, however, is the clothing industry, which combines low labour costs and successful new brands that are now available all over the world. Unfortunately, the presence of illegality and the influence of the Camorra in this industry are only fleetingly mentioned, while the topic calls for more precision. In addition, the author carefully examines the province's entrepreneurial innovation. In spite of the infinite bureaucratic obstacles, startup companies proliferate. A whole new generation of researchers and entrepreneurs is trying to emerge, Frascani contends.
The fourth chapter (‘Il volo della Fenice’, pp. 104–133) analyses the relationship between institutions and cultural and productive heritage. Frascani denounces, here, the failed implementation of any comprehensive plan. He also takes a clearer stand on the need to value and promote the inner city's actual positive and productive energies, such as the work of goldsmiths, nativity scene sculptors, and the many groups and associations that operate within the community. These realities need political recognition and government support (and, when in need, they should not refuse private money).
The identities and problems of the smaller towns within the province of Naples are reviewed in the fifth chapter (‘La metropoli riluttante’, pp. 134–161). Frascani keenly examines how these towns’ social identities have changed, both after the city's crisis and because of the local entrepreneurship mentioned in ‘Oltre il fordismo’. He recognizes that the province is a breeding ground for crime and illegal activity but also mentions the emerging intellectuals and politicians who most determinedly fight crime, and promote culture even in small towns.
Considering the recent tourism boost, Frascani's last chapter (‘Noi e gli altri’, pp. 162–196) examines Naples’ multifaceted international relations. The city needs an overarching and articulated plan to solve its problems. The chapter covers also the presence of migrants and Naples’ unique margin of tolerance and (frequent) integration. The analysis of the prominent and controversial example of the Chinese community could use more clarifying numbers. Naples is constantly transforming and needs to stress its role as a Mediterranean port, attract strong investment, and retain its human capital of young graduates who now too often leave town in search for better opportunities.
Today's Naples, Frascani concludes, has not yet solved its problems but it also possesses crucial human resources of knowledge and creativity that, in order to be successful, need coordination, recognition, support, and governance. In reading the book, we often wish it gave more details on the topics he deals with, and on those he barely mentions such as crime and political corruption. But Naples is an extremely complex reality, and Paolo Frascani's synthetic and poignant ‘voyage into the real city’ efficiently leads us through it.
