Background

The Avesta language, the language of the holy book of the Zoroastrian religion, is attested solely by manuscripts. The earliest discoveries of Iranian Avestan manuscripts were made by foreign Avestan scholars conducting exploratory expeditions in Iran during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. New theories regarding the transmission of Avesta and linguistic, philological, religious or cultural studies about Avesta led to the rediscovery of the importance of the Avestan manuscripts as the sole witnesses of the Avestan texts and motivated Avesta scholars to travel to India and Iran in order to find as many Avestan manuscripts as possible.

For such reasons, E. G. Browne, Niels Ludvig Westergaard, A. V. Williams Jackson and other scholars visited Iran with the aim of discovering Avestan manuscripts. However, the trips were not consistently successful and led to the assumption that there were no more Avestan manuscripts remaining in Iran.

There are only two almost complete editions of the Avestan texts that we possess, and these were published by N. L. WestergaardFootnote ¹ and K. F. Geldner.Footnote ² These editions reflect the conception of these scholars regarding the transmission history of Avestan texts. The editions represent mainly Indian manuscripts rather than Iranian manuscripts, even though the Iranian manuscripts are often more conservative and contain a considerably greater number of important phonological characteristics. The reason for the underrepresentation of the Iranian manuscripts is that many of them had not been found or were not available to the scholars at the time of preparing the text editions.

Both Geldner and Westergaard believed that the Avestan texts were originally composed at some time before the Achaemenid period and would have been orally transmitted up until the time of the first Sassanian kings. They believed that the original text of the Sassanid period had been lost, and that only a few manuscripts of this original text remained, later to be found in the regions of Yazd and Kerman.

They concluded that all extant manuscripts derived from one copy. The goal of these scholars was to reconstruct that original text, and they both used similar methods to edit the Avesta text. The results of their work were also very similar.

Humbach offered a further common hyparchetype for the ritual and exegetic manuscripts of the Videvdād.Footnote ³ Hoffmann, another German scholar, also claimed that there was only one Avestan manuscript of each Avestan text at the end of the ninth and tenth centuries: one for the Yasnā, one for the Videvdād, and one for the Visperad.Footnote ⁴ The theory of Hoffmann is discussed and proven to be false by CanteraFootnote ⁵ and Tremblay.Footnote ⁶

One of the most important arguments countering Hoffmann’s theory was found in the results and fresh information derived from newly discovered manuscripts and genealogical information in their colophons and Sālmargs.

In order to improve our conception about the transmission of Avesta and to develop a new edition of the Avesta text, a more direct way to access and use the manuscripts seemed to be necessary. For this reason, we began the work of locating, digitizing, and making available online as many Avestan manuscripts as possible.

After 2000, this topic of Avestan manuscripts received relatively more attention on account of the discovery of various previously unknown manuscripts in Iran. Two important articles published by Mazdapour drew the attention of Avesta researchers to the fact that there were still many yet undiscovered and unknown manuscripts in Iran that had not been used in the edition of the Avesta text.Footnote ⁷ In these articles, Mazdapour listed and described various manuscripts, most of them had been found in the houses of priest families or appeared for sale on the black market. This information motivated us to travel to Iran with the goal of locating, preserving, and digitizing Avestan manuscripts. Since 2011, many activities have been undertaken by both Iranian scholars as well as by members of the Avestan Digital Archive (ADA) team. During more than ten fieldwork trips, we were able to locate about ninety manuscripts. Many of them were in the possession of smugglers and collectors, while some of them were found in catastrophic conditions in the cellars of old houses.

One of these important discoveries consisted of Avestan manuscripts found in a Zoroastrian house in the Priests’ Quarter (Mahalle-ye Dastūrān) in Yazd in February 2016. The manuscripts were found in old boxes in two rooms of this old house. Two of the manuscripts, No. 7 and No. 8, were found by accident in old baggage in a cellar in the backyard of the house.

Pouladi’s Collection

This house in which the manuscripts were found belongs today to Mehrabān Poulādī, the grandson of Arbāb Mehrabān Poulād. Mehrabān Poulādī is the vice president of the Council of Iranian Mobeds. His grandfather, Arbāb Mehrabān Poulād, was an influential Zoroastrian merchant from a priestly family. He founded the Mazdyasnā trading company and various commercial institutes across Iran. He had wide international commercial relations, for example in India and England. Arbāb Mehrabān Poulād was also involved in community affairs and played a crucial role in both the Zoroastrian and non-Zoroastrian communities during the Qajar period. He accumulated and archived his own documents as well as the documents of his father and grandfather over the course of his lifetime. A commercial letter dated 1894 gives the name of his father, Mollā Poulād Tīrandāz, who was also a merchant and lived in the Ḫolf-e Ḫān-ʽali quarter, the Priests’ Quarter. The death of Arbāb Mehrabān Poulād was very mysterious and, according to his relatives, was most probably murder. The historical, economic, and legal documents in his collection are from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The earliest dated historical documents in this collection are from Nāser al-Dīn Šāh’s time (16 July 1831–1 May 1896). The latest documents are dated 1939, which is the date of the death of Arbāb Mehrabān Poulād. The historical documents include communications in the form of letters between Arbāb Mehrabān Poulād and official institutions, and administrative circulars. Most of the documents are bookkeeping record books, legal contracts dealing with sales, leases, settlements of disputes, letters, and official actions. They provide us with relevant information about the structure and work processes of various institutions and organizations during the Qajar and Pahlavi periods in Iran. Among the letters of this collection we find one partially written in Zoroastrian Dari. This text seems to be the only written evidence of Zoroastrian Dari known to us today. In addition to the historical documents, other valuable objects were discovered in this house. These include ceremonial objects, traditional Zoroastrian costumes from the Qajar period, and Avestan manuscripts. The eleven Avestan manuscripts discovered in this collection provide support for relevant developments in the history of the transmission, codicology, and genealogy of Iranian Avestan manuscripts. The discovered Avestan manuscripts are from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The oldest dated Avestan manuscript in this collection is from AD 1645. Two Videvdād manuscripts of this collection are of particular significance for Avestan studies. One of them is apparently the oldest manuscript of the Videvdād discovered so far, while another one is the only illuminated manuscript from the Marzbān family, a famous scribe family of Avestan manuscripts. A list of the Avestan manuscripts in this collection is provided in Table 1.

Table 1.List of Pouladi manuscripts

This collection introduces us to new manuscripts that are not copied directly or indirectly from the manuscripts of the Marzbān family. They provide us with information about new scribes of Avestan manuscripts from different periods. They show special characteristics, thus serving as guides for learning how to perform the ritual correctly, and they reflect variants of both the short and long liturgy as they were celebrated at the time the manuscripts were copied.

After the announcement of the collection to Avestan scholars, some researchers worked on a number of the manuscripts of the collection and achieved important results. Martínez-Porro claimed that manuscript No. 4 of this collection appears to be a copy made by Rōstam Gōštāsp, or someone very close to him.Footnote ⁸ Rōstam Gōštāsp was the scribe of the well-known Yasnā Iranian manuscript 10 (Mf1). Cantera and König discussed some important issues regarding the special characteristics of Ḫorde Avesta No. 9 in this collection at “The 5th Meeting of the CORPUS AVESTICUM: Editing Avestan Texts in the 21st Century: Problems and Perspectives” held at the Institute of Iranian Studies in Berlin, 23‒24 March 2017.

The present article deals with the secondary life of Avestan manuscripts of Pouladi’s collection, focusing on colophons and marginal notes. Pouladi’s Collection made available a large number of colophons and marginal notes, regarded as of particular importance for the study of the history, culture, and religion of Zoroastrianism.

In what follows, I briefly introduce the manuscripts and offer transcription and translation of the colophons and marginal notes. After this introduction, selected relevant aspects of the colophons and marginal notes are discussed.

Yasnā (ADA No. 88)

On the first page of the manuscript, it is mentioned that this book is an Avestā-ye Yašt. The manuscript has no colophon. The Nērangs of the new part of the manuscript are written in Persian, whereas the Nērangs of the older part are in Pahlavi. The older part is probably from the Qajar period. The older part begins with page 15 and ends with page 155. On two pages of the manuscript, we find the date of death, termed the Sālmarg. Folio 51r has the Sālmarg of Rostam Dastūr Keyḫosrō Dastūr Ḫodādād Dastūr Behmard. He died on the day of Dey-be-dīn, in the month of Ḫordād, in the year 1264.Footnote ⁹ Folio 79r has the Sālmarg of Mūbed Ḫodābaḫš Mūbed Kayḫosrō. He died on the day of Ard (or Ardibehešt), in the month Ābān, and in the year 12?? (unlikely 1200) AY. Under this date, another one, 1223Footnote ¹⁰ (AD 1854), can be observed. It is not clear, however, whether this date is a correction of the other date or if it is from another date era. The manuscript is not illuminated.

Yasnā (ADA No. 35)

The second manuscript in this collection is a liturgical Yasnā. On the final page of the manuscript, page 473, the name of the book is mentioned as Yašt-e bozorg.

The manuscript is not illuminated. All Nērangs are in Persian. This manuscript has already been viewed by Moradiyan, who has published an article on it.Footnote ¹¹ Page 472 of the manuscript provides the date for the completion of the work: the day of Šā Mehr Ized, the month of Ḫordād, and the year 1242 AY (AD 1873). On the final page of the manuscript, page 473, we find a number of Sālmargs and birthday dates.

Notes and dates:

• Īn ketāb-e yašt-e bozorg az … Footnote ¹² “this book of great Yašt belongs to … ”

• Tavalod-e šāh bahrām mūbed nūšīrvān nāmdār, yōm vahman, amordād māh-e qadīm, saneye 1290 yazdgerdī

  “The birth of Šāh-bahrām Mūbed Nūšīrvān Nāmdār, the day Vahman, the old month Amordād, the year 1290 AY.”

• Tavalod-e ḫoršīd bānū Footnote ¹³ mūbed nāmdār rašīd, yōm ōrmazd, mehr māh, saneye 1289 yazdgerdī.

  “The birth of Ḫoršīd Bānū Mūbed Nāmdār Rašīd, the day Ōrmazd, the month Mehr, the year 1289 AY.”

• Farroḫ zende ravānšād, zarbānū … , yōm dīn, … āẕarmāh …

  “blessed, alive and happy soul, Zarbānū, the day Dīn, … the month Āẕar.”

• Moṭavaled šodan … farzandī ğahānbaḫš, valad-e ōrmazdyār.

  “The birth of … the son of Ğahānbaḫš, the son of Ōrmazdyār.”

• Tavalod-e mehrangīz, mūbed bahrām rašīd, yōm ābān, farvardīn māh, saneye 1290. Footnote ¹⁴

  “The birth of Mehrangīz, Mūbed Bahrām Rašīd, the day Ābān, the month Farvardīn, the year 1290.”

• Be-tārīḫ-e yōm amordād az dey māh-e qadīm, se 3 sāʽat šab mānde, ʽsad Footnote ¹⁵ ṭāleʽ mīyān, saneye 1262 yazdgerdī, moṭābeq 1231 heğrī.

  “The date: the day Amordād, the old month Dey, 3 hours left to the night, in the middle of Leo,Footnote ¹⁶ the year 1262 AY, in accordance with 1231 Heğrī.”

• Vafāt yāftan-e farzandī ğahānbaḫš, mūbed ōrmazdyār, ben-marḥūm mūbed ğahān[baḫš], yōm šahrīvar, māh amordād māh-e qadīm, saneye 13012 heğrīyeh.

  “The death of the son of Ğahānbaḫš, Mūbed Ōrmazdyār, the son of deceased Mūbed Ğahānbaḫš, the day Šahrīvar, the old month Amordād, the year 1312 Heğrī.”

• Vafāt yāftan-e farzandī šāh fereydūn, mūbed ōrmazdyār, ben-marḥūm mūbed ğahānbaḫš, yōm dey-be dīn, mehr māh, saneye 130104 heğrīyeh.

  “The death of the son of Šāh Fereydūn, Mūbed Ōrmazdyār, the son of deceased Mūbed Ğahānbaḫš, the day Dey-be dīn, the month Mehr, the year 1314 Heğrī.”

• Vafāt yāftan-e farzandī sorūš ōrmazdyār, yōm farvardīn, ağ Footnote ¹⁷ āẕar māh-e qadīm.

  “The death of the son of Sorūš Ōrmazdyār, the day farvardīn, the old month Āẕar.”

• Tavalod šodan-e mehrbānū, Footnote ¹⁸ bent-e marḥūm ğanhānbaḫš, be-tārīḫ-e yōm mehr īzad, mehr māh, saneye 1266 yazdgerdī.

  “The birth of Mehrbānū, the daughter of deceased Ğanhānbaḫš, the date, the day Mehr Īzad, the month Mehr, the year 1266 AY.”

• Tavalod šodan-e ḫarman, bent-e marḥūm ğahānbaḫš, be-tārīḫ-e yōm ḫordād īzad, ağ mehr māh, saneye 1217 Footnote ¹⁹ yazdgerdī.

  “The birth of Ḫarman, the daughter of the deceased Ğahānbaḫš, the date, the day Ḫordād Īzad, the month Mehr, the year 1217 AY.”

Yasnā (ADA No. 29)

The third manuscript in this collection is a liturgical Yasnā. According to the Persian colophon of the manuscript, the scribe is Dīnyār Dastūr Nōširvān Dastūr Bahrāmšāh Dastūr Nōširvān Dastūr Mehrabān, and the manuscript was scribed in 1239 Hijri (AD 1824). The manuscript is not illuminated. In contrast to other manuscripts, this manuscript is written on blue paper. Traces of burning can be found on various pages of the manuscript. This shows that the manuscript has been used during the ceremony. A transcription and translation of the Persian colophon is given below:Footnote ²⁰

Videvdād (ADA No. 4162)

The manuscript has no colophon, and the last folios are missing. This manuscript includes two parts. The Nērangs of the new part are written in Persian, whereas the Nērangs of the old part of the manuscript are mostly in Pahlavi. There is a Yazišngāh on page 35. The manuscript is not illuminated. Martínez-Porro discusses this manuscript in his article and compared palaeographical, orthographical, and textual characteristics of this manuscript with the currently available Avestan manuscripts.Footnote ²³ He places this manuscript in connection with other well-known Avestan copies as the important codices 4020 (Mf2), 4070 (K9) and 4161 (Vidēvdād-e Ğahānbaḫšī). According to his research, this manuscript appears to be the oldest liturgical Iranian Videvdād codex and is a copy made by Rostam Gōštāsp or else someone very close to him. Rostam Goštāsp was the scribe of the well-known Yasnā Iranian manuscript 10 (Mf1).

Before the beginning of the ninth Fragard, page 162r includes Sālmargs and Persian verses:

These birthdays and Sālmarg occur again on the back page of the manuscript. This page also contains Persian verses:

The back page of this manuscript contains the following birthdays and Sālmargs:

• Tavalod šodan-e bahman mūbed ardešīr mūbed bahrām yōm aštād, ābān-māh-e qadīm, saneye 1296.

  “Birth of Bahman, [the son of] Mūbed Ardešīr Mūbed Bahrām, the day Aštād, the old month Ābān, the year 1296.”

• Tavalod šodan-e fereydūn mūbed ardešīr mūbed bahrām yōm ḫeyr īzad, až dey-māh-e qadīm, 1297, moṭābeq-e āsmān, ordībeheštmāh, 1297 [corrected to] 1307 šamsī. Footnote ³⁰

  “Birth of Fereydūn, [the son of] Mūbed Ardešīr Mūbed Bahrām, the day Ḫeyr Īzad, the old month Dey, [the year 1297], correspond to Āsmān, the month Ordībehešt, the year 1307.”

• Vafāt-e fereydūn mūbed, ardešīr mūbed bahrām, yōm bād, až ordībehešt-māh-e qadīm, 1298, moṭābeq-e yōm-e tīr, mehr-māh 1297 [corrected to] 1307 šamsī. Footnote ³¹

  “The death of Fereydūn Mūbed, Ardešīr Mūbed Bahrām, the day Bād of the old month Ordībehešt, 1298, correspond to the day Tīr, the month Mehr, the year 1307 Šamsī.”

• Vafāt-e bahman mūbed ardešīr, mūbed bahrām, yōm aršvāng, bahman-māh-e qadīm, 1296.

  “The death of Bahman Mūbed Ardešīr, Mūbed Bahrām, the day Aršvāng, the old month Bahman, 1296.”

There is a verse in Persian at the end of the manuscript:

Vāğ-Yašt Gahanbār

This Vāğ-Yašt Gahanbār manuscript was scribed by Goštāsp Mūbed Šahryār Nāmdār Zardošt Nōšīrvān in 1293 AY (AD 1924). Vāğ-Yašt Gahanbār is a religious Zoroastrian ceremony that is performed by the priests six times during the Gahanbār period within a year. The manuscript begins with Vāğ-Yašt Gahanbār and continues with Vāğ-Yašt Raftūn, Dorūn Mīyazd Gūsfand, Dorūn Rūz-e Ḫordād, Fravardīn Māh, Dorūn Haft Amšāspand, and Dorūn Rāh-e Safar.

More specifically, this ceremony centers on the Yasnā ritual. However, there are many open questions regarding the process of the performance of the ritual and the selection of the Yasnā sections during this ceremony. The manuscript from our collection provides more details about the performance of the ritual and also clarifies the relationship between text and ritual. This manuscript can also help us better understand the differences between the Indian and Iranian types of the Vāğ-Yašt Gahanbār ceremony.

This manuscript is the second Vāğ-Yašt Gahanbār manuscript that we have been able to find so far. The other Vāğ-Yašt Gahanbār manuscript from Zolfaghari’s collection (36 pages) belonged to Mūbed Ormazdyār Mūbed Ğahānbaḫš. It was scribed by Bahman Mūbed Ardašīr in 1340.Footnote ³⁶

Videvdād (ADA No. 4121)

The sixth manuscript of Pouladi’s Collection is a liturgical Videvdād that is not illuminated. There is a colophon in Persian at the end of the manuscript. It was scribed by Ardešīr Ḫodādād in 1253 AY (AD 1884). The Sālmargs occur before the ninth Fragard. The transcription and translation of the colophon is given below. The colophon is in the form of verse:

At the bottom of this page, we find a Sālmarg:

• Vafāt-e marḥūm mūbed mehrabān, ben-marḥūm mūbed rostam mūbed ḫodādād, dar yōm šāh mehr īzad, ağ Footnote ⁴³ ordībehešt māh-e qadīm vafāt šod. saneye 12077. Footnote ⁴⁴

  “Death of the deceased Mūbed Mehrabān, son of the deceased Mūbed Rostam Mūbed Ḫodādād. On the day Šāhmehr Īzad, from the old month Ordibehešt, passed away, the year 1277.”

On the next page, we find another Persian colophon that was likely produced by the scribe of the first colophon:

Yasnā (ADA No. 32)

There are a number of different styles of calligraphy in this manuscript, and it appears that more than one scribe was involved in writing it. It is likely that at least two scribes added some pages to the original one. This manuscript has Nērangs both in Pahlavi and Persian and has a colophon in Persian at the end. The manuscript is not illuminated.

According to this colophon, Forūd Dastūr Ābādān Dastūr Hakīm Dastūr Ardešīr copied this manuscript by the order Ḫosraw Dastūr Ğamšīd Dastūr Rostam in 1195 AY (AD 1826). The Persian colophon follows:

Following the Persian colophon some other verses are written, probably by other scribes:

Below these verses, two verses from the beginning of the Persian colophon are repeated by another scribe:

Videvdād (ADA No. 4062)

This manuscript is one of the most important Videvdāds in Iran. It was scribed by Marzbān Wahrom Marzbān Frēdōn Rustom Bundār in 1022 AY (AD 1653). It is the only illuminated manuscript from the Marzbān family. All the other illuminated Videvdād manuscripts that have been discovered to date are from Mihrabān Anōšagruwān or are copies from him. For the first time, a deer is illustrated on an illuminated Avestan manuscript. The illustration of two deers, two birds, and a plant occur at the beginning of the Videvdād, before the first Fragard. The manuscript has a long Pahlavi colophon before the ninth Fragard, which presents the date as 1653 (1022 AY). The scribe of the manuscript is Marzbān, son of Wāhrom Marzbān Frēdōn. Wāhrom Marzbān was the scribe of YiR 300, Vr 2007, V 4010, and a part of V 4025 and 4030.

The transcription and translation of this colophon follows:

The next two pages after colophon contain various Sālmarg and verses.

Sālmargs:

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e dastūr zāde Footnote ⁸⁵ eʽzām Footnote ⁸⁶ ekrām Footnote ⁸⁷ dastūr nūšīrvān dastūr ādar nūšīrvān ādar, dar rūz-e gōš, māh-e farvardīn-e qadīm, sane-ye 1000304.

  “The death date of the son of Dastūr, the great, Dastūr Nūšīrvān Dastūr Ādar Nūšīrvān Ādar, on the day Gōš, the old month Farvardīn, the year 1034 AY (AD 1665).”

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e rostam bahrām yazdān dar rūz-e ādar, dey-e qadīm, yaz[d]ğerdīye sane-ye 1047.

  “The death date of Rostam Bahrām Yazdān, on the day Ādar, the old month Dey, the year 1047 AY (AD 1678).”

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e marḥūm mūbed ardešīr ben-marḥūm Footnote ⁸⁸ ğamšīd ḫodābaḫš, rūz-e zāmyād, va mehr māh, sane-ye 1262 yazdgerdī.

  “The death date of deceased Mūbed Ardešīr, the son of deceased Ğamšīd Ḫodābaḫš, on the day Zāmyād, the month Mehr, the year 1262 AY (AD 1893).”

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e marḥūm mūbed keyḫosro, ben-marḥūm mūbed ardešīr, yōm ḫeyr, va tīr māh-e qadīm, sane-ye 1282 Yazgerdī.

  “The death date of deceased Mūbed Keyḫosro, the son of deceased Mūbed Ardešīr, on the day ḫeyr, and the old month Tīr, the year 1282 AY (AD 1913).”

• Vafāt yāftan-e marḥūm mūbed ḫosro mūbed bahman, be tārīḫ-e yōm dey-be-ādar īzad, ağ ādar māh e qadīm, be rahmat-e Footnote ⁸⁹ ḥaq peyvaste šode, sane-ye 1284 heğrīye.

  “The death of the deceased Mūbed Ḫosro Mūbed Bahman. He passes away at the date, on the day Dey-be-Ādar Īzad, the old month Ādar, passed away, the year 1284 Heğrī (AD 1868).”

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e siti mandkār, Footnote ⁹⁰ rūz-e rām, bahman māh-e qadīm, sane-ye 177. Footnote ⁹¹

  “The death date of Siti Mandkār [?], on the day Rām, the old month Bahman, the year 1077 AYFootnote ⁹² (AD 1708).”

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e siti mandkār, rūz-e Rām, Bahman māh-e qadīm, sane-ye 147. Footnote ⁹³

  “The death date of Siti Mandkār [?], on the day Rām, the old month Bahman, the year 1047Footnote ⁹⁴ AY (AD 1678)”Footnote ⁹⁵

Verses:

Other individual names on this page include:

• Al ʾabd, bande-ye kamtarīn, ḫalq ollāh šahryār keyḫosro, 1197 yazdğerdīye.

  “The servant, humble servant, the servant of God, Šahryār Keyḫosro, 1197 AY (1828 AD).”Footnote ⁹⁹

• Al ʾabd, bande-ye kamtarīn, ḫalq ollāh, ḫodādād behmard, 1233 heğrīye.

  “The servant, humble servant, the servant of God, Ḫodādād Behmard, 1233 Heğrī (AD 1818).”

• ʾamal-e kamtarīn, ḫalq ollāh šahryār keyḫosro, sane-ye 1223.

  “Done by the servant of God, Šahryār Keyḫosro, 1223.”Footnote ¹⁰⁰

• ʾamal-e kamtarīn, ḫalq ollāh šahryār keyḫosro, sane-ye 1243 heğrīye.

  “Done by the servant of God, Šahryār Keyḫosro, 1243 Heğrī (AD 1828).”

A second page contains Sālmargs, birthdays, and further notes:

• Be nām-e ḫodā. tārīḫ-e āmadan-e šīrīn dastūr keyḫosro Footnote ¹⁰¹ dastūr ḫodādād dastūr behmard, rūz-e vahman amšāsfand, šahrīvar māh-e qadīm. ḫodā rūzegār-e ḫūb bedahad-ešān. Sane-ye 12402 Footnote ¹⁰² heğrīye.

  “In the name of God. The birth date of Šīrīn Dastūr Keyḫosro Dastūr Ḫodādād Dastūr Behmard, on the day Vahman Amšāsfand, the old month Šahrīvar. May God give them good life. The year 1242 Heğrī (AD 1827).”

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e marhūm Footnote ¹⁰³ eʾzām, dastūr ašūravān dastūr ādar dastūr nūšīrvān dastūr ādar, dar rūz-e dey-be-dīn, āẕar māh-e qadīm, sane-ye 1000505. ḫodāš bīyāmorzād har kas begūyad ḫodā bīyāmorzād.

  “The death date of the deceased, the great Dastūr Ašūravān Dastūr Ādar Dastūr Nūšīrvān Dastūr Ādar, on the day Dey-be-Dīn, the old month Āẕar, the year 1055. May God forgive everybody who says may God forgive.”

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e marḥūm eʾzām, dastūr rostam dastūr ādar dastūr nūšīrvān dastūr ādar, dar rūz-e dey-be-ādar, sefandārmad māh-e qadīm, sane-ye 1000504. ḫodāš bīyāmorzād šād ašū ravān bād.

  “The death date of the deceased great Dastūr Rostam Dastūr Ādar Dastūr Nūšīrvān Dastūr Ādar, on the day Dey-be-Ādar, the old month Sepandārmad, the year 1054. May God forgive him; may he be [a] happy and holy soul.”

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e ašū ravān, mādar-e mosammāṭ zarestūn dastūr fereydūn dastūr ādar, dar rūz-e dey-be-mehr īzad, sefandārmad māh-e qadīm, sane-ye 1000504. Ḫodāš bīyāmorzād. Šād, ašū ravān bād.

  “The death date of holy soul, the mother of lady Zarestūn Dastūr Fereydūn Dastūr Ādar, on the day Dey-be-Mehr Īzad, the old month Sefandārmad, the year 1054 AYFootnote ¹⁰⁴ (AD 1685). May God forgive her. May she be [a] happy and holy soul.”

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e mosammāt · šārbānū dastūr bahrām dastūr īzadyār, dar rūz-e anārām, bahman māh-e qadīm, sane-ye 10042.

  “The death date of lady Šārbānū Dastūr Bahrām Dastūr Īzadyār, on the day Anārām, the old month Bahman, the year 1042 AYFootnote ¹⁰⁵ (AD 1673).”

• Tārīḫ-e vafāt-e šāh-soleymān, dar rūz-e āsmān, dey māh-e qadīm, sane-ye 100043. Ḫodāš bīyāmorzād. Šād ašū ravān bād.

  “The death date of Šāh-Soleymān, on the day Āsmān, the old month Dey, the year 1043 AYFootnote ¹⁰⁶ (AD 1674). May God forgive him. May he be [a] happy and holy soul.”

Ḫorde Avesta

The ninth manuscript of Pouladi collection is a Ḫorde Avesta, which is different from the common Ḫorde Avesta used in modern times in religious ceremonies.Footnote ¹¹⁴ The manuscript includes the following parts: Fravašī Yašt, Yašt-e Gāhān Bon, Ātaš Nīyāyeš Bon, Ābzūr Bon Kardan, Patet Kardan, Dorūn-e Rūz-e Ḫordād va Māh-e Farvardīn, Nērang-e Barsam Čīdan, Nērang-e Hūm Čīdan, Nērang-e Ordorām Čīdan, Nērang-e Ğām Gereftan, Nērang-e Zūr Gereftan, Nērang-e Frā Hūm Gereftan, Nērang-e Ğašn-e Nozūdī, Nērang-e Gereftan-e Dorūn, Noktehā-ye Māh, Afarīngān Dahmān, Afarīngān Gahanbār, Afarīngān Farvardīngān, Hamāzūr Panğe, Hamāzūr Dahmān, and Sirūze Yašt.

The manuscript does not have a colophon. We find only one Sālmarg on the end paper of the book:

• Vafāt yāftan-e rašīd dastūr šahryār, yōm rašn, deymāh 1308, 1318 šamsī.

  “The death of Rašīd Dastūr Šahryār, the day Rašn, the month Dey, the year 1308 (Yazdgerdī), 1318 Šamsī (AD 1939).”

Yasnā Vīsperad

According to the Pahlavi introduction at the beginning of the manuscript, the text is abastāg yašt visparēd, that is, a Yasnā Visperad. On the outer margin of page 41r, the following verse from Ḥāfeẓ appears:

On the outer margin of page 48r, the following notes appear:

On the outer margin of page 50v, the following note appears:

• Vafāt-e dastūr bahrām dastūr mehrabān be-tārīḫ-e rūz-e āẕar īzad ağ ābānmāh-e qadīm 1193.

  “the death date of Dastūr, Bahrām, Dastūr Mehrabān, on the day Azar Īzad, the old month Abān, the year 1193.”

On page 109r, a birth date appears:

• Motavaled šodan-e fereydūn mūbed faroḫzād Footnote ¹²⁷ andar yōm-e aštād īzad ordībehešt māh 1262 yazdgerdī.

  “The birth of Fereydūn Mūbed Faroḫzād, on the day Aštād Īzad, the month Ordībehešt, the year 1262 AY.”

On page 172r, the newer part of the manuscript with Nērangs in Persian, we find the following verses:

The end paper of the manuscript contains a New Persian colophon:

On the right side of the Persian colophon, we find this sentence:

Videvdād

This manuscript has a Middle Persian colophon that was added later to the manuscript. The handwriting of the scribe of the colophon is completely different from the handwriting of the Avestan text. The colophon begins on page 138r. Presented below is the transcription and translation.

There are also other notes after the colophon, which can be categorized as treaties and ownership contracts:

At the end of this text, we find three names, which are probably the names of witnesses. The first two names are MehrabānFootnote ¹⁶⁶ Rostam Dastūr Nūšīrvān, Dastūr Faroḫzād, Dastūr Bahmanyār Faroḫzād. There is a phrase before these names that is probably āmade būd “had come.”Footnote ¹⁶⁷

We find another name at the end of the first Persian colophon and after two personal names:

On this page, there are some other short notes in Persian that have been added later to the Persian colophon. Their transcription and translation are given here, though many parts are not legible:

Another text follows the above-mentioned text:

Another note on the next page represents the sale contract of the manuscript, which took place in 1054 AY:

The name of the witnesses occurs at the bottom of the sale contract:

The rest of the names of the witnesses are written probably by another scribe. The handwriting is clearly different from the first one:

At the bottom of this page, we find an admission regarding the possession of the manuscript:

Different verses on this page represent the importance of the writing the memorial in the Avestan manuscripts:

The death dates:

• Vafāt-e ašu ravān rostam dastūr nošervān ḥakīm ardešīr be-tārīḫ-e rūz-e māh īzad va ordī behešt-māh-e qadīm yazdğerdīye 1117, heğrīyeh 110601.

  “The death of holy soul, Rostam Dastūr Nošervān Ḥakīm Ardešīr, in the date, on the day Māh Īzad, the old month Ordībehešt, the year 1117 AY, 1161 Heğrī (AD 1748).”

• Vafāt yābtan Footnote ¹⁸⁷ dastūr ḫodābaḫš, dastūr ḫodābaḫš, rūz-e … māh tīr māh saneye 1248

  “The death of Dastūr Ḫodābaḫš, on the day … , the month Tīr, the year 1248.”Footnote ¹⁸⁸

• Vafāt-e ašū ravān laʽl dastūr ḫodābaḫš das[tūr] … be-tārīḫ-e yōm sfandār[maz], āẔar māh-e qadīm, saneye 12045.

  “The death of holy soul, Laʽl, Dastūr Ḫodābaḫš Dastūr … , in the date, on the day Sfandārmaz, the old month Āzar, the year 1245.”Footnote ¹⁸⁹

• Vafāt-e ašū ravān, laʽl dastūr ḫodābaḫš, vafāt-e ašū ravān laʽl dastūr ḫodābaḫš dastūr forūd be-tārīḫ-e yōm sfandārmazd, māh … , saneye 1245. Footnote ¹⁹⁰

  “The death of holy soul, LaʽlFootnote ¹⁹¹ Dastūr Ḫodābaḫš, the death of holy soul, the jewel, Dastūr Ḫodābaḫš Dastūr Forūd, in the date, on the day Sfandārmazd, the month … , the year 1245.”

• Be-tārīḫ-e vafāt-e ašū ravānī dastūr esfandyār dastūr bahrāmšāh, rūz-e dīn, mordād māh-e qadīm, saneye 11106.

  “The death of holy soul, Dastūr Esfandyār Dastūr Bahrāmšāh, the day Dīn, the old month Mordād, the year 1116.”Footnote ¹⁹²

• Vafāt-e šīrīn Footnote ¹⁹³ bahrām rūz-e ordībehešt, dey māh, saneye 1192. Footnote ¹⁹⁴

  “The death of Širin Bahrām, the day Ordībehešt, the month Dey, the year 1192.”

• Vafāt-e dastūr ḫodābaḫš, rūz-e dey, āẔar … Footnote ¹⁹⁵

  “The death of Dastūr Ḫodābaḫš, the day Dey, [the month] Āẕar, … ”

Notes on the Colophons and Marginal Notes of this Collection

Colophons. The existence of colophons can be dated back to antiquity. For example, Zetzel describes an inscription from the second century AD, transmitted to us in humanistic manuscripts.Footnote ¹⁹⁶ He cites the colophon from Poggio’s manuscript, a humanist from the fifteenth century (Vat. Lat. 11458): “I, Statilius Maximus, have for the second time revised the text according to Tiro, Laecanianus, Domitius and three others.”Footnote ¹⁹⁷

Besides colophons from Western Europe, colophons also exist, for example, in Hebrew,Footnote ¹⁹⁸ Armenian,Footnote ¹⁹⁹ Glagolitic,Footnote ²⁰⁰ Persian, Middle Persian and AvestanFootnote ²⁰¹ manuscripts.

Independent of the language of the manuscript, the colophons have a similar function. They are important sources both for manuscript studies and other disciplines and give us important information regarding the scribe and production of the manuscript.

Colophons are valuable palaeographical criteria and can be used as sources of information about the contexts of manuscript production and to help us reconstruct the textual transmission of the manuscripts. Colophons also give us insights into the religious, historical, political, and social contexts of manuscript production.

There are only a few works on the colophons of Avestan manuscripts, the topic of the present paper. Various colophons of Pahlavi Videvdād manuscripts have been edited and translated by Sanjana.Footnote ²⁰² The only book on this topic is entitled Collection of Colophons of Manuscripts Bearing on Zoroastrianism in Some Libraries of Europe, by Jamshedji Maneckji Unvala, published in 1940. The author was the late secretary of the Parsi Punchayat Funds and Properties. His book is the result of his work on the manuscripts of various libraries located in Europe, such as the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris, the British Museum Library, the India Office Library, London, and the University Library at Munich, as well as libraries in St. Petersburg, Copenhagen, and others. The author provided a transcription and translation of colophons, and he also included genealogies of Indian and Persian scribes, as well as synchronisms of the Zoroastrian, Hindu, Muslim, and Christian dates mentioned in some colophons. Other research focused on the spread and development of single colophons. For example, Cantera provides a transcription, transliteration, and translation of the central part of the Pahlavi colophon to the Avestan manuscripts Pt4 and Mf4, in which the history of manuscripts is recounted. He presents a different view of the predecessors of Pt4 and Mf4, discusses the date of the manuscript, and finally provides us with a filiation.Footnote ²⁰³ In another article, he reproduces the history of the extant manuscripts.Footnote ²⁰⁴

In recent years in Iran, several activities have begun that are related to the discovery of new manuscripts. Unfortunately, because of various difficulties, only a few manuscripts have been published so far. Mazdapour has published many articles about the Avestan manuscripts. She provides general information about characteristics of these manuscripts and their colophons.Footnote ²⁰⁵ Jahanpour published “The Videvdād of Astān e Qods” and transcribed and translated the colophons of this amnuscript.Footnote ²⁰⁶ Bahram Borumand Amin provides information on the “Marzbān family,” a family of scribes, and in his article he discusses how some manuscripts are copied by the members of this family.Footnote ²⁰⁷ However, an overview of the different types of colophons that appear in the manuscripts and their features does not seem to have been established yet.

In the following section of the study, I provide a broad overview of the different types of existing colophons focusing on the colophons of the manuscripts of Pouladi’s Collection and discuss their relevant characteristics.

Not all details are included in every colophon, and the order of various parts is not always the same. Some colophons are very extensive. Others are brief, containing only the date of completion or the scribe’s name. The Middle Persian colophons are often long. The New Persian colophons, if they are not in the form of verse, are relatively short. A large number of Persian colophons are in verse, which shows that many of professional scribes were also familiar with poetry; they generally tried to emulate the language and style of the classical period of Persian poetry, though few achieved this goal.

There is no difference between the shape of Middle Persian colophons and the manuscript text. Only New Persian colophons sometimes demonstrate a special layout. For example, the Persian colophon of Yasnā Visperad 10 of this collection has a triangular layout, which is typical for the colophons of Persian and non-Zoroastrian manuscripts. A decorative separation line can be found between the text and Persian colophon in a number of manuscripts, for example, Y 7 of this collection.

It is rather common for the font of the colophons of Avestan manuscripts to have a size and color distinct from that of the main text. Only Avestan texts or dates in Middle Persian colophons may occur in red.

The language appearing in colophons can provide relevant linguistic data about the scribe’s language and the language used in the manuscript. If a colophon is written in the scribe’s mother tongue or dialect, it can give linguistic information about particular unexpected variants in the colophon or in the manuscript.

The language of colophons in Avestan manuscripts can be Middle Persian or New Persian. In the manuscripts copied in India, we find a number of colophons in Pāzand. Various types of evidence show that the regional dialect and mother tongue of the scribes influenced the language of the colophons, a fact that makes the study of the dialectology of the colophons particularly interesting. For example, “Zoroastrian Dari,” the local language of the scribes of Avestan manuscripts in Yazd and Kerman, influenced the language of the colophons and marginal notes. In particular, we find remnants of Zoroastrian Dari in the personal names in the colophons and Sālmargs.Footnote ²⁰⁸

There are manuscripts which, in addition to the principal colophons written by the scribe, also contain colophons written by other persons by the command of a sponsor or scribe. The scribes of these colophons confirm that they saw the manuscript and liked it, and they would thus send praise to the scribe and sponsor of the manuscript. With rare exceptions, the Middle Persian colophons provide evidence of a general uniformity of structure, style, and content. The majority of the scribes merely repeat the common phrases; only a few depart from the common pattern, whether in their forms of expression, or context and structure. On the contrary, Persian colophons do not follow a single pattern, but they are written more freely and furnish information on many other aspects, a characteristic that cannot be found in the Middle Persian colophons. They are generally more detailed in the recounting of contemporary events and in descriptions of social and historical conditions.

There is some evidence in the Persian colophon of Yasnā No. 7 to suggest that scribe of this colophon used the Middle Persian template to write the colophon in Persian. In addition to phrases and expressions, we find strong influence from Middle Persian orthography and grammar on the writing system of this colophon. For example, instead of Persian man nīz “I also,” the expression man-eǧ is used. The adverb -eǧ is the same Middle Persian form -yc (-ič, or -iz) that frequently occurs in the Middle Persian colophons. The other important characteristic in this colophon is the use of the adverbial ending yh as the Persian form, that is, instead of y. Instead of farroxī “glorious” in Persian, the form farroxeh appears, and instead of šādī “happiness,” the form šādeh occurs in the text, which again shows the use of Middle Persian ending yh. The other Middle Persian form is āšāyeh Footnote ²⁰⁹ instead of āšāyī , which again shows the influence of Middle Persian orthography on this Persian colophon. The other Middle Persian form in this colophon is manišn instead of Persian maniš “behaviour.” The form ayā follows the Middle Persian form ayā(b), which is used instead of Persian yā “or.”

Another Middle Persian word is widērēšnī “passing” ودیرشنی (widerēšn- “to pass” + ī(h)), which is written in the Persian alphabet. The Middle Persian form ǰod “separate” is used instead of Persian form ǰoz جز. The other Middle Persian forms include neveštār, instead of nevīsande “scribe,” and nibištār ham, instead of Persian nibištār hastam or nibištār-am “I am the scribe.”

In addition to its influence within the domains of orthography and lexicon, we also find the influence of Middle Persian on the morphology and syntax of the Persian language of this colophon. The substantive occurs in the plural with a number in the expression ṣad o panǧāh sālān “150 years,” instead of ṣad o panǧāh sāl صد و پنجاه سال. In syntax, two expressions that further show the influence of Middle Persian are dīn bande “the servant of the religion,” instead of Persian bande-ye dīn, and frāron manišnī, instead of manišn-e frāron “good behaviour.”

The scribes developed a unique and long tradition in that they recorded a wide range of historical, cultural, religious, and social kinds of information, which are of great interest to interdisciplinary research. Their colophons contain many kinds of information, such as the name of the scribe, and not only of the scribe but also of other persons who were part of the manuscript production, for example, the person who orders, as well as the reader of the manuscript.

Schiegg categorizes the colophons into four groups based on the speech acts offered by Searle:Footnote ²¹⁰ (1) assertive colophons provide the contextual information about the scribe and manuscript; (2) expressive colophons demonstrate the scribe’s feelings and wishes; (3) directive colophons make the reader do something; and (4) declarative colophons do something with the reader. In the Middle Persian colophons of the Avestan manuscripts, we find all these categories in a single colophon. In my study, I use these categories as a way to discuss the different parts of the Middle Persian colophons.

The place of the copy does not occur in all manuscripts. In the second New Persian colophon of V 6, though, we find information about the place of copy: “it was scribed in the place of worship, Yazd, in the house of the deceased, the father of Ḫodādād.”

The assertive part can contain information about legal aspects, such as the address of the property. For example, in the colophon of V 11, the scribe declares that he has written the manuscript for his own possession and for children, and for all victory of Aspandyār Adurbād Wāhrom-šāh Ērdešir Wāhrom-šāh Ērdešir Wāhrom-šāh. The scribe adds that the manuscript was bought for 6,000 Dīnārs.

A comparison of the Middle Persian colophons of V 8 and V 11 reveals interesting features of contrast. The colophon of V 11 curses someone who would sell the manuscript, while in the colophon of V 11, the price of the sale of the manuscript, namely 6,000 Dīnārs, and the name of the purchaser are mentioned. This manuscript contains six notes (see Notes A‒F) that can be categorized as treaties and ownership contracts. The current colophon and Notes A‒F comprise one of the few notes, if not the only one, in which the sale and purchase of the manuscript are recorded and treated as acceptable. In most colophons, the seller and the purchaser are cursed.

In the manuscript V 11, we find various notes (Notes A‒F) as a declaration, though they are not a part of the colophon. In the Persian colophon of Y 10, the scribe mentions that the manuscript is written for the righteousness of Dastūr Dastūr Māvandād, the son of Dastūr Bahrām Dastūr Mehrabān. The scribe dedicated this book to the Dastūrs, in order that they would perform the Yaziš ceremony with it and send God’s blessing and protection to the owner of the book. Another example of a declarative statement can be found in the second New Persian colophon of V 6: “This Vandīdād book belongs to the deceased Mūbed Ḫodādād, the son of Mūbed Ardešīr.” The scribe of V 8 mentions that the manuscript is written for the success of Wāhrom Rustom Bondār and for the use of the Dastūr Spandyād Anōšagruwān Ādūr.

Sometimes we find that a phrase containing the term ṣḥḥ means it has been correted/confirmed by a certain person and followed by the name of that person: “corrected/confirmed by Mūbed Ardešīr, the son of the deceased, the paradise soul, king, Ḫodādād. In the name of God, it was scribed in the place of worship, in the house of the deceased, the father of Ḫodādād.”

Expressive part. The expressive part of Middle Persian colophons demonstrates the scribe’s feeling, wishes, curses, petitions, and requests. We can distinguish between the different feelings of the scribes that appear in the colophons: hope, sadness, malignity, expectancy, religious feelings, and rarely humor. The scribes’ wishes are of both a mundane and heavenly nature.

Both Middle Persian colophons of this collection bear good wishes for everybody who uses the manuscript, recites it, and teaches or learns their instructions and celebrates the Yazišn ceremony with it. The scribes wish the users of the manuscripts a good-famed body in this world and a pious heavenly soul in the spiritual life. The use of the manuscripts for ceremonies is an important reason for copying them. Most of the manuscripts we have found are those that have been used in the ceremonies. We thus sometimes find traces of fire and oil on their papers, and the scent of the plants, particularly of myrtle, Persian Mūrd.

It is also important for the scribes of these colophons to entrust the manuscript to the children and successors of the Zoroastrian faith so that they use them for many years, symbolized by the mention of 150 years. Another typical wish in the Middle Persian Persian colophons is “May it be according to the will of the god and Amahraspandān. May it be so! May it be still more so!” The scribes wish for the reappearance of the Dastūr of the spiritual world Čihromayān, son of Wištāsp; the spread of the religion; attainment of goodness through religion and living according to the wish for the followers of the Zoroastrian religion.

The scribes of the colophons often curse anyone who would remove the name of the scribe from the manuscript. The scribes wish anyone who would do that an ill-famed body in this world and an ashamed soul in the spiritual world. The scribe emphasizes that whoever does that would be accuser in the presence of the Judge, Ohrmazd, the creator, and in the presence of the assembly of Isadwāstarān of Zardušt. By such means, the scribe intends to prevent the removal of his name.

The expressive parts of colophons also contain advice. This part can be short or long, mostly consisting of particular Avestan phrases with Middle Persian translation. The Avestan phrases are written in red in most of the manuscripts. These phrases are presented below. It must be noted that not all of them are included in every colophon. For example, the colophon of V 11 contains only the first phrase. The following phrases are from the colophon of V 8:

• aēuuō. paṇtā. yō. ašahe. ēk ast rāhīh ahlāyīh ǰād abārīg ān ī ǰud-rāhīh

  “There is only one way of piety and the other one is heresy.”

• šātō. manō. vahištō. uruuąnō. šād ān tan ke-š warzēd ruwān [ī] xwēš.

  “Happiness and paradise soul, he would be glad in body, [the one] who would improve his soul.”

• nōi. čahmi. zazuua. yō. nōi. urune. zazauua. nōi. čahmi. zazuša. nē-š čiš grift kē-š ne ruwān grift tā nun-iz nē čiš grift kē nē ruwān girēd.

  “He, whose soul has not acquired anything, has not acquired anything and also now, who, whose soul does not acquire anything, does not acquire anything.”

• naēčiš. zaraθuštra. suš. yaθa. ādare maškiiāka. ēg-iš az dēwān sud ne bawēd spētāmān zardušt nē-z az ān ī wadag mardōm. če agar-šān pad bun sud bawēd, ēg-išān sar zyān bawēd.

  “And, O Spitāmān Zardošt, there is no benefit from the evil men inside. Furthermore, there is no benefit from demons, O Spitāmān Zardošt and no benefit from the bad men. Because if there is benefit [for] them in the beginning, then in the end there is injury [for] them.”

Most of colophons ends again in this wish: “May everyone be able to live according to his desire. May it be according to the will of Yazdān.”

There are frequent instances of directives to pray for the scribe. In the first Persian colophon of V 6 in this collection, the scribe wants the readers to pray for him: “Everybody who reads my book, may [send] pray to me.” In New Persian of Y 3, the scribe expresses to the reader that “If there would be a mistake, may he correct it with honesty and kindness.” There is an overlap between directives and expressives in that the scribes’ wishes can simultaneously be interpreted as instructions for the reader to do something:

The curses in the colophons of all manuscripts are similar. The scribes curse their reader for adding to or removing anything from the manuscript or displacing it. Generally, any act undertaken that prevented access to the book could be anathematized: theft, sale, giving it away as a gift, forfeiting it, removing quires, pages, ornaments, or the curse itself.Footnote ²¹⁴

The scribes of Avestan manuscripts frequently curse the people who do not remember them favorably and instead think badly about them. They curse those who would destroy the manuscripts, those who would exercise greed over the manuscript, the enemies of manuscripts, and also those who might search for errors in the manuscript and criticize the scribe or add evil words to the manuscript.

A further topic has to do with the question of whether the scribes of the colophons of the Avestan manuscript employed the contemporary tradition of scribing colophons, common among Muslim scribes, or whether they developed their own tradition. To answer this question, it is necessary to look at the colophons of the non-Zoroastrian manuscripts. The first serious discussions and analyses of colophons of Iranian manuscripts emerged in Afshar’s 2002 study.Footnote ²¹⁵ In his article, he introduced a large number of colophons in Islamic Iranian manuscripts and investigated their function and structure. I use his study to answer this question. If we compare the colophons of Avestan manuscripts with the colophons of Islamic Iranian manuscripts, we find that there are a number of similarities that show an influence from the Islamic Iranian tradition of scribing on the colophons of the Avestan manuscript. However, this influence can be found only at the level of the lexicon.

A considerable number of the expressions that are used in the colophons and Sālmargs are Arabic terms, usually found in non-Zoroastrian manuscripts. These terms include: ǧannat makānī “having paradise as his residence” (Yasnā No. 3), marḥūm “deceased” (Yasnā No. 3, Videvdāds No. 6 and No. 8 and Sālmargs of Videvdād No. 8), kāteb-ol ḥorūf “the scribe” (Yasnā No. 3), valad “son” (Yasnā No. 3), abavī “father” (Videvdād No. 6), yōm “day” (Videvdāds No. 6 and Sālmargs of the Videvdād No. 8), sane “year” (in all Sālmargs), dār-ol ʿebād “the place of worship” meaning “city,” rab ol ʿebād “the lord of servants,” ben “son” (Videvdād No. 6), ḥasab ol-farmūde “commanded by”Footnote ²¹⁶ (Yasnā No. 7), enšāllāh taʿālī “if the great God wills” (Yasnā No. 7).

The expression ṣḥḥ, occurring in V 6 of this collection, is a typical term in non-Zoroastrian manuscripts meaning “corrected/confirmed by.” The term ḥasab ol-farmūde “commanded by” in Y 7, referring to the one who orders the manuscripts, appears consistently in the colophons of Islamic Iranian manuscripts.

Another similarity found between the colophons of Avestan manuscripts and those of Islamic Iranian manuscripts is the reference to the quality of humility of the scribe. It is indicated by expressions such as bande-ye kamtarīn “the humble servant,” Ẕare-ye bīmeqdār “valueless bit” (Y 3), and al- ʾabd ol faqīr, al- ʾabd ol ża’īf “poor servant,”Footnote ²¹⁷ ḫāk-e pāy-e “the soil of the foot of” (YV 10).

In terms of shape, the colophons of Avestan manuscripts are very simple, without the geometric layout typical for Islamic Iranian manuscripts. The only similarity in shape can be found in Y 7 of this collection, where the Persian colophon is separated with plant decorations. In Islamic Iranian manuscripts, the colophons, are frequently surrounded by geometric and plant motives. The Persian colophon of YV 10 has a triangle layout format, which is typical for Islamic Iranian manuscripts.

Marginalia.

Marginalia in Avestan manuscripts represent two main uses: (1) “immanent” purposes, such as prayers, personal blessings, and rogations; and (2) “less immanent” purposes, such as contracts, prescriptions, and writing exercises added by later readers, users or owners. It seems that it was indeed quite common throughout the history of Avestan manuscript production for blessings, rogations and prayers to be added by readers and users, both for their own and for others’ purposes. In the following, a list of different categories of immanent and less immanent purposes is given.

• Transcription or translation of Middle Persian words in Persian

In some manuscripts, for example in the Middle Persian colophon of V 8, the Middle Persian words are transcribed in Persian script. It is feasible that the reader of the colophon preferred to have the Middle Persian words in Persian script, probably because he was not able to read Middle Persian words easily. This happened only in the first page of the colophon, and the writer did not transcribe the other pages of the colophon.

In the same manuscript, some Middle Persian words in Nērangs have also been written in Persian. These Persian forms do not exactly represent the Middle Persian pronunciation, but they demonstrate a particular dialect, which is neither exactly Middle Persian nor Persian. Sometimes we find also the translation of Avestan words in Persian above or below the Avestan forms.

• Priests’ notes

A group of marginalia seems to be written by priests who used the manuscripts in a ceremony. These notes consist of additional information helping the priest to do an act in a particular passage of the text during the celebration of a ceremony. These notes may guide the priest to recite the text correctly. In this case, we find notes such as “this part should be read,” “this part should not be read,” or “should be recited three times.” Sometimes, the notes refer to an act that should be done during the ceremony, for example, īnğā nešastan “Sit here!,” barsam nahādan “Put barsam,” dahān pāk kardan “Clean the mouth!, būy be ātaš dādan do bār “Give būyFootnote ²¹⁸ to the fire, two times.” In YV 10, a number of notes have been added with pencil to the text, containing guidance for two priests, Zūd or Rāspī, for example rāsfī ḫāmūš “Rāsfī should not read” or rāsfī beḫānad “Rāsfi should read,” zūd beḫānad “Zūd should read,” zūd va rāsfī “(both) Zūd va Rāsfī (should read).”Footnote ²¹⁹ Some notes are corrections of the text and are usually written above the main lines of the texts. Sometimes the priest indexes the manuscript and adds the number of Fragards or Kardes, if it has not been mentioned in the main text of the manuscript.

The second group of notes with “immanent” purposes contains notes that have no relationship to the main text of the manuscript.

• Sūgnāme

I use the term Sūgnāme for the statements in verse form, written for a departed soul, usually a priest, to commemorate him. They are, in reality, poems of mourning. The departed person may have had a role during his lifetime in the production process of the manuscript. The most celebrated attribute of the dead person mentioned in a Sūgnāme is the possession of good nature, a bright and eternal soul. The scribes of the Sūgnames usually maintain that the departed person went to paradise, e.g. ke dastūr behzād šod bar behešt “Dastūr Behzād went to the paradise” and went to his ancestors: be pīš-e nīyākān-e ḫod rafte ast “[he] went to the presence of his ancestors.” Expressing the pain and sorrow of the family members of the dead person is one of the main parts of Sūgnāmes: del-e mām o bābaš be-qam gašte ast “the heart of his mother and his father became full of pain” or farāqaš ḫorad mādar-e ğān fešān “his self-devoted mother is suffering from his separation.”

Sometimes the scribe attempts to invoke the sadness of readers by including painful details of death, for example, beraftast rāhī ke nāyad degar “he went to the way that he does not come anymore.”Footnote ²²⁰

• Poems regarding death

A considerable number of the poems that are found in the Avestan manuscripts are about death and philosophy dealing with death. It seems that these kinds of poems helped the writer deal with grief and loss and brought him solace and comfort. These poems sometimes refer to some of the most difficult and painful emotions and feelings associated with death and bereavement. Some examples are given here:

• Giving thanks

The manuscripts contain a vast number of notes in which the scribe thanks and praises God for his support, help, and kindness:

• Love poems

Various manuscripts contain a great number of love poems, written by readers mostly in the margins:

• Sorrow

A number of scribes of the notes have left us with glimpses into their emotional states. Through verse, they sometimes express their unhappiness and sadness:

• Curses

In addition to the colophons, we also find marginal notes in which the scribe curses anyone who does not remember him in goodness and thinks badly about him or who would destroy the manuscript. For example, the writer of marginal notes of V 8 (on p. 96r) wishes that anyone who is greedy with the manuscript would be burned by hell’s fire. In another note, the writer maintains that the enemy of the scribe of the manuscript would always be in sadness (p. 115r). Another note says that everyone who talks and thinks badly about the scribe of the manuscript would soon suffer death in this world (p. 145v).

• Advice

A considerable number of notes and verses in the Avestan manuscripts consist of advice to readers. In V 8 the writer wants the readers to avoid friendship with stupid people, in order for them to be calm (p. 75r). We find considerable similarity between the types of advice given in the marginal notes of Avestan manuscripts when compared to the well-known Middle Persian Andarznāmes. After the Persian colophon of Y 7, a note maintains that we should not give heed to the world, because the world and human beings are both subject to death. Another item of advice is that the reader should not only gather property during a lifetime, but also use it.

The scribe of notes F and G of V 11 advises the readers to use the back page of the Avestan manuscript to write memorials, because the memorial, which is written by a friend, is better than any eternal property. And maybe because of this kind of note, one day, the scribe would be remembered. This wish to be remembered may be the reason that many users or owners of Avestan manuscript write notes on the manuscripts. The recurrent theme in these notes is the hope that future readers of the manuscript would not fail to remember and pray for the scribe. It seems that the writers of notes acquired the manuscript as an “indelible memorial or monument.”

• Riddles

In at least one manuscript (V 8) we find a riddle (Persian čīstān). This riddle is a statement in the form of a verse, having a double meaning, given as a puzzle to be solved by the reader of the manuscript:

The answer to the riddle consists of two Persian words: šāne-be-sar “hoopoe” and kolang “pick.”

• Proverbs

Proverbs in the Avestan manuscripts are often metaphorical and in the form of verse. They contain morals, wisdom, truth, and traditional Iranian views, handed down from generation to generation. The following example is from V 8 of this collection:

• Verses from famous poets

The scribe of notes on the Avestan manuscripts frequently cite the work of famous poets such as ḤāfeẔ, Ferdowsi, and Bābā Ṭāher.

• Prayers

In various manuscripts, we find prayers in which the writer desires help and support from Šāh Varahrām Īzad. In a great number of prayers, the scribe pleads with the reader to wish for Ḫodāmorzī “God’s forgiveness.” Ḫodāmorzī texts are normally short, but there are a few examples with long texts containing more details.

• Dates

The dates include Sālmargs “death date,” Nozūdī “an Iranian mode of priestly initiation and one of the most important ceremonies for Zoroastrians,” Zādrūz “birth date,” Gahanbārs and Yašt-ḫānī ceremonies.

• Summary of the content of different parts of Avesta

At least one of the Videvdād manuscripts, V 4063, contains a short summary or the topic of each fragard at the beginning.

• Personal names

In marginal notes, we find a number of personal names that could be refer to the name of owners or readers of the manuscripts, as well as to the writers of marginal notes. A group of names are those of priests who perform a ceremony.

“Less immanent” purposes.

• Ownership notes

Almost every manuscript contains several notes that refer to the owners of the manuscript, sometimes with further information regarding donation of the manuscript and the reason for donation, for example because of Nozūdi.

• Treaties

One of the most important questions regarding the ownership of the manuscripts concerns whether or not Avestan manuscripts, as highly important religious and sacred texts, could be sold or purchased. For many of the believing and religious Zoroastrians, the concept of buying and selling Avestan manuscripts seems to be a serious sin. At least one of the Avestan manuscripts, V 11 of Pouladi’s Collection, contains relevant information that can be considered as a treaty. The notes in this manuscript provide evidence that Avestan manuscripts could be sold and purchased, although in some other manuscripts, such as V 4062, this is not allowed.

Marginal illustrations. The Safavid period saw the creation of some illuminated Avestan manuscripts. However, during all production periods, most manuscripts did not contain images. One of the most beautiful illuminated manuscripts ever found is V 8 of Pouladi’s Collection, which contains two miniatures. The first frame of the miniature is at the beginning of the first Fragrad and includes the image of two deer, two birds, and floriate patterns. The second frame is before the ninth Fragard and has a fascinating combination of trees and birds.

This section does not further discuss illuminated manuscripts in which the text is supplemented with miniature illustrations, and I therefore move on to marginal illustrations.

The term “marginal illustrations” can easily be confused with marginal illustrations as outer limits or borders in Gothic or Iranian Islamic manuscripts. But what I mean here is small images of animals including birds, horses, goats, foliate patterns, plants, as well as human beings, in red and black, which occur in the margin of Avestan manuscripts, as well as inside of or on the borders of the text.

In the case of illuminated manuscripts, it seems that the illumination was planned at the inception of the work and after the general layout of the page was decided, and there was space reserved for it. It is not clear whether or not the text and illumination were done by the same person. For marginal illustrations, the images would be added either by the scribe of the manuscript or by users of the manuscripts at a later period.

Among the manuscripts of Pouladi’s Collection, YV 10 is of particular importance for the study of marginal illustrations. Marginal illustrations in this manuscript can be divided into three main groups, as outlined in the following.

Decorative. Decorative marginal illustrations appear in the form of different animals, human beings, or even plants and inorganic things. The decorative images do not give additional explanations to the text and normally are artistically poor. These images were usually added by the users or owners of the manuscript, sometimes many years after the production of the manuscript. A number of these images are presented below:

The following animal images are from V 8 (p. 165r) of this collection:

Circles (images from YV No. 10):

Illustrations of animals such as goats or mules (images from YV No. 10):

Human and animal:

In the following image, it appears that the human image provides a textual explanation to the phrase bōy ōy ī ātaxš dahišn “giving smelling (plant)Footnote ²²⁷to the fire” (YV 10, p. 34r):

There are illustrations of various types of birds (images from YV No. 10):

Separators. A group of marginal illustrations are used to separate parts of text. For example, in the following image, the symbols mark the parts of the humyast bon:

Separators can also occur at the beginning of a karde or fragard.

There is another group of symbols used in the main text, and these should not be confused with marginal illustrations. These symbols are punctuation marks and are of particular importance for the study of the codicology of Avestan manuscripts. A list of these symbols is given below:

Punctuation and symbols (images from YV No. 10):

Numbers (images from YV No. 10):