I am pleased to speak today about the importance of tax fairness and to join the debate on Bill C-82 [and …] to explain how the bill would become an important new tool in the government’s arsenal to combat aggressive international tax avoidance. …

J’aimerais maintenant parler plus en détail du projet de loi à l’étude à la Chambre. Le projet de loi C-82 permettrait au Canada de mieux lutter contre une pratique qu’on appelle l’érosion de la base d’imposition et le transfert de bénéfices, ou BEPS, d’après l’expression anglaise qui est largement utilisée ici et à l’international. On parle de stratégies d’évitement fiscal par lesquelles des entreprises et des particuliers bien nantis exploitent des lacunes dans les règles fiscales. Ils profitent de ces échappatoires pour éviter de payer des impôts ou pour transférer leurs bénéfices à des administrations à impôt nul ou faible.

Ces stratagèmes permettent à des entreprises et à des particuliers bien nantis d’éviter de payer leur juste part d’impôt. Ces mesures dérobent aux Canadiennes et aux Canadiens les impôts qui financent les prestations et les services qui font du Canada un endroit où il fait bon vivre et une société plus juste et équitable.

Nous avons travaillé fort pour lutter contre cette perte de recettes fiscales. Je tiens à souligner tout particulièrement le travail que nous avons accompli avec nos partenaires internationaux à cet égard. Nous avons travaillé entre autres avec nos partenaires de l’Organisation de coopération et de développement économiques, l’OCDE, et les pays membres du G20 pour déceler un certain nombre de situations dans lesquelles les conventions fiscales actuelles sont vulnérables à des abus potentiels.

Par la suite, ces organisations ont élaboré des mesures que les pays peuvent inclure dans leurs conventions fiscales en vue de s’attaquer directement à ces vulnérabilités. Cette nouvelle approche répondait au fait qu’il faudrait beaucoup de temps pour renégocier les conventions fiscales existantes une à une.

L’approche dont il est question se retrouve dans le présent projet de loi. Il s’agit de la convention multilatérale, connue aussi sous le nom d’instrument multilatéral, ou IM. Cet instrument est le produit d’une initiative à l’échelle mondiale et le fruit du travail de plus de 100 pays et administrations, dont le Canada. L’instrument multilatéral permet aux administrations participantes d’adopter des mesures relatives au BEPS convenues par l’OCDE et le G20 sans devoir renégocier chacune de leurs conventions fiscales.

En appuyant le projet de loi C-82 et en mettant en oeuvre l’instrument multilatéral, le gouvernement du Canada agirait pour préserver l’intégrité de notre régime fiscal et prévenir l’abus de nos conventions fiscales. De plus, la mise en oeuvre de l’instrument multilatéral démontrerait la volonté du Canada de prendre des mesures concertées de lutte contre l’évitement fiscal international avec les partenaires avec lesquels nous avons conclu des conventions.

Dans les faits, à l’heure où les entreprises et les capitaux sont de plus en plus mondialisés et interconnectés, aucun pays ne peut s’attaquer seul à l’évitement fiscal. Pour mettre en oeuvre des réformes efficaces, la collaboration internationale avec nos partenaires de l’OCDE et du G20, par exemple, est plus que jamais nécessaire. Avec ce projet de loi, nous faisons un pas de plus dans cette direction.

On the home front, the government is also aggressively pursuing those who promote tax avoidance schemes. In the last fiscal year alone, we imposed roughly $48 million in civil penalties on these third parties.

We are also gaining better access to information on Canadians’ overseas bank accounts with the implementation of the common reporting standard, or CRS. CRS is a new system that will let Canada and more than 100 other countries exchange financial account information. This information will help us identify instances in which wealthy Canadians hide money in offshore accounts to avoid paying their taxes.

We have also hired more specialist auditors who focus on the high net-worth individual taxpayers. These teams include about 250 auditors, who are responsible for examining high-income earners and more than 800 high net-worth individuals and their webs of corporate structures.

In addition, the Minister of Finance and his provincial and territorial counterparts have committed to ensuring that Canadian authorities know who owns which corporations in Canada. They are also committed to better harmonizing corporate ownership record requirements between various jurisdictions.

Building on that agreement, we amended the Canada Business Corporations Act to require federally incorporated corporations to maintain beneficial ownership information. The government’s previous budget, in 2018, enhanced the income tax reporting requirements for trusts so that beneficial ownership information would be more available and accessible.

Data of this kind helps Canadian authorities act against those engaging in international tax avoidance and criminal activities, such as tax evasion.

Grâce aux nouvelles données disponibles et aux investissements ciblés de notre gouvernement, l’Agence du revenu du Canada est maintenant dotée de meilleurs outils et de meilleures approches qui renforcent l’intégrité et l’équité de notre régime fiscal.

Ces outils aident l’Agence du revenu du Canada à recueillir de précieux renseignements, et ils permettent à ses agents de travailler de façon plus avisée et plus efficace pour s’assurer que tous les Canadiens paient leur juste part.

Par exemple, le Canada est membre du Centre d’information conjoint sur les abris fiscaux internationaux. Ce réseau élargi de 38 pays travaille activement et en étroite collaboration avec d’autres administrations fiscales afin de coordonner leurs activités d’application relativement à l’ensemble des risques que présente la fiscalité internationale. Cette expertise a permis à l’ARC de faire partie ou de diriger des groupes d’experts du Centre d’information conjoint sur les abris fiscaux internationaux, notamment relativement à l’élaboration d’une stratégie qui vise à repérer les promoteurs de stratagèmes fiscaux abusifs et à mettre fin à leurs activités.

Canada has also taken steps to coordinate its criminal investigation by joining Australia, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States in the Joint Chiefs of Global Tax Enforcement, or J5, group. The J5 will share intelligence and criminal investigation strategies with each other and conduct joint operations in the fight against those who commit, promote and enable international tax crimes, money laundering and cybercrimes.

The CRA has also been automatically accessing all international electronic fund transfers for more than $10,000 entering or leaving the country. As of March 31, 2018, teams have analyzed more than 187,000 of these transactions, amounting to more than $177 billion. Reviewing these types of transfers helps identify transactions for which taxes should potentially have been paid and better risk assess individuals and businesses.

Through these efforts, Canada is taking concrete measures to secure tax fairness for Canadians. That includes continuing to work to maintain and improve our enforcement of tax compliance, so we can have a society that works for all Canadians. …

These significant and concrete achievements have bettered the lives of many Canadians across the country. Our plan is working. Over 850,000 more Canadians are employed today than in 2015. The unemployment rate is near its lowest level in 40 years. Our economy is one of the fastest growing in the G7. We are committed to building an economy that works for everyone, where every person has a real and fair shot at success. Moreover, we are committed to making these investments to our economy for the long term, while we continue to bring down the federal debt to GDP ratio.

To continue on the trajectory of growth, Canada’s economic health needs everyone to pay their fair share of taxes. The legislation before us, Bill C-82, gets Canada closer to meeting that goal.

The bill calls on the government to take all necessary legislative steps to ratify the modernized Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement, or CIFTA, something I encourage all members to support.

CIFTA is now a modern, forward-looking trade agreement that would better serve the sophisticated Canada-Israel trade relationship, while providing a framework to ensure the benefits of trade are more widely shared. Our government has said from day one that trade and open markets are vital for Canada’s economic prosperity. Canada is a trading nation. We know that increased trade creates more and better-paying jobs. In fact, Canada is one of the most open G7 countries, rating second for trade and first for foreign direct investment as shares of GDP. Canadian exports of goods and services were equivalent to just over one-third of our GDP.

On trade diversification, the government is pursuing an ambitious trade diversification agenda, one that will make Canada the most globally connected economy in the world. Allow me to provide a few examples of this.

In October, Canada ratified the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, or CPTPP, with a speed reflecting the importance of this deal to farmers, ranchers, entrepreneurs and workers in all industries across Canada. This historic trade agreement came into force on December 30, 2018, and now Canadian businesses will have preferential access to over 500 million consumers, resulting in long-term gains for Canada in excess of $4.2 billion.

In September, we marked the one-year milestone of provisional application of the trade agreement with the European Union, the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement or CETA. In this past year, Canadians added $1.6 billion in increased export to Europe and saw a 20% growth in container traffic at the Port of Montreal. We can just imagine the opportunities for Montrealers, Quebeckers and Canadians once this agreement is also passed.

We are also updating existing trade agreements with important partners to better match the realities of the 21st-century economy. We have a new agreement with Ukraine in place since 2017 and on Tuesday, a modernized and inclusive agreement with Chile came into force. The Canada-Chile Free Trade Agreement distinguishes Canada as the first G20 country to adopt a gender chapter in a free trade agreement.

We are modernizing the Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement in the legislation before us today to enhance our relationship with this historical ally.

Finally, the government is actively pursuing opportunities in other important and fast-growing markets and making inroads. Canada is in FTA negotiations with its partners in the Americas, namely the Pacific Alliance and MERCOSUR, and is exploring possible FTA negotiations with ASEAN. Taken together, Canada has 14 FTAs in force covering 51 countries, connecting our businesses to 1.5 billion of the world’s consumers.

While market access is vital, it alone does not create jobs and prosperity for Canadians. Our businesses need the right tools to actively pursue international opportunities, especially in markets covered by our trade agreements. That is why the fall economic statement proposed an export diversification strategy to grow Canada’s overseas exports by 50% by 2025, with more assistance for small and medium-sized businesses to help them explore new export opportunities.

The trade diversification strategy will focus on three key priorities: first, investing in infrastructure to support trade; second, providing Canadian businesses with the resources to execute their export plans; and finally, enhancing trade services for Canadian exporters. We know that when we diversify our markets abroad we create well-paying jobs at home for the middle class and those working hard to join it.

Our efforts signal to the world that trade matters, that rules matter and that we will not be drawn into a world of protectionism. We firmly believe our international trade relationships are mutually beneficial. This is demonstrated in the modernized CIFTA, the Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement before us today.

Since CIFTA first came into force over two decades ago, two-way merchandise trade between Canada and Israel has more than tripled, totalling $1.7 billion last year. This is a testament to how FTAs help advance trade, yet there is room to grow and deepen the commercial relationship. Israel’s economy has significant potential and offers diverse commercial opportunities for Canadian businesses given its well-educated population, solid industrial and scientific base and productive natural resource sectors, in particular agriculture and agri-tech.

By providing expanded market access and more predictable trading conditions, the modernized CIFTA would enable Canadian companies to take meaningful advantage of these opportunities. That is why Bill C-85 before us today is so important. Allow me to elaborate further on this point by turning to how this tangibly translates into real benefits for Canadian businesses.

Canada and Israel agreed in 2014 to modernize CIFTA, which, at the time, was a goods-only trade agreement. The result of those negotiations is an agreement that updates four of the original chapters, including dispute settlement to bring CIFTA up to the standard of a more recent trade agreement. It adds nine new chapters, including intellectual property and e-commerce. We have negotiated rules that are designed to help address non-tariff barriers, contribute to facilitating trade and reduce some of the costs to companies for doing business.

We also have improved the terms of market access for Canadian companies. Once enforced, close to 100% of all current Canadian agriculture, agri-food and seafood exports to Israel will benefit from some form of preferential tariff treatment, up from the current level of 90%. Meaningful market access for Canada’s agriculture and agri-food processors was a key interest in these negotiations and the government delivered, including unlimited duty-free access on sweetened and dried cranberries, baked goods and pet food.

These important tariff outcomes for the agriculture and agri-food sector place Canada on a more level playing field with exporters from the United States and the European Union, which are our key competitors in this sector. They also give Canadian companies a leg-up on competitors in other countries that do not have a free trade agreement with Israel. In exchange, Canada agreed to eliminate tariffs on certain targeted Israeli agriculture and agri-food imports, such as certain fish and nuts, some tropical fruit and certain oils.

[A] modernized Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement, like its predecessor, fully respects Canada’s supply management system. I am pleased that the negotiated outcome has the support of key Canadian agriculture stakeholders, including Pulse Canada, the Canola Council of Canada, the Canadian Vintners Association and companies including the processing of potatoes, cranberries, soybeans and pet food. These are only a few of the opportunities the modernized CIFTA provides. …

An important aspect of the modernized CIFTA is its forward-looking framework that includes new chapters on trade and gender, small and medium-sized enterprises, labour and environment, as well as a new provision on corporate social responsibility. This modernized agreement also provides institutional mechanisms to monitor or address human rights-related matters in the context of the trade agreement, including references and provisions relating to workers’ rights and working conditions, responsible business conduct, transparency and anti-corruption. In this regard, this modernized agreement is a new forward-thinking partnership that reflects who we are as vibrant, diverse, open and democratic societies and as in the original CIFTA, just as with all Canada’s FTAs, this modernized CIFTA can be terminated by either party unilaterally at any time for any reason.

Some inclusive trade highlights are the new chapters on trade and gender and on small and medium-sized enterprises. Both provide a framework for parties to work together to help ensure women and small and medium-sized enterprises can more fully benefit from the opportunities created by this modernized CIFTA. Each chapter establishes a bilateral committee to oversee activities, including co-operation and promotion activities that provide information and enhance the ability of women and small and medium-sized enterprises to benefit from the opportunities created by this modernized CIFTA.

The new gender chapter acknowledges the importance of incorporating a gender perspective in economic and trade issues to ensure that economic growth can benefit everyone. This chapter has it. This chapter builds on the work accomplished in Canada’s first gender chapter, which was negotiated through the modernized Canada-Chile Free Trade Agreement. Only the third chapter of its kind, it is also the first such chapter negotiated by Israel. CIFTA’s gender chapter, for the first time ever, will include a measure of enforceability through dispute resolution.

The new corporate social responsibility article affirms Canada and Israel’s commitment to encourage the use of voluntary CSR standards by enterprises, with specific reference to the government-backed OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, to which Israel and Canada are both parties.

The modernized agreement contains a new chapter on labour that commits both parties to enforce their laws in this area, which must respect the International Labour Organization Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work. The new labour chapter provides protections for occupational health and safety, acceptable minimum employment standards and non-discrimination for migrant workers.

Allow me to draw to the attention of all hon. members that the successful negotiation of a high-quality labour chapter with Israel was a significant step in modernizing CIFTA. It is the first such chapter negotiated by Israel in a free trade agreement. The United States-Israel Free Trade Agreement does not include labour provisions. The EU-Israel association agreement, the legal basis for EU trade relations with Israel, makes only a few references to labour, with no enforceable obligations.

The modernized CIFTA is also the first time Israel has negotiated a chapter on the environment in a free trade agreement. The new environment chapter contains robust commitments, including to maintain high levels of environmental protection as we intensify our trade relationship. Importantly, both Canada and Israel commit to not lowering our levels of protection in order to attract trade or investment.

Our two countries, Canada and Israel, have a deep history. Canada’s strong friendship and partnership with Israel spans more than 70 years and stretches back even further to the arrival of the earliest Jewish settlers in Canada more than 250 years ago, the first of successive waves of immigrants who would leave lasting and indelible impressions on the fabric of our Canadian society, economy and political landscape.

Today there are more than 350,000 Canadians of Jewish faith and heritage in Canada who are an important source of information and support in the political and commercial spheres for both Canada and Israel. There are also approximately 20,000 Canadians currently living and working in Israel. The Minister of International Trade Diversification had the opportunity to meet with some of these individuals during his visit to Israel last year. …

Israel has a long-standing reputation for technological prowess and a well-developed scientific and educational base. We know this very well in the riding of Waterloo. We see room to expand and build partnerships in these sectors and in many other areas.

When our Minister of International Trade Diversification was in Tel Aviv last September, he announced a pilot program to facilitate new cybersecurity solutions for the energy sector that will consider Israeli options to address the needs of Canadian natural gas delivery companies.

There are also great prospects for forging increased partnerships in the areas of joint research and development. Canadian and Israeli firms have joined forces to develop an ultraviolet water monitoring system that would ensure the safety of drinking water, and there are even more possibilities on the horizon that will change countless lives in communities around the world. Our government firmly believes that these kinds of global partnerships are needed now more than ever.

In conclusion, Canada represents just 0.5% of the world’s population, but we account for five times more in global trade. Our continued competitiveness depends on businesses, including small and medium enterprises, pursuing trade opportunities and that we support them in doing so.

Successful trade provides for good employment opportunities. With one in six Canadian jobs linked directly to exports, our government is deeply committed to growing trade and expanding opportunities for all Canadians.

I therefore urge all hon. members to support Bill C-85 to enable Canada to do its part to bring the modernized Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement into force on a timely basis and to support Canadian companies as they seek to benefit from the opportunities it offers.

Cette loi sur les langues autochtones est historique. Elle aura des répercussions profondes sur les générations à venir. Je suis honoré d’avoir un petit rôle à jouer dans l’avancement de cette mesure législative.

Before European contact, indigenous people spoke about 90 different languages. These vibrant languages and cultures defined people’s identity, customs and spirituality. This changed in a significant and very negative way as European settlers began colonizing the country. This began a process that can only be described as forced isolation and assimilation.

We should not take lightly what assimilation meant. It was a conscious act of taking away a people’s identity — their languages and cultures — and replacing it with another. Much of this happened through Indian residential schools.

On June 11, 2008, the Government of Canada acknowledged these mistakes in a statement of apology. That apology stated:

Today, we recognize that this policy of assimilation was wrong, has caused great harm, and has no place in our country.

Over the span of 130 years, more than 150,000 indigenous children were sent to residential schools. Their parents, often threatened with jail time, were forced to give them up. In these schools, indigenous children were abused, neglected and isolated from their culture. They were beaten or humiliated for talking to each other in their own language. Many children grew so afraid that they just stopped speaking altogether, and in losing their language, they lost a part of themselves. It is a sad legacy and a dark part of the nation’s history.

There are other factors that have had a detrimental impact on indigenous languages and cultures. They include creating reserves and relocating people away from their traditional homelands and ways of life; moving indigenous communities to non-indigenous communities, such as big cities where there were limited supports in place; separating children from their families and communities and placing them with non-indigenous foster parents; and putting a disproportionately high number of indigenous people in the corrections system, a place where youth and adults had limited support for their languages. This period in our history has led to a loss of culture, identity and language.

Selon l’Organisation des Nations unies pour l’éducation, la science et la culture, l’UNESCO, aucune des quelque 90 langues autochtones au Canada n’est jugée dans un état sûr. En fait, l’UNESCO estime que les trois quarts des langues autochtones actuellement parlées au Canada sont en danger.

The state of indigenous languages in Canada has been the subject of much research and many reports. In 1996, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples reported that speakers of an indigenous language formed a small percentage of the indigenous population itself; that indigenous language speakers were aging; and that with fewer and fewer young fluent speakers, even the languages heard most frequently were in danger of disappearing.

En 2004, le gouvernement de l’époque a mis sur pied le Groupe de travail sur les langues et les cultures autochtones. Ce groupe de travail comptait des représentants de l’Assemblée des Premières Nations, d’Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami et du Ralliement national des Métis.

En 2005, le groupe de travail a produit un rapport exhaustif. Il comprenait 25 recommandations, qui furent transmises au gouvernement du Canada. Ces recommandations devaient aider à préserver, à promouvoir et à revitaliser les langues et les cultures des Premières Nations, des Inuit et des Métis. Malheureusement, la réponse à ce rapport a été limitée, et la vitalité des langues autochtones a continué de s’éroder.

In 2015, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission challenged Canada to act on these issues. The TRC had three specific calls to action addressing languages. Call to action 13 was to acknowledge that aboriginal rights include aboriginal language rights. Call to action 14 was to enact an aboriginal languages act founded on a number of principles, including that aboriginal languages are a fundamental and valued element of Canadian culture and society, that the federal government has a responsibility to adequately fund the revitalization and preservation of aboriginal languages and that this work is best managed by aboriginal people themselves and their communities. Call to action 15 was to appoint an aboriginal languages commissioner, in consultation with aboriginal groups, and that this commissioner would help promote aboriginal languages and report on federal funding of language initiatives.

Clearly there is a need for urgent action. We have to act now, because as we all understand, language is who we are. It is our identity. The Prime Minister recently said that languages are the fundamental building blocks of our sense of self. It is how we transmit our heritage and culture. It is how we tell our own stories and connect to the world.

En tant que personne qui a la chance de parler trois langues, tout en essayant fort d’en apprendre une quatrième, je sais à quel point nos langues sont liées à notre propre identité. Je ne peux pas imaginer ce que cela représenterait d’être empêché de parler ma langue maternelle, la seule que j’aie parlée pendant plusieurs années: l’espagnol.

C’est pourtant ce qui est arrivé à des milliers d’enfants autochtones. Ils ont été empêchés de parler leur langue. Ils ne pouvaient plus utiliser leur langue. On ne peut pas changer le passé, mais on peut, et on doit, ensemble, changer l’avenir.

As national chief Bellegarde said to me a couple of days ago, “We’ve drawn a line in the sand — no more indigenous languages lost.”

Restoring and strengthening indigenous languages is a fundamental part of reconciliation, and reconciliation drives much of our work. That is exactly why, for example, every minister’s mandate letter includes direction to renew our relationship with indigenous peoples, a relationship based on the recognition of rights, respect, co-operation and partnership.

Alors que je lis ces lignes, notre gouvernement travaille en partenariat avec les peuples autochtones pour améliorer l’accès à l’eau potable, lutter contre la pauvreté dans les communautés autochtones et réunir les familles séparées par des politiques discriminatoires.

C’est aussi pourquoi, dans le budget de 2017, nous avons engagé des fonds de 90 millions de dollars sur trois ans pour contribuer à préserver, à promouvoir et à revitaliser les langues autochtones.

Most recently, members of Parliament agreed to support interpretation services so that indigenous languages can be used in this House. That is huge.

Although these are positive steps, more work is needed, and I will continue to work with my colleagues to improve the lives of indigenous peoples. Increasing the vitality of indigenous languages requires a framework designed with the long term in mind, and I am proud to say that this bill would do just that. It would do exactly that.

Ce projet de loi est historique. Il est absolument essentiel, non seulement pour les peuples autochtones, mais aussi pour tous les Canadiens. Ce projet de loi trace une ligne claire dans le sable. Il est le fruit de deux années de travail intensif avec les peuples autochtones de partout au pays, de chaque région. On se rappellera que ce travail a commencé par un engagement du premier ministre, en décembre 2016, selon lequel le Canada promulguerait une loi pour préserver, promouvoir et revitaliser les langues des Premières Nations, des Inuits et des Métis. En vertu de cet engagement, la loi serait élaborée en collaboration avec les peuples autochtones.

À cette fin, en juin 2017, mon honorable prédécesseure et les leaders de l’Assemblée des Premières Nations, d’Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami et du Ralliement national des Métis ont déclaré leur intention très ferme et très claire de collaborer à l’élaboration de cette loi. À la suite de cette déclaration, le gouvernement s’est mobilisé, et nous avons commencé à travailler ensemble.

In over eight months, the Department of Canadian Heritage led more than 20 round tables across the country with a wide range of experts, practitioners and academics of indigenous languages. The feedback from those sessions, as well as those conducted by each of our partners, was used as the basis of the 12 fundamental principles that set the foundation for this legislation.

My officials also conducted some 30 intensive engagement sessions across Canada with first nations, Inuit and Métis participants. Our online portal collected some 200 questionnaires and electronic submissions. Sessions were held, and presentations were made, as requested, with self-governing and modern treaty groups.

Other organizations that provided feedback include the Native Women’s Association of Canada, the National Association of Friendship Centres and the First Nations Confederacy of Cultural Education Centres, and the list could go on.

My colleagues in the House have also worked hard, talking with Canadians and indigenous people about the need for this very important legislation. As members can see, the process leading to the legislation has been very robust.

Comme je l’ai mentionné, le projet de loi est fondé sur 12 principes qui ont été établis et approuvés par les quatre partenaires. Le projet de loi reflète ces principes. En fait, ce projet de loi incarne ces principes.

Il est un cadre concret, qui contribue à l’atteinte des objectifs de la Déclaration des Nations unies sur les droits des peuples autochtones en ce qui touche les langues autochtones. De plus, je tiens à rappeler à la Chambre que notre gouvernement s’est engagé à mettre en oeuvre les 94 appels à l’action de la Commission de vérité et de réconciliation. Ce projet de loi répond directement à trois de ces appels, qui sont en lien direct avec les langues autochtones. Ces appels à l’action sont soutenus par les peuples autochtones eux-mêmes, et notre gouvernement s’est engagé de façon claire et sincère à les mettre en oeuvre. Je suis heureux de dire aujourd’hui que cette promesse a été tenue.

Maintenant, je veux parler des mécanismes qui sont fournis par notre projet de loi. Tout d’abord, le projet de loi reconnaît que les droits des peuples autochtones reconnus et confirmés par la Loi constitutionnelle de 1982 comprennent les droits linguistiques autochtones. C’est fondamental.

Notre projet de loi met également en place des mesures pour faciliter l’octroi de financement adéquat, stable et à long terme en ce qui touche la réappropriation, la revitalisation, le maintien et le renforcement des langues autochtones. Il m’oblige, en tant que ministre, à consulter divers gouvernements et autres corps dirigeants autochtones, pour que nous puissions atteindre ensemble cet objectif. Cela témoigne de notre détermination à investir dans les peuples autochtones et leurs collectivités, à investir et à travailler ensemble pour leur avenir.

Notre projet de loi va également établir un bureau du commissaire aux langues autochtones. Ce bureau va contribuer à la promotion des langues autochtones et va effectuer des recherches et appuyer les peuples autochtones dans la défense de leurs droits linguistiques. Le projet de loi représente aussi un cadre législatif qui va permettre au gouvernement du Canada de conclure des accords avec les gouvernements provinciaux, territoriaux, autochtones et autres. Cela va nous permettre de prendre en compte les besoins uniques des collectivités et des différents peuples autochtones.

Finalement, les dispositions du projet de loi ont pour but ultime de permettre aux Autochtones de retrouver et de conserver la maîtrise de leur langue, d’assurer la survie de leur culture. Il est important de mentionner que cette loi a volontairement été conçue pour n’être ni restrictive ni exhaustive. Au contraire, elle a été conçue pour être flexible, afin qu’on puisse l’adapter aux réalités de tous un chacun.

This past Tuesday, the Métis National Council said that this bill is a “giant first step in Canada’s support for our longstanding struggle to preserve, revitalize and promote the use of Michif”. The Assembly of First Nations described it as “landmark legislation” and said that because of it, “now there is hope”.

Certains pourraient dire que cette loi ne va pas assez loin. Dans les faits, elle a été conçue expressément pour qu’il soit possible de bâtir autour de celle-ci. Elle offre la possibilité d’intégrer des ententes qui seront développées dans le respect des aspirations et des besoins de chaque nation autochtone. Ces ententes garantiront que les circonstances uniques de chacun des groupes distincts, les Premières Nations, les Inuits et les Métis peuvent être reflétées et traitées. Ainsi, cette loi est flexible et elle tient compte des besoins des différents groupes, des différentes communautés, des différentes régions. Comme je l’ai mentionné à plusieurs reprises, nous allons nous engager à continuer nos conversations et le codéveloppement jusqu’à la mise en oeuvre complète de la loi.

I recently learned that the word “Dakota” means allies. I believe that this is a good way to describe how we have approached this proposed legislation. It is as allies, as partners with indigenous people. While it is my voice being heard in the House today, the voices of indigenous peoples are here too. Their voices are here with us today as our partners, our Dakota.

This proposed legislation is about all indigenous languages in Canada and all indigenous people. It is meant to benefit all indigenous people, regardless of their age, gender, linguistic or distinction grouping or where they live.

Five generations of harm inflicted upon indigenous peoples have brought us where we are today, but today we are making a real difference. The message is clear: It is time to act. Let us do it together.

Bill C-92 sets out the legislative framework and the principles needed to guide work among first nations, Inuit and Métis nations, provincial and territorial partners, and the Government of Canada to achieve truly meaningful reform in child and family services.

The bill before us follows wide-ranging and intensive engagement with indigenous partners, provincial and territorial representatives, youth, in particular youth who have lived experience in the child and family welfare system, and experts and advocates.

En Janvier 2018, notre gouvernement a organisé une réunion nationale d’urgence sur les services à l’enfance et aux familles autochtones afin de chercher ensemble des solutions pour que les familles puissent rester ensemble. Le compte rendu de la réunion d’urgence donne un survol du grand thème qui est ressorti comme suit: “Il est clair que le moment est venu de faire le transfert de compétences du gouvernement fédéral aux Premières Nations, aux Inuit et à la Nation métisse par voie legislative.”

Le compte rendu continue ainsi:

Il faut apporter des réformes législatives qui respecteront et appuieront le droit des peuples autochtones de diriger le système, d’élaborer des normes et des pratiques tenant compte des lois et des pratiques culturelles autochtones.

À la conclusion de la réunion d’urgence, le gouvernement du Canada s’est engagé à prendre six mesures pour s’attaquer au problème de surreprésentation des enfants et des jeunes autochtones qui sont pris en charge au Canada.

Premièrement, il s’est engagé à poursuivre le travail entamé pour mettre pleinement en œuvre les ordonnances du Tribunal canadien des droits de la personne, y compris le principe de Jordan, et réformer les services aux enfants des familles des Premières Nations, notamment en adoptant un modèle de financement souple.

Deuxièmement, il doit collaborer avec nos partenaires afin d’axer les programmes sur la prévention adaptée sur le plan culturel, sur l’intervention précoce et sur la réunification des familles.

Troisièmement, il doit aussi collaborer avec nos partenaires pour aider les communautés à réduire les attributions dans le domaine des services aux enfants et aux familles, et notamment examiner la possibilité d’élaborer conjointement une loi fédérale.

Quatrièmement, il s’est engagé à accélérer le travail des tables techniques et tripartites mises en place partout au pays afin d’appuyer la réforme et à participer aux travaux de ces tables.

Cinquièmement, il doit aider les dirigeants inuits et métis à promouvoir une importante réforme des services aux enfants et aux familles adaptée sur le plan culturel.

Sixièmement, il s’est engagé à élaborer, avec les provinces, les territoires et les partenaires autochtones, une stratégie relative aux données pour accroître la collecte, le partage et la communication des données intergouvernementales, de façon à mieux comprendre les taux et les motifs d’appréhension.

Similar calls for legislation have come from call to action 4 of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission as well as the National Advisory Committee on First Nations Child and Family Services and were reflected in the Assembly of First Nations’ resolutions of May and December 2018, to name a few.

Throughout the summer and fall of that year, this government actively engaged with national, regional and community organizations and with individuals, nearly 2,000 across 65 meetings, to co-develop a legislative approach that has brought us to this point.

As a result of this intensive engagement process, on November 30, 2018, the former minister of Indigenous Services stood together with national indigenous leaders to announce that the Government of Canada would introduce co-developed federal legislation on indigenous child and family services. …

This is engagement that will continue as the legislation is implemented and afterward through the exploration of a national transition governance structure, with a distinctions-based underpinning, that would have representation from indigenous partners, provinces and territories.

The group could, for example, identify tools and processes to help increase the capacity of communities as they make progress toward assuming responsibility for child and family services. Such a committee could also assess gaps and recommend mechanisms, as needed, to assist with implementation, in the spirit of partnership and in the spirit of co-operation. In addition, Bill C-92 would provide a review of thelegislation every five years, in collaboration with Métis, Inuit and first nation partners.

The bill is entirely consistent with our government’s commitment to implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s calls to action and our commitments under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.

The bill has two objectives. First is to affirm the inherent right of indigenous peoples to self-determination in relation to child and family services. The bill is formed on that foundation and would provide flexible pathways for indigenous groups across Canada to determine a way forward that would best meet the needs of their children, families and communities. Second, the bill would set out guiding principles that would guide the provision of child and family services to indigenous children in nearly every region and every jurisdiction throughout this great country.

These principles are national in scope. They are a base standard to ensure that all services for first nation, Inuit and Métis children are provided in a manner that takes into account the individual child’s needs, including the need to be raised with a strong connection to the child’s family, culture, language and community.

These principles are the following: the best interests of the child, cultural continuity and substantive equality. Setting these standards is in line with TRC call to action 4, which calls for the establishment of national standards, and with what we heard from partners and community members during the extensive engagement process across Canada. To be clear, these are minimum base standards that can be built upon and adapted by communities to meet their unique cultures as well as their unique traditions.

Participants also agreed that the proposed legislation should emphasize the importance of keeping indigenous families together through the implementation of prevention services and early intervention, measures that promote family preservation and reunification.

The legislation would propose an order of preference for placement: first, the family; then the extended family, other members of the community and other indigenous families; then a non-indigenous adult. The placement order is intended to ensure that children remain connected to their culture and their community and that they preserve their attachment and emotional ties to the family.

The bill would establish the importance of preventive care over apprehension. This legislation would give priority to child and family services that promote preventive care, including prenatal services, over the provision of services that promote the removal of a child at the time of birth.

Focusing on preventive care would help promote bonding between mothers and newborns and family unification and attachment and would prevent the removal of newborns. These principles, child-centred and family-centred, were referenced repeatedly throughout the engagement sessions, as was the critical importance of prevention programs.

It is clear that services provided to indigenous children and families should respect and respond in a way that is tailored to their needs and unique cultural experiences. Considerable emphasis was placed on the importance of culture and maintaining the health and well-being of children and families, including through community support networks and the involvement of elders.

It was also clear from the engagement process that federal legislation must respect the inherent right of first nations, Métis and Inuit peoples to self-determination.

This legislation starts at the point of affirming the inherent right of indigenous peoples to oversee child and family services and sets out flexible pathways for indigenous groups to create their own laws that best meet the needs of their children and their communities. Indeed, if an indigenous group chose to establish its own laws through this mechanism, the legislation makes it clear that in the case of a conflict between indigenous law and a provincial or a federal law, the indigenous law would prevail. For added clarity, the bill would not prevail over any existing treaties, self-government agreements or other agreements that already address indigenous child and family services, though communities could choose to adopt it in these situations. …

Importantly, the bill also states that an indigenous child would not be apprehended on the basis of socio-economic conditions alone. This is something we heard loud and clear from partners during the consultation process. Indeed, the principle of substantive equality, the third of the guiding principles, is critical to ensuring that the focus of all providers remains on achieving equitable outcomes and equal opportunities for indigenous children and their families.

Substantive equality is the underpinning of other important initiatives, such as Jordan’s principle, which ensures that first nations children across Canada can access the services, products and supports they need when they need them. Since 2016, our government has committed $680 million to support requests through Jordan’s principle, which has helped provide first nations youth with a wide range of services to meet their health, social and educational needs.

The positive impact is undeniable. As of January 31 of this year, more than 214,000 requests for services and supports have been approved for first nations children under Jordan’s principle. Our government is committed to ensuring that this important work continues. I had the pleasure of being with the minister last week in Winnipeg, with several other MPs, where he announced $1.2 billion for Jordan’s principle going forward.

Nous sommes tous conscients du traitement épouvantable des peuples autochtones, comme l’illustrent l’horreur des pensionnats et la rafle des années 1960.

Pourtant, le retrait des enfants des Premières Nations, des Inuits et des Métis, de leurs familles, de leurs communautés, de leur langue et de leur culture se poursuit à un rythme alarmant et injustifiable. Plus de la moitié des enfants en famille d’accueil au Canada sont des enfants autochtones. Certes, de nombreux facteurs entrent en jeu, mais il n’y a aucun doute que le système actuel laisse tomber les enfants autochtones, les familles autochtones et les communautés autochtones.

We are all aware of the appalling treatment of indigenous peoples, exemplified by the horror of residential schools and by the tragedy of the sixties scoop. Over the course of the last three years, significant investments have been made to begin addressing these issues. Our government has nearly doubled the annual funding for indigenous child and family services since we took office, bringing it to more than $1.1 billion annually.

Through budget 2016, we provided $635 million over five years as a first step in addressing funding gaps in first nations child and family services. These funds have been used to support agency service providers, including enhanced funding for smaller agencies. It has supported the rollout of prevention-focused funding models across the country and more front-line service providers.

These funds are already at work. For example, last August, we announced that the Huu-ay-aht First Nation in British Columbia would receive $4.2 million, close to $850,000 a year for five years, to support new child and family services initiatives. Some 20% of the Huu-ay-aht First Nation children were in a form of government care, a situation that led the community leadership to declare a public health emergency and undertake a major study to identify solutions. With funding from Canada and other partners, the Huu-ay-aht First Nation is now implementing the 30 recommendations of this study, entitled “Safe, Healthy and Connected, Bringing Huu-ay-aht Children Home”.

Existing pregnancy support and parenting education programs are being expanded. Family and protection support workers are being hired. New opportunities for youth engagement and cultural awareness are being developed. In February 2018, we also changed policies to fund the actual costs of indigenous-led CFS agencies, meaning that they can focus on prevention and services to better support families and reduce the number of children in care.

In budget 2018, the government committed a further $1.4 billion in new funding over six years to address the funding pressures facing first nations CFS agencies. This includes funding to increase prevention resources for communities so that children are safe and families can stay together. As part of the ongoing efforts toward program reform, a total of $105 million of funding in the current year has been allocated to the community well-being and jurisdiction initiative. This new funding stream focuses on supporting first nations communities to undertake prevention activities to help families at risk stay together in communities whenever possible and, at the same time, allow communities to exercise their rightful jurisdiction over child and family services.

Funding and innovation can only go so far when dealing with a broken and failing system. It is failing generations of indigenous children and it must be reformed. The existing indigenous child and family services system has led to what has rightly been described as a humanitarian crisis. This bill represents a critical step in addressing that crisis, and I urge all members to join me in supporting it.

[La] loi C-100 [est] la loi de mise en œuvre du nouvel ALÉNA.

Compte tenu de sa taille et de sa géographie, le Canada a toujours été une nation commerçante. Les exportations sont le fondement de notre économie et représentent le tiers de notre PIB. Les importations approvisionnent nos entreprises, alimentent notre production et répondent aux besoins de nos consommateurs. Bien sûr, compte tenu de notre géographie, une part importante de ces exportations et importations est destinée à notre principal partenaire commercial, les États-Unis, ou en provient.

La grande majorité d’entre elles franchissent la frontière sans tarifs grâce à notre accord de libre-échange nord-américain. La zone couverte par cet accord de libre-échange nord-américain est désormais la plus vaste zone économique dans le monde. Le Canada, les États-Unis et le Mexique représentent ensemble le quart du PIB mondial, avec seulement 7% de la population mondiale. Nous échangeons des biens, des services, des investissements et des personnes dans un marché en pleine croissance, qui englobe maintenant 486 millions de consommateurs et dont la valeur s’élève à quelque 22 billions de dollars américains.

Every day, more than two billion dollars’ worth of trade and investment move back and forth between Canada and the United States. Our continental supply chains have strengthened North America’s ability to compete and to succeed in the global marketplace, and we benefit from that strength here in Canada. …

When the U.S. administration announced that it would seek to renegotiate NAFTA, we saw an opportunity to update, modernize and improve a trade agreement that was already a strong foundation for North American commerce. We knew that in order to be effective, it was critical that we present a united front and speak for all Canadians in our negotiation. …

Crucially, we created a NAFTA advisory council, which counted among its members former politicians from the NDP and the Conservatives, as well as business leaders, labour leaders, agricultural leaders and indigenous leaders. …

Throughout the negotiation, we kept our cool in the face of uncertainty and worked on getting a new agreement that would preserve jobs and market access, and in turn, support the middle class and economic growth. We held firm. We held out for a good deal, and that is what we have today.

Je m’en voudrais de ne pas souligner qu’il restait un obstacle de taille, même après la signature de l’accord à Buenos Aires en novembre dernier: les tarifs injustes et illégaux sur l’acier et l’aluminium canadiens que les États-Unis avaient imposés sous l’article 232.

Lorsque les États-Unis ont imposé ces tarifs, le Canada a immédiatement pris des mesures de représailles, en imposant des contre-tarifs équivalents. Il a maintenu fermement sa position, selon laquelle ces tarifs n’étaient pas appropriés entre deux pays qui, en plus d’être des alliés importants en matière de sécurité nationale, ont également un accord de libre-échange. Nous l’avons clairement communiqué à l’administration américaine, aux membres du Congrès, aux dirigeants syndicaux et aux chefs d’entreprise au sud de la frontière. Nous avons aussi clairement indiqué qu’il serait très difficile de ratifier le nouvel accord tant que les tarifs restaient en place.

Le 17 mai [2019], nous avons obtenu la levée complète des droits de douane sur l’acier et l’aluminium.

[H]ere is why we have succeeded in getting those tariffs lifted. We knew the facts were on our side. We knew that Canada did not represent a national security threat to the United States. We knew our trade with the United States in steel is balanced and reciprocal. We stayed united. We were patient. We persevered, and in the end, we prevailed.

Now that the tariffs have been fully lifted, we are ready to move forward with the ratification of the new NAFTA. Our aim was to preserve Canada’s preferential access to our largest and closest market, and that is what we achieved. This is essential for our businesses, our entrepreneurs, our farmers, and for the millions of jobs and all the middle-class families across Canada who rely on a strong trade relationship with our neighbour.

We succeeded in preserving key elements of NAFTA, including chapter 19, the all-important dispute settlement mechanism. No trading relationship is ever without irritants. In the case of the Canada-U.S. relationship, we are aware of the importance of maintaining an effective mechanism to settle disputes. For us, this was non-negotiable. …

The new NAFTA includes important updates that will modernize our deal for the 21st century and simplify life for Canadian exporters. In fact, in our consultations before the start of the negotiations, we found that about 40% of Canadians doing business with the U.S. did not bother to use their NAFTA preferences at all. It is a stunning number. The new NAFTA will make life easier for business people on both sides of the border by cutting red tape and harmonizing regulations. …

Consider Canada’s automotive sector, which contributes $19 billion to our country’s annual GDP. This is a sector that directly employs more than 125,000 people with an additional 400,000 jobs created in after-market services and dealership networks. Unfair tariffs on Canadian cars and car parts would threaten our economy and hundreds of thousands of well-paying jobs and the families they support. Canada was able to negotiate a gold-plated insurance policy for Canadian automobiles and autoparts, protecting our industry from future potential section 232 tariff measures by the U.S. on cars and car parts. This provides added stability and predictability for the car sector and reaffirms Canada as an attractive investment destination.

In addition, the new NAFTA’s rules of origin chapter addresses automotive manufacturing wages in North America by including a labour value content requirement. This means that a percentage of the value of a tariff-free NAFTA vehicle must be produced by workers earning at least $16 U.S. an hour. This is a provision that should help level the playing field for Canadian workers.

The new agreement seeks to improve labour standards and working conditions in all three countries. The labour chapter contains key provisions that support fair and inclusive trade, such as enforceable obligations to address issues related to migrant workers, forced or compulsory labour and violence against union members. It promotes increased trade and investment opportunities for small and medium-sized businesses through the small business chapter.

Perhaps one of the achievements I am most proud of is that the investor-state dispute resolution system, which in the past allowed foreign companies to sue Canada, will be gone. This means that Canada can make its own rules about public health and safety, for example, without the risk of being sued. Known as ISDS, this provision has cost Canadian taxpayers more than $300 million in penalties and legal fees.

Over the past 25 years, North American trade in agriculture and agri-food products has nearly quadrupled. Canada and the U.S. enjoy one of the largest agricultural trading relationships in the world. It is worth more than $48 billion U.S. a year. Under this new agreement, Canadian exporters will continue to benefit, including new market access for Canadian exports of refined sugar, sugar-containing products, and margarine. This is significant for our farmers and our food industry.

Fait important, l’accord préserve et maintient le système canadien de gestion de l’offre de produits laitiers, de volaille et d’œufs, malgré les efforts vigoureux des États-Unis de le démanteler. Bien que le nouvel ALÉNA instaure un degré spécifique de libéralisation de l’accès aux marchés, l’avenir de la gestion de l’offre elle-même — contrôle de la production, mécanisme d’établissement des prix et contrôle des importations — ne fait pas de doute. Pour atténuer les répercussions de ces changements, le gouvernement va indemniser les producteurs pour toute perte de part du marché, et il va travailler avec eux afin de renforcer davantage leur industrie.

Notre environnement nord-américain commun est essentiel à notre prospérité économique. Le nouvel ALÉNA veillera à ce que nos partenaires commerciaux ne tirent pas profit d’un avantage commercial injuste en n’appliquant pas leurs lois sur l’environnement. Il renferme un nouveau chapitre sur l’environnement, assujetti au mécanisme de règlement des différends, pour contribuer à améliorer la qualité de l’air et à lutter contre la pollution marine.

We secured a general exception related to the rights of indigenous peoples. We have ensured that the environment chapter recognizes the important role of indigenous peoples in conservation, sustainable fisheries and forest management.

The new labour chapter includes a non-discrimination clause for employment and occupation, and addresses barriers to the full participation of women in the workforce.

We also ensured that LBGTQ2 individuals are supported. In fact, the new NAFTA is the first international trade deal that recognizes gender identity and sexual orientation as grounds for discrimination in its labour chapter.

In renewing and modernizing NAFTA, it is important to underscore the importance of our long-standing and mutually beneficial trade relationship with the United States. Our relationship is special and enduring because of our geography and history. It is special and enduring because of our close business, family and personal ties. It has been a significant contributor to jobs, economic growth and prosperity in both countries.

Our partnership with Mexico is critically important as well, and the new NAFTA will ensure that the trilateral North American relationship remains mutually beneficial for years to come. …

With regard to ratification, insofar as it is possible, we intend to move in tandem with our partners. I am in very close contact with my counterparts in both countries as we discuss our domestic ratification processes.

Pour comprendre ce projet de loi, il faut comprendre les valeurs de notre gouvernement. En effet, il représente bien ce que nous faisons depuis le premier jour de notre mandat. Depuis le premier jour, notre gouvernement est résolument du côté des travailleurs canadiens. Nous avons réalisé des investissements dans les Canadiens et dans l’économie qui ont aidé, au cours des trois dernières années, à créer plus de 1 million d’emplois un peu partout au pays. Nous aidons un plus grand nombre de travailleurs à accéder à de la formation axée sur les compétences afin d’obtenir et de conserver ces emplois.

De plus, face à l’incertitude mondiale, nous avons négocié de nouveaux accords commerciaux qui permettront désormais aux travailleurs et aux entreprises du pays d’accéder aux deux tiers de l’économie mondiale. Cela représente des milliards de clients un peu partout dans le monde. Lorsque les États-Unis ont injustement imposé des tarifs sur l’acier et l’aluminium canadiens, nous nous sommes portés à la défense des travailleurs. Nous avons refusé de fermer les yeux ou d’adopter une approche de laisser-faire comme les députés conservateurs le suggéraient. En fin de compte, force est de constater que notre plan a fonctionné. Nous sommes parvenus à l’élimination des tarifs, et nous l’avons fait en songeant aux travailleurs et aux intérêts du Canada.

C’était une victoire pour les travailleurs et pour le pays, mais nous savons que nous ne sommes pas encore complètement sortis du bois. Malgré tout ce que nous avons fait pour favoriser le succès des travailleurs canadiens, des forces mondiales qui échappent à notre contrôle peuvent continuer de menacer cette croissance. Nous devons donc rester très vigilants. Nous avons la responsabilité de nous assurer que les pratiques commerciales n’ont pas une incidence négative sur le marché canadien en minant notre industrie de l’acier et en mettant à risque des milliers de bons emplois pour la classe moyenne. C’est ce qui est au cœur de ce projet de loi, qui prend appui sur nos efforts antérieurs et étoffe la détermination de notre gouvernement pour ce qui est de protéger les travailleurs du pays et leurs emplois contre de tels risques éventuels. …

The legislation we are debating today, Bill C-101, would amend the Customs Tariff and the Canadian International Trade Tribunal Act. Specifically, it would remove the two-year moratorium on the imposition of safeguard measures should provisional safeguards be found to be unwarranted.

Safeguards are actions taken by a government to restrict imports of a product temporarily to protect a specific domestic industry. Through this legislation, Canada would be able to respond quicky and appropriately to situations where a surge of imports harmed or could harm Canadian producers and workers.

I want to add that these amendments are intended to be temporary. Our government is proposing that the amendments be in effect only until June 2021. To take this action, further amendments to the Canadian International Trade Tribunal Act are necessary. They are included in this bill.

I want to assure hon. members that the conditions for the application of safeguards would remain unchanged. There are still bars to meet before any safeguard measures are put in place. This legislation would just help us evaluate and act on those standards faster. …

Comme l’a affirmé le premier ministre, le Canada est depuis toujours un pays commerçant, mais on ne peut pas laisser cette solide tradition d’ouverture menacer les entreprises canadiennes ou leur nuire. Dans le cas de l’industrie de l’acier, on ne permettra pas que le Canada serve de porte d’entrée clandestine aux autres marchés.

Le Canada dispose déjà d’un des régimes d’application de la loi les plus stricts dans le monde pour lutter contre cette pratique, avec 77 mesures de recours commercial en place pour les importations d’acier et d’aluminium à elles seules. L’an dernier, nous avons renforcé encore plus l’application de la loi de manière à empêcher les exportateurs étrangers d’éviter les droits tarifaires.

Notre cadre d’application est entre autres composé du système de recours commerciaux du Canada, qui contribue à préserver un climat de commerce équitable et ouvert pour nos producteurs. Il protège les entreprises canadiennes contre les effets des marchandises étrangères qui ont été subventionnées injustement ou qui sont vendues au Canada à des prix artificiellement bas. À l’heure actuelle, nous imposons des recours commerciaux sur 13 produits de l’acier en provenance de 25 pays.

In budget 2017, our government went even further to strengthen and modernize our trade remedy system. In April 2018, we increased funding for the Canada Border Services Agency and Global Affairs Canada to keep trade enforcement working for Canadians. This bolstered our efforts to prevent the transshipment and diversion of unfairly priced foreign steel and aluminum into the North American market. The new funding started immediately and amounted to more than $30 million over five years and $6.8 million per year after that. It means more than 40 new officers to investigate trade-related complaints, including those related to steel and aluminum. It means more accurate data on imports so we can better monitor trade trends and better protect our industries and workers against unfair trade.

At the same time, our government made targeted and timely investments to support the Canadian steel and aluminum industry. This includes an investment of $2 billion to defend and protect the interests of the Canadian steel, aluminum and manufacturing industries and their workers. These investments will help companies expand into new markets, increase operational and environmental efficiencies or purchase new technology and equipment.

We know that strong, decisive trade action works, because we have seen it work. As I said earlier, when the United States imposed tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum, we stood up for our country’s steel and aluminum workers, industries and the communities that rely on their businesses. We imposed reciprocal dollar-for-dollar countermeasures to encourage the full removal of the U.S. tariffs. Canada stood firm and did not back down. As members know, on Friday, May 17, [2019] we were proud to announce that these tariffs and countermeasures would be eliminated by the following week.

Therefore, there should be no doubt in the minds of any members here today that our government has protected and will continue to protect Canada’s steel and aluminum workers, and all Canadians.

En effet, leur succès est mérité.

Malgré l’incertitude mondiale, les Canadiens ont créé plus de 1 million d’emplois depuis l’automne 2015. L’an dernier, la hausse de l’emploi était entièrement attribuable à des postes à temps plein. Le taux de chômage et le taux de pauvreté se trouvent à leur niveau le plus bas en plus de 40 ans, et les salaires augmentent plus vite que les prix.

Qui plus est, les gains d’emplois sont répartis très largement entre des groupes qui sont souvent sous-représentés sur le marché du travail, comme les nouveaux arrivants, les mères seules, les Autochtones vivant hors réserve, les jeunes et les personnes sans diplôme d’études secondaires. Il s’agit du genre de progrès qui améliore très concrètement la vie des Canadiens d’un bout à l’autre du pays.

Toutefois, les revirements des tendances mondiales ne sont pas la seule menace pour les emplois canadiens. Les nouvelles technologies présentent à la fois des obstacles et des possibilités pour les Canadiens qui cherchent à se bâtir une carrière. Alors, nous réalisons des investissements et nous adoptons des politiques qui aident les travailleurs à connaître du succès dans l’économie de l’avenir. En aidant un plus grand nombre de personnes à acquérir de nouvelles compétences dès aujourd’hui, nous réunissons les conditions nécessaires à une prospérité à long terme dans tous les secteurs de l’économie, particulièrement pour les travailleurs canadiens. Cela s’inscrit justement dans l’esprit du projet de loi qui est devant la Chambre en ce moment.

La nature du travail change partout dans le monde, et le Canada ne fait pas exception. D’ailleurs, l’Organisation de coopération et de développement économiques, l’OCDE, estime qu’un emploi sur dix au Canada est exposé à un risque élevé d’automatisation. Cela veut dire que plusieurs travailleurs et travailleuses pourraient devoir changer d’emploi plusieurs fois au cours des années qu’ils ou elles passeront sur le marché du travail. Plusieurs autres auront besoin de développer de nouvelles compétences pour pouvoir tout simplement garder leur emploi dans un environnement professionnel qui change sans cesse.

La bonne nouvelle, c’est que dans le budget de 2019, nous offrons une aide véritable aux travailleurs, tant à ceux et celles d’aujourd’hui qu’à ceux et celles de demain, en proposant la nouvelle Allocation canadienne pour la formation.

The Canada training benefit will provide a flexible option for Canadians to find the time and money needed to pursue training, improve their skills and build strong and lasting careers. It does that in a few ways.

First, budget 2019 proposes a new, non-taxable credit to help Canadians pay for a training course or program. Under this new Canada training credit, eligible workers between the ages of 25 and 64 will accumulate a credit balance of $250 each year, up to a lifetime limit of $5,000.

Second, a new employment insurance training support benefit would provide up to four weeks of income support to workers when they take time off to take a training course. It would replace regular earnings so that workers do not have to worry about taking some time off to upgrade their skills.

Troisièmement, en plus de ces deux éléments, le gouvernement propose de consulter les provinces et les territoires au sujet des modifications aux lois du travail, pour veiller à ce que les travailleuses et les travailleurs puissent s’absenter du travail et suivre une formation sans risquer de perdre leur emploi. Cela permettrait de protéger le droit des travailleurs et des travailleuses de prendre congé pour suivre une formation et améliorer leurs compétences.

Avant de conclure, j’aimerais rappeler que le projet de loi s’inscrit très bien dans ce que je conçois comme étant les trois grands piliers de l’action gouvernementale.

En 2015, lors de notre arrivée au pouvoir, l’économie canadienne tournait au ralenti. Le Canada était d’ailleurs en récession technique. Ce pour quoi les Canadiens nous ont élus et ce que nous avons mis en œuvre depuis ces trois années où nous sommes au pouvoir reposent, à mon avis, sur trois grands piliers en matière d’économie.

Ce sont trois piliers qui ont servi à relancer la croissance au Canada. Je les définirai comme suit: d’abord, il y a eu des investissements majeurs en infrastructures, pour veiller à ce que les personnes et les biens puissent se déplacer au pays de manière efficace, à ce qu’on puisse en même temps réduire nos émissions de gaz à effet de serre, s’occuper de nos systèmes de traitement des eaux usées, protéger l’environnement et avoir des infrastructures modernes et efficaces d’un bout à l’autre du pays. Il va de soi que cela stimule en même temps la croissance. On parle d’un plan très ambitieux de 180 milliards de dollars sur 12 ans.

Ensuite, le deuxième pilier était de réduire les inégalités, c’est-à-dire de redonner plus à ceux qui en ont le plus besoin et de donner plus d’air à la classe moyenne. La première chose que nous avons faite a été, par exemple, de baisser l’impôt de la classe moyenne et d’augmenter l’impôt du 1% le mieux nanti, tout en mettant en avant l’Allocation canadienne pour enfants. Cette dernière est une politique sociale qui n’a pas sa pareille dans l’histoire récente du Canada. Elle a permis de réduire la pauvreté au pays de 20% en l’espace de trois ans, et elle a permis de réduire davantage la pauvreté infantile.

Ce ne sont que deux mesures parmi un éventail de mesures visant la classe moyenne et les Canadiens les plus vulnérables. On peut penser, par exemple, aux aînés qui ont reçu plus avec le Supplément de revenu garanti, que nous avons bonifié de 10% quand nous sommes arrivés au pouvoir. Cela vise à réduire les inégalités. De ce côté-ci de la Chambre, nous pensons que plus la prospérité est inclusive, plus la croissance est au rendez-vous et mieux s’en tire l’économie canadienne. Cela s’avère assez juste, puisqu’on observe que, en 2017, en matière de croissance, le Canada dominait les pays du G7. Il demeure en tête du peloton en matière de croissance.

Le deuxième pilier consiste donc à réduire les inégalités, entre autres au moyen de la fiscalité et de l’Allocation canadienne pour enfants. Je pourrais aussi parler du logement social, dont le fédéral s’est désinvesti pendant des années. Il y revient sous l’impulsion du gouvernement. Je pourrais parler de l’aide apportée aux aînés grâce à la diminution de l’âge de la retraite de 67 ans à 65 ans. Les conservateurs, eux, allaient plonger dans la pauvreté des centaines de milliers de personnes âgées. Je pourrais parler de l’Allocation canadienne pour enfants, qui donne nettement plus d’argent aux familles.

En fait, les données accessibles, qui ne proviennent pas de groupes de réflexion partisans mais de l’OCDE, démontrent qu’une famille canadienne moyenne a maintenant, en 2019, 2 000 $ de plus qu’elle en avait en 2015.

Par ailleurs, selon Statistique Canada, une institution renommée et totalement impartiale qui devrait faire la fierté de tout le monde, nous avons réussi à réduire la pauvreté de 20% au Canada. Cela a été fait en l’espace de trois courtes années. Nous n’entendons pas nous arrêter là. Comme je le mentionnais, un des grands piliers de notre action gouvernementale et de notre action économique est la réduction des inégalités.

Le dernier pilier vise à s’assurer que le Canada demeure très compétitif. Cela est fait au moyen d’investissements en sciences, en recherche et en innovation. Le budget de 2018 comprenait les plus importants investissements en sciences de l’histoire du pays. Cela passe aussi par l’accès aux marchés internationaux, comme on l’a vu dans le cas de l’Accord de partenariat transpacifique global et progressiste et de l’Accord économique et commercial global, l’AÉCG, et lors de la renégociation de l’ALÉNA. Grâce à ce genre de mesures, nous nous assurons d’être là pour protéger nos industries contre les menaces de l’économie d’aujourd’hui, une économie interconnectée.

Je crois que le projet de loi C-101 s’inscrit très nettement dans l’ambition et dans l’action gouvernementale et qu’il est là pour favoriser la croissance et la prospérité, tout en protégeant nos industries et nos travailleurs pour s’assurer que le Canada tire son épingle du jeu.

To conclude, I want to reiterate our government’s commitment to Canadian workers and to our industry. We will continue to carefully monitor the situation, with great vigilance, for distortions in global markets. Make no mistake, if it is determined that a surge of imports is harming or could harm our workers and producers, we want to be able to respond.

It is the right thing to do for our workers, and the right thing to do for our economy. That is why I urge all members to support this legislation so that it can pass without delay.