This book, by a Latin American scholar, is an excellent addition to the literature on international migration. Its particular strength is that it is written from the perspective of the current and historical economic implications of international migration. As one who has looked at the same issues from a legal and political discipline, I found this book fascinating and am sure that it will be welcomed by others.

The central argument book is that the “problem” of international migration will be solved by addressing core inequalities in the global economy. It is argued that a new institutional framework to deal with international migration needs to be created. However, the particular contribution that this book makes is to tease out the historical and economic reasons behind the core inequalities in the global economy and to confront fears about the level and nature of international migration from an economic perspective. Furthermore, the argument is thoroughly and clearly presented, with key points signposted and elaborated. Indeed, as articulation of a “thesis” it is a true gem.

The number of international migrants has recently been calculated at 214 million (IOM, World Migration Report 2010, p. xix.). In 2005, as Andrés Solimano says, the figure was 150 million (p. 4). A great number of such international migrants are migrant workers (Report of the Global Commission on International Migration [GCIM], Migration in an Interconnected World: New Directions for Action, 2005, Chap. 1). As the author explains (p. 4), the main feature of such migration is that it has created a segmented labor market in which more favorable policies apply to “knowledge workers” or “talent elites” than to unskilled or semiskilled workers (see Aihwa Ong, “Latitudes of Citizenship: Membership, Meaning and Multiculturalism,” in Alison Brysk and Gershon Shafir, eds., People Out of Place: Globalisation, Human Rights, and the Citizenship Gap, 2004, Chap. 4). The reality is that the bulk of international migrant workers fill these latter occupations.

Solimano explains that a substantial proportion of international migrants (about 10% to 20% of the total) can be described as having an “irregular” status. That is, such migrants entered a country legally and then overstayed (see Box 3.1 at p. 43). He suggests that irregular migrants tend to lack the protection of local labor laws that apply to regular workers. As non-nationals, they also lack the protection that citizenship status provides (see pp. 46, 47, 48 (Box 3.2), 194).

The author looks back at trends in international migration over the last 150 years. As he explains, a paradox that emerges from this backwards glance is that international migration was “an important engine for economic growth” in “New World countries” such as Argentina, Australia, Canada, and the Unites States (p. 1), but that today these are often the countries that “try to stem the very tide that they … are creating” (p. 3). He argues that the “tide” began to change in the mid-twentieth century, with stagnant economies and demographic changes affecting many of these New World countries.

Solimano sets out to unsettle many of the myths and clichés that discussion of international migration attracts. He explains that historically, capital and labor often went in tandem to nations that offered better opportunities, thus leading to income convergence across nations (p. 2). He argues that as a result of migration, greater inequalities exist today among (rather than within) countries than they did historically (p. 10). This shows us that there is a causal link between migration and development, as the difference between “north” and “south” and the development gaps in source countries today (p. 199) are a result of out-migration. A large focus of the discussion is upon the problem and economics of brain drain (p. 69 ff).

Solimano, however, qualifies our understanding of the patterns of south–north migration (which are the usual explanations for the resistance of developed nations to international migration). He quotes figures (pp. 5, 118) that demonstrate that there is a not insubstantial flow of south–south migration, particularly in Latin America. A central plank of his thesis is that the determinants of international migration include developmental gaps, no matter how great or small. Providing that there is some chance of improvement elsewhere, there will be migration. As Solimano expresses it, migration is a “multidirectional” process (p. 6), rather than simply south–north.

This book thus challenges some current approaches to research on international migration. Historically, migration was both a consequence and mitigation of income disparities in our global society (p. 10), but today there is resistance to this idea. Solimano's discussion further suggests that the importance of remittances in correcting imbalances has been overstated. He explains that the evidence shows that remittances are relatively concentrated in 20% of recipient countries, which capture about 80% of the world total (p. 63). His conclusion is that while remittances have some potentially positive effects on improving the overall problem, it is a small effect (p. 65).

Although the book engages strongly with the economics and history of international migration, it also raises some key philosophical issues. For example, the position of migrant workers as non-nationals, noncitizens, has already been noted. Unsurprisingly, the author refers to Karl Marx's views as evidence that there is “causality from economics to laws, values, institutions and ideology” (p. 45). This does not set out to be a treatise on human rights, but they are clearly in the author's mind. At page 6 he poses the question: “Are goods and capital more important in globalization than people?” At page 194 he concludes: “Defining migration frameworks that balance the economic gains of immigration with the laws of the receiving countries and the rights and social protection that immigrants deserve must be a priority in the years ahead.” However, some important points are not mentioned. For example, there is no discussion of the fact that migrant workers, whatever their status, are treated poorly in destination states, not only those who are “irregular” or “illegal.” An international treaty provides a normative framework (the 1990 International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers), but it has been ratified by few countries.

There is a somewhat idealistic view expressed in the book to the effect that countries of origin should be more responsible for the plight of their labor “exports” (pp. 16, 200). As Solimano explains, the lack of domestic economic development and limited labor market opportunities are at the root of most international migration (p. 199). While he is correct in principle when he explains that the well-being of such workers is the responsibility of the origin country (p. 16), in practice such countries lack the resources to act. Further, their ability to intervene directly is limited. Often their hands are tied by bilateral arrangements that favor the wealthier “receiving” state, and the origin country is relatively powerless. This is certainly the reality in the Southeast Asian region. But Solimano's examples are based largely on the Latin American experience (of which a pervasive feature is U.S. “tolerance for irregular migration”—see p. 165). Thus, this book gives us insights into some regional differences.

The call for a new institution is dealt with briefly. Those wanting more direction could consult Chapter 6 in the GCIM Report.

Overall, this is a thoughtful and insightful book that should be in the library of anyone interested in the history and economics of international migration.