This book is the sixth volume in a publication series sponsored by the government of Japan and the World Bank to examine future sources of economic growth in East Asia. Based on six Asian profiles—of Bangkok, Beijing, Seoul, Shanghai, Singapore, and Tokyo—this book argues that the growth trajectory of postindustrial cities depends not on “factor accumulation,” as was the case in the past, but on technologies, intellectual creation, and innovation. The volume's content and perspectives sit comfortably with the literature on global cities, which forwards the view that technopolises and financial centers—not mega-cities or nation-states—are the primary drivers of today's world economy.
On a broader note, the book contrasts with other texts in the literature such as Janet Abu-Lughod's New York, Chicago, Los Angeles (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), which argues that contemporary global cities have managed to become “global” because of their historical characteristics. This book will be of interest to a wide variety of readers, from policy makers and urban planners to students of global cities and urban studies.
According to the authors, “technology is at the root” of postindustrial growth because it raises the ratio of skilled workers, advances new products, and attracts capital (p. 16). They argue that East Asian urban centers, having made the transition from industrial to postindustrial status far more quickly than their Western counterparts, are shedding low-skilled jobs and becoming more capital intensive. The authors observe that the life of these postindustrial cities and their inhabitants revolves around the production, purchase, and consumption of services, though manufacturing remains ubiquitous. Two points are made here.
First, the quality and specificity of lifestyles and consumer patterns are increasingly important for such postindustrial cities. Instead of being the mere consequences of capital inflow and the proliferation of consumer goods, lifestyles and consumer patterns are now expected to be of a certain quality and standard before the requisite skilled workers are attracted. Second, while technology and innovation are revolutionizing industries, staple sectors such as manufacturing are not disappearing but instead are being transformed. The authors point to leading firms such as IBM, which continues to produce mainframe computers and integrated circuits but sees the bulk of its profits coming from information technology, software, and other related management services. The postindustrial city recognizes this trend and, more importantly, facilitates it.
This facilitation is a delicate balance of market forces and government intervention. Nowhere is this more evident than in Singapore's efforts to become a biomedical hub. The Singapore government, after intensive market research and consultation, identified “biotechnology as the industrial driver with the best job and export prospects, given Singapore's resource base, the emerging demands for health care in the Southeast Asian region, and the industry's continuing, possibly growing need for innovating smaller players” (p. 111). The government followed up by building research laboratory facilities and pharmaceutical incubators, integrating hospital support, systematically luring of world-renowned scientists, and expanding its legal services and implementing intellectual property rights best practices. This example shows that the choice between market logic and government intervention is never straightforward but is an ongoing act of defining market demand, identifying local needs, and nurturing infrastructure to best exploit these demands for local needs. As such, this example goes some way toward reinforcing the arguments of Paul Hirst and Grahame Thompson, who asserted in Globalization in Question (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996) that states are reacting differently to a new global trading order—and, more importantly, they are still utilizing existing practices and institutions to do so.
This book is well written and well researched. It offers an array of statistics and data to support various claims and avoids the jargon of globalization theory that may alienate the nonscholar reader. Nevertheless, if one wants to quibble, there are a few areas that could have been improved. Although six Asian profiles are discussed, one fails to get a sense of the societies and their cultures. Given the emphasis on the quality of the skilled workforce and consumer patterns in the analysis of growth, it would have been to the reader's benefit to have a snapshot of the multicultural relations, together with the integration of expatriates with locals, in each profile city. Another issue that deserves wider airing is the impact these postindustrial cities have had on the environment and their corresponding efforts to mediate these impacts. Such a discussion would tie economic growth to the growing interest in climate change—a pertinent issue given its lack of attention in East Asian societies.
Finally, the impression offered by the book of the unspoken ability of these East Asian cities to challenge Western centers of technology and economic power may be slightly overstated. These East Asian cities certainly offer a strong case, premised on their diversity of industrial bases, financial hub status, excellent logistical and networking services, reasonable transportation costs, connectivity, and so on. However, less attention is paid to overcrowding, linguistic barriers, and governance issues. Nevertheless, these are minor quibbles with what is essentially a sound and engaging book that will, no doubt, serve as a key text for those interested in postindustrialism and globalization-led economic growth in East Asia.
