Elton Skendaj’s Creating Kosovo focuses on international state-building and democratization. The author’s main argument is that democratization and state-building are different processes in post-war societies, hence international actors should utilize different strategies to pursue them. In the words of the author, “while effective bureaucracies are most likely to materialize when international organizations insulate public administrators from political and societal influences, democracy is enhanced through international support of public participation and contestation” (p. 3). In other words, he argues that in order to build functional state institutions, it is important that international actors remain the main drivers for a meritocratic recruitment and promotion process, and ensure an ethical work ethos. However, in order to promote democracy, international actors need to promote civil society and media as control organs, support public engagement with political issues, and strengthen a multi-party system by ensuring free and fair competition rules between political elites.

The argument is presented in six chapters. The first chapter provides the reader with an introduction to the study, a definition of the main terms used, and a literature review on the current debates in state-building and democratization. In the second chapter, titled “Contested Statehood,” the author provides an overview of Kosovo’s political development since the late 1980s and highlights how the country’s very recent statehood and democratization, as a result of international intervention in the late 1990s, make it an interesting case for the assessment of international state-building and democratization strategies.

The following chapter “Deadly Cocktail” assesses the development of Kosovo’s public administration and judicial sector. Skendaj argues that both institutions were seen as very important in the process of building a functional state and ensuring responsiveness towards citizen demands, but they are both seen by international actors, domestic elites, and citizens as highly inefficient, corrupt, and strongly undermined by political patronage and clientilism. Skendaj argues that the main reason for the negative development of these two state institutions is the too early focus on local ownership, which has allowed political elites to fill these institutions with people from their family, friends, and wider patronage networks. This in turn has allowed these institutions to become linked to the interests of certain elites, rather than the population as a whole.

In the following chapter, “Without Fear or Favor,” Skendaj examines the development of the Kosovo police force and the customs service and highlights that these two bureaucracies have become examples of good governance, in that they are seen as less corrupt, more efficient, and more strongly driven by a work ethos that is committed to serving Kosovo’s citizens. In search for an explanation of the different development of these institutions when compared with the judicial system and the public administration, Skendaj argues that the police and customs service remained longer under the direct control of international actors. These actors ensured that recruitment was based on a meritocratic system rather than on family and patronage links, and they promoted a work ethos that focused on efficiency, commitment, and a stronger sense of serving the state and all of its citizens.

In Chapter five, Skendaj focuses on the role of democratization in post-war Kosovo, and highlights some of the developments in Kosovo and the influence of international actors. He comes to the conclusion that mass mobilization in the late 1980s and early 1990s, as well as international support for democratic oversight after 2001, have strengthened democratization tendencies in the country, while demobilization and violence in the second half of the 1990s have had a negative impact on democratization. In contrast to his earlier findings, Skendaj argues that international actors should support public contestation, civil society, and media control in the political process in order to enhance and further strengthen Kosovo’s developing democracy. His conclusions are summarized in Chapter six, in which he highlights how state-building works best when specific state bureaucracies are insulated and taken out of political influence zones, while public discourse, contention, civil society and the media are keys to the further development of democratic governance.

Overall, it can be argued that Skendaj presents a persuading argument. His study makes an important contribution not only to the literature on the post-intervention developments in Kosovo, but also more widely to the fields of state-building and democratization research. Importantly, his study also has policy relevance, as it points out how international actors can enhance their success in external state-building and when and under which conditions externally supported democratization may be successful.

One of the major strengths of the book is its new insights into how to assess state-building and democratization. Particularly his measurement of bureaucratic efficiency—which is based on a variety of surveys, data from other institutions such as Transparency International, and elite interviews with local and international representatives—presents a fresh and welcoming new approach towards the study of state-building and specifically the measurement of state-efficiency. Furthermore, the use of mixed research methods (combining statistical data and elite interviews) also enhances the reliability of the author’s argument. In the conclusion, Skendaj mentions a number of other cases in which he also attempts to apply his newly-gained knowledge to highlight the importance of bureaucratic insulation. While the comparative part is too short and sketchy to provide any detailed insights, there is certainly room to believe that what the author has demonstrated is relevant for cases beyond Kosovo and other Balkan states. Furthermore, the book is well written, easy to follow, and well edited. All chapters are well structured, the author makes sufficient reference to previous points, and the empirical discussion of his case studies is connected to previous theoretical insights throughout the book.

In terms of any weaknesses, there are only a few and they are very minor. Probably the most problematic element is the use of the words “ethical institutions” in the sub-title. This is not discussed in more detail in the book, supposedly because ethical institutions and efficient institutions are seen as the same, which of course raises a number of issues. A constitutional court for example can be very ethical and committed to fairness and independence without being particularly efficient. Likewise, ministries of the interior and justice might be very efficient in their dealings with asylum applications, but this does not mean that they necessarily are also ethical in their work. Finally, in his comparative part in the conclusion, Skendaj selects a number of case studies that might be considered problematic. For example, while discussing bureaucratic efficiency and insulation in Singapore, he fails to mention the rather poor record of this city-state in relation to democracy.

Having said all this, Elton Skendaj’s book on “Creating Kosovo” is a welcome contribution to our understanding of international state-building and democratization. The author provides a very strong and important argument that might impact future international state-building endeavors, as he highlights how important functional institutions are. They are not only important because they ensure a commitment to the rule of law (in the case of the police and the judicial system) and provide revenue (in the case of tax collection offices and the customs service), but they also ensure that those working in these institutions and those engaging with them on a regular basis are committed to democratic principles and values.