The Dioscuri as Symbols of Concordia

In Greek traditions, the Dioscuri were represented as either two divine brothers or as one mortal brother (Castor, the son of Tyndareus) and one divine brother (Polydeuces, the son of Zeus). In the tradition endorsed by Pindar, which then became an important propaganda tool for the promotion of the Roman imperial family, the immortal Polydeuces (Pollux) shared his immortality with his dying, mortal brother Castor.Footnote ⁶ The fact that the two brothers shared their immortality can be taken one step further to show that they could actually be seen as gods on earth, or at least mortals who had earned the right to immortality.Footnote ⁷

During the reign of Augustus, Castor and Pollux served as symbols of concordia within the imperial family, highlighted succession plans, and promoted ideas of deification.Footnote ⁸ Throughout the Julio-Claudian period, the concordia claimed between joint successors was never tested in terms of joint rulership. In some cases, these individuals did not survive long enough to become emperor (as was the case with Gaius and Lucius Caesar). In others, joint succession was stipulated in the former emperor’s will but these successors never ruled together (as was the case with Caligula and Tiberius Gemellus). Throughout the imperial period, there are only a few examples of joint rulership and, in most cases, these stem from the elevation of a successor in the final years of an emperor’s reign.

One exception is the case of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, who were elevated to the role of emperor together. On bronze medallions, struck during their joint rulership from 161-165 ce, the two emperors were shown facing one another on the obverse, with the Dioscuri and their horses depicted on the reverse (Figure 1).

Fig. 1

Bronze medallion (Gnecchi, II, p.43 #5; 161-169 ce): Aurelius and Verus facing each other, IMP ANTONINVS AVG COS III and IMP VERVS COS II (Obverse). Dioscuri left and right, each holding a spear and bridled horse, facing each other (Reverse). Image courtesy of Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. (https://www.cngcoins.com/).

The inclusion of the Dioscuri’s horses promotes their martial aspect and highlights their roles as heroes who came to Rome’s aid and announced victory on the battlefield.Footnote ⁹ Yet, the Dioscuri also symbolise the concordia between these two rulers and the importance of their joint rule for military success, especially considering the inclusion of both Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus on the obverse. The concordia between the joint rulers is further contextualised in several other coin issues. These explicitly state the concordia celebrated between them by including the legend CONCORDIAE AVGVSTOR(um) and depicting the emperors clasping hands, although these types do not also include an image of the Dioscuri.Footnote ¹⁰

Following the turmoil of the second half of the third century ce, Diocletian was able to restore stability to the empire by developing and implementing a new form of government. The safety and prosperity of the Roman empire now relied on the ability of four men to rule together. Through the positions of Augusti and Caesares, Diocletian outlined a clear line for succession that was not based on hereditary lines.Footnote ¹¹ For this new governmental organisation to function, the Tetrarchs had to give the impression of their concordia (perhaps better understood as a type of ‘fraternal pietas’, an important virtue adopted by the imperial family from the time of Augustus onwards). Moreover, the fact that the empire was no longer ruled by an individual, but rather by a collective body, led to the institutions of empire becoming decentralised and focussed on where any one of the emperors was, rather than on a fixed capital city.Footnote ¹² These factors led the Tetrarchs to build their primary residences near the frontiers, rarely even visiting Rome.Footnote ¹³ Even though it was uncommon for the emperors to be physically in the same place, the iconography of the period stresses the Tetrarchs’ concordia through the uniformity of their depictions of the individuals (such as the porphyry statue groups and the types and legends of bronze and silver coinage).Footnote ¹⁴

The previous role of the Dioscuri as symbols of concordia and succession meant that they would also serve as ideal figures to symbolise the new Tetrarchic system, which involved not only joint rulership but also clear mechanisms for succession. A gold coin of the Caesar Constantius from Aquileia, dating between 294 and 305 ce, exemplifies this usage (Figure 2).

Fig. 2

Reverse of aureus (RIC VI. Aquileia 1; 294-305 ce): Dioscuri standing, facing right, stars above helmets, each holds staff in right hand and has chlamys falling wide behind. COMITES AVGG ET CAESS NNNN. © Image courtesy of The Trustees of the British Museum.

The reverse bears the legend COMITES AVGG ET CAESS NNNN with a depiction of the two Dioscuri – a depiction which does not appear to follow republican precedents. Although the coin itself is minted for Constantius, whose image and name can be seen on the obverse, all the Tetrarchs are celebrated through the use of the extra ‘G’ in the legend AVGG, ‘S’ in CAESS, and the four ‘N’s. Here Castor and Pollux symbolise the concordia between these ‘partners’ or ‘associates’ (comites). The use of these brothers, who lived in perfect harmony, to highlight the relationship between the co-rulers promotes the durability and security produced by this new style of government.Footnote ¹⁵ The obverse legend identifies Constantius as Caesar, thereby promoting his new status and identifying him as chosen successor of the Augustus Maximian in the West.Footnote ¹⁶

In addition to the concept of concordia between like-minded rulers, the Tetrarchs focussed on the empire as a whole, the stability of the entire world (orbis terrarum), and their role in securing its borders and repelling barbarian invaders.Footnote ¹⁷ The Romanitas they promoted was the victory and stability of the empire rather than of the city of Rome itself. This coin type, minted in Aquileia, and other similar types from the other western mints, promoted the roles of Maximian and Constantius as the western rulers who would oversee the continued peace and prosperity, while also highlighting the concordia of all four rulers through the use of COMITES and CONCORDIA, paired with AVGG ET CAESS NNNN. The inclusion of the Dioscuri highlights the traditions and ideology established by Augustus which persisted well into the third century, namely their role as symbols of divinity, succession, and concordia. By promoting these brothers on his coinage, Constantius was able to highlight the idea of concordia between the Tetrarchs and their ability to secure the safety of the empire and ensure a smooth transition of power to the next generation. Their empire was a universal one, not necessarily centred on the traditional seat of power, but instead on its totality and the stability inherent in Diocletian’s model for collective rulership.Footnote ¹⁸

Maxentius’ Coinage: Types and Audience

In contrast to the universality of empire promoted by the Tetrarchs within their iconography, and in an attempt to legitimise his own claim to the position of emperor, Maxentius focussed on the city of Rome herself, thereby catering to his power base.Footnote ¹⁹ As the son of the Augustus Maximian, it is likely that he had expected that he would eventually accede to imperial power.Footnote ²⁰ However, for the first time in Roman history, a family member was passed over in favour of someone outside the family when establishing a succession plan.Footnote ²¹ In this case, power passed to political allies, with Severus and Maximinus Daia being named as Caesares, while Galerius and Constantius Chlorus were promoted to Augusti.

Although he was not named as an Augustus or a Caesar within the Tetrarchic system, Maxentius was able to achieve the position of emperor following a revolt which broke out when the Tetrarch Galerius revoked Rome’s ancient tax privileges and attempted to disband the Praetorian guard (justifying the decision with the argument that, since none of the Tetrarchs lived in Rome, an imperial guard was no longer needed there).Footnote ²² Having been declared emperor by that same Praetorian guard, Maxentius then secured his position by revoking Galerius’ new tax law, placating the Christians, and establishing a residence in the city.Footnote ²³ He then minted coins showcasing his claim to imperial power, a power that was in conflict with that of the Tetrarchs. Over the six years of his reign in Rome, Maxentius used his iconography and building programmes to restore the city to her former position as centre of the empire, creating a noticeable ideology of his own that attempted to counteract the strategies and policies of the Tetrarchs and served to legitimise his own claim to the ancient capital.

While the Tetrarchs’ building programme within the city focussed on the promotion of universal concordia and the new government structure, Maxentius’ building programme promoted the traditional symbols and iconography of the city to legitimise his power.Footnote ²⁴ His inspiration appears to have come from Augustus and Hadrian in particular, but in some instances he appears to have taken symbols from the Republic as well.Footnote ²⁵ In terms of the promotion of his building programme on his coinage, the most important of his projects was the rebuilding of the Temple of Venus and Roma.Footnote ²⁶ First built by Hadrian, this temple served not only to link Maxentius with Hadrian but also to stress the connection with the Julio-Claudian family through their divine ancestor, Venus.Footnote ²⁷ To celebrate this temple, he then minted a series of coins, which will be discussed further below.

Although Maxentius had four mints under his control in 307 ce, by 309 he had consolidated his coin production in Rome and Ostia.Footnote ²⁸ Whereas the mints established under the Tetrarchs were usually found in locations based on ease of distribution for military or bureaucratic purposes, Maxentius’ establishment of the new mint in Ostia appears to have been for political and ideological reasons. In particular, his overall focus was on the city of Rome and her environs rather than on the Roman Empire as a whole.Footnote ²⁹ There is some debate over the reasons behind and the context of the establishment of this mint, but, following the suggestion of Albertson, it seems clear that the choice of Ostia for the gold and silver coinage was intentional, since it distanced the minting of these higher denominations from some of the political insecurities in Rome, while ensuring that the mint was close enough to supply the capital.Footnote ³⁰

Once Maxentius had consolidated his coin production in Rome and Ostia, the Ostian mint became responsible for issuing Maxentius’ gold and silver coins (while still issuing bronze coins) whereas the Roman mint continued to issue only bronze. In contrast to the Tetrarchs’ coinage, which was widely circulated through the provinces and on the frontiers, Maxentius’ audience was that of Rome.Footnote ³¹ It was in Rome that the individuals who had granted him power could be found, so, unsurprisingly, the images on his coins specifically targeted this particular audience. In Maxentius’ earliest issues, the symbols chosen (and the legends with which they were paired) all promote Rome’s glorious past and his connection to the city, as well as his military strength and his ability to promote pax. Footnote ³²

As Manders has rightly noted, the ideological value of coins should not be undervalued. Individuals claiming imperial power minted their own coins almost immediately after assuming that power; moreover, if individuals who were not the emperor minted coins, this was understood as a direct challenge to the existing emperor.Footnote ³³ For example, some of Maxentius’ earliest coins minted in Rome, in particular, bear the title princeps. Footnote ³⁴ This can be interpreted as a deliberately aggressive anti-Tetrarchic statement, since he is not using the titles Augustus or Caesar.Footnote ³⁵ Equally, it could demonstrate Maxentius’ commitment to the city of Rome by using a title which recalled emperors of the first and second centuries – those who had actually resided there.Footnote ³⁶ Although this title was found in historical writings, it had never previously appeared on coinage in this form.Footnote ³⁷ His adoption of this title and its inclusion in his coin types set Maxentius apart from the Tetrarchs and served to send a very specific message through his iconography.

Although both the Ostian and the Roman mints produced bronze coins, the messages broadcast on those issues differed.Footnote ³⁸ While the bronze coins from Rome broadcast the legend CONSERVATOR VRBIS SVAE and depicted the temple of Venus and Roma, thereby celebrating Maxentius’ reconstruction of that temple, a significant number of coins from Ostia displayed the AETERNITAS AVG N legend, paired with the Dioscuri.Footnote ³⁹ These coin-types which highlighted mythological figures associated with the city as well as a temple dedicated to Roma herself strongly promoted Maxentius’ connection to the city and should thus be understood in terms of Maxentius’ Romanitas, centred on the city and his self-promotion as its saviour.

The Dioscuri and Maxentius as Saviour of Rome

Castor and Pollux do not appear on Maxentian coinage until after the establishment of the mint in Ostia. They should thus be understood as part of his political ideology and the promotion of his newly stabilised position in Rome.Footnote ⁴⁰ In particular, Maxentius’ use of the Dioscuri and the legends with which they are paired highlights their roles as champions of Rome, saviours who came to its aid when its very survival hung in the balance, in order to distinguish his message from that of the Tetrarchs, who, in connection with the legend COMITES AVGG CAESS NNNN, focussed on the Dioscuri as symbols of concordia.

The portrayal of the Dioscuri as heroes of Rome first appears in connection with the Battle of Lake Regillus, fought circa 496 bce. As Roman tradition has it, in the first decade of the fifth century bce, the Tarquins, having been thrown out of Rome, united themselves with some of the Latin communities against Rome. Aulus Postumius, who had been granted dictatorial power to deal with this threat, headed out to confront the Latin forces already on the march. In the account by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, two men of greater than human beauty and size appeared to Postumius and led the charge of his cavalry.Footnote ⁴¹ Following the battle, they then appeared in the city of Rome, watered their horses at the fountain of Juturna, and announced the Roman victory. The two men were identified as Castor and Pollux. In Livy’s account, Postumius vowed a temple to Castor should he be victorious in battle.Footnote ⁴² Following the victory, a temple to Castor (so named in the sources, but likely also dedicated to Pollux as well) was set up by the temple of Vesta, where the men had watered their horses.Footnote ⁴³ Castor and Pollux were seen as saviours who provided timely assistance in battle, bringing glory to armies on the brink of defeat.Footnote ⁴⁴ Ultimately, these two heroes came to symbolise the greatness of Rome, especially when her own survival hung in the balance.

For this reason, Castor and Pollux are one of the most common symbols found on republican coinage. Generally, they are found in connection with the goddess Roma and serve as an important symbol for the city. The most common reverse type depicts the Dioscuri on horseback and serves to promote their military achievements and their role as the patron deities of the equites.Footnote ⁴⁵ On some coin types, their heads are depicted on the obverse, often paired with symbols of military victory on the reverse, or have the head of one of the Dioscuri on the obverse and the other on the reverse.Footnote ⁴⁶ These coins are some of the earliest coins, with many dating to the early to mid-third century bce. On many of the coins, especially those from the late second or early first centuries bce, they are found in a herald-like pose in front of their horses, highlighting their role as messengers carrying the news of victory from the battlefield.Footnote ⁴⁷ Although their representations vary, the overall theme remains the same, with the Dioscuri playing a crucial role in symbolising the city of Rome, her glory, and her military achievements.

On Maxentius’ coins, the Dioscuri are paired with the legend AETERNITAS AVG N on the reverse and show Maxentius with the legend IMP C MAXENTIVS P F AVG on the obverse (Figure 3).

Fig. 3

Reverse of bronze follis (RIC VI. Ostia 35; 309-312 ce). Dioscuri standing left and right, each holding a sceptre and a bridled horse. AETERNITAS AVG N. © Image courtesy of the Otago Museum.

On this issue, the Dioscuri are depicted with their horses. Maxentius’ use of Castor and Pollux in a herald-like pose with their horses refers to their roles as messengers who came to Rome in her time of need, rather than to their relationship to each other. Their use in this form also links the coin images with the Quirinal statues, thereby connecting Maxentius to these symbols of the divinely sanctioned nature of Rome.Footnote ⁴⁸

Although the martial aspect of the depiction of the Dioscuri here is clear, when considered alongside their similar depiction in Figure 1, its interpretation requires further analysis. On the medallion of Marcus Aurelius (Figure 1), the Dioscuri were used to highlight the concordia between two rulers and the importance of their joint rule for military success. Maxentius, however, was not a recognised member of the Tetrarchy and therefore needed to qualify his use of the Dioscuri through the coin’s legend. On this coin, the Dioscuri are paired with the AETERNITAS AVG N legend and Maxentius’ bust is paired with the legend IMP C MAXENTIVS P F AVG on the obverse. There is no mention of any other Augustus (usually represented by additional ‘G’s and ‘N’s, such as those present on the Constantius coin – Figure 2). This coin promotes the eternal nature of Rome’s (one) Augustus, whose image and legend are promoted on the obverse side of the coin. Importantly, although there are examples of coin types by the Tetrarchs that do not make explicit reference to the other Tetrarchs, these are never found with a legend announcing the virtue aeternitas.

Maxentius’ Dioscuri coin type (Figure 3) should further be understood within the context of other coin types minted around the same time in Ostia. In a similar issue, using the same legend, Maxentius paired the Dioscuri with another quintessential symbol for the city of Rome: Romulus, Remus, and the she-wolf (Figure 4).

Fig. 4

Reverse of bronze follis (RIC VI. Ostia 16; 309-312 ce). Dioscuri left and right, each holding sceptre and bridled horse; she-wolf and twins between. AETERNITAS AVG N. © Image courtesy of the American Numismatic Society.

The Dioscuri here are shown in the same herald-like and martial pose as in Figure 3. The inclusion of Romulus, Remus, and the she-wolf between the Dioscuri ensures that the focus is taken away from them in terms of their relationship to each other. Instead, this configuration highlights their role as protectors of Rome. Such pairing of the AETERNITAS AVG N legend with Romulus, Remus, and the she-wolf had been included previously on a series of coins minted during the later part of the reign of Gallienus in the mid-third century ce.Footnote ⁴⁹ Other coins bear legends such as SECVRIT(as) PERPETVA, PAX ETERNA, and ROMAE ETERNAE.Footnote ⁵⁰ Understood within the larger context of his coinage, Gallienus’ promotion of aeternitas in connection with the she-wolf and twins symbolised the stability and permanence of Rome and promoted the message that Gallienus would ensure this would continue. Maxentius thus adopted a similar usage for his own coin types, thereby supporting his own claim that he would restore Rome to her former glory and ensure her continued success.

The she-wolf and twins motif was a common feature of third-century coinage and many individuals sought to promote their claims to power by including this quintessential icon of Rome in their coinage. For example, in 286 ce, Carausius, a commander of the fleet in the English Channel, revolted and proclaimed himself emperor in Britain. He then minted coins which included the she-wolf and twin motif paired with his title as renovator Romanorum (abbreviated in a variety of ways in the legend).Footnote ⁵¹ Although most of his coinage was focussed on pax, he also promoted his ability to serve as ‘restorer of the Roman people’ through his legionary issues (celebrating concordia militum). Carausius’ focus on the army strengthened his connection with his own support base in the same way as Maxentius’ focus on the city of Rome. Adopting and adapting these previous ways of representing the she-wolf and twins motif, Maxentius then capitalised on the connections made between this motif and particular types of legends to link these mythological figures with ideas of restoration and preservation. When the she-wolf and twins are used in conjunction with Castor and Pollux on Maxentius’ coins, we should therefore interpret these symbols together as referring to Rome’s glorious past, her eternal nature, and her importance as the centre of the empire.

Maxentius’ use of Romulus, Remus, and the she-wolf, as well as of Castor and Pollux served to promote himself as another ‘re-founder’ or saviour of Rome to the people living in and around the city. His message was further clarified through his use of the additional images and legends on his coinage, particularly his promotion of the Temple of Venus and Roma and his title as conservator urbis suae (Figure 5).Footnote ⁵²

Fig. 5

Reverse of bronze follis (RIC VI. Roma 208; 308-310 ce). Roma seated, facing left, in hexastyle temple, Dioscuri with altars in pediment. CONSERV VRB SVAE. © Image courtesy of the American Numismatic Society.

This coin is one example of a series of coins celebrating the rebuilding of the Temple of Venus and Roma, even though the temple depicted most likely does not reflect the full reality of the temple building itself.Footnote ⁵³ The temple became a focal point for Maxentius’ building programme within the city and served to link him with the divine ancestress of the Roman people and with Roma herself, as depicted here.Footnote ⁵⁴ Considering his interest in promoting Castor and Pollux on his coinage, the two figures depicted in the pediment could very well be a representation of them. This identification is further strengthened by a reference in Prudentius’ work Contra Symmachum, which mentions the Dioscuri in his discussion of the statues present within the temple.Footnote ⁵⁵ Their inclusion here on the pediment of this artistic representation would therefore corroborate Prudentius’ statement by suggesting their association with this temple.

The Dioscuri’s presence on coins celebrating the temple as well as within the temple itself highlight their role as saviours of the city. However, in this depiction they are not represented with their horses but instead standing and holding spears. This variation in iconography should be understood in terms of the Dioscuri’s connection (and conflation) with the Penates.Footnote ⁵⁶ Also a pair of divine twins, the Penates were worshipped at an earlier temple on the Velia, the ridge next to the temple of Venus and Roma. Maxentius removed the temple of the Penates to allow for the building of the basilica for the Prefect of the City and it has been argued that the rotunda that appears on the deification coins of Maxentius’ son Romulus might have become the new site for the worship of the Penates alongside Divus Romulus. It would have thus linked Maxentius’ son with these ancient guardians of the city.Footnote ⁵⁷ Whether this was in fact the case or not, the importance placed on the divine twins as champions of the city further secured Maxentius’ claim that he could ensure that Rome would once again return to a place of glory.

The legend CONSERVATOR VRBIS SVAE, paired with the temple of Venus and Roma on the above coin, highlights both Maxentius’ building programme and his iconography by referring directly to the city of Rome. Maxentius thus promotes his own role as its saviour, adapting previous ideas of ‘restoration’ or ‘preservation’ and merging them with symbols of Rome to justify his own claim to power. The inclusion of urbis suae, ‘his own city’, highlights his own physical presence within the city, in sharp contrast to the absent Tetrarchs. This ‘saviour’ of Rome has come to its aid when, ideologically speaking, its very survival hung in the balance.

The aeternitas of the emperor, like that of the city, is therefore closely linked with the mythological foundation of the city.Footnote ⁵⁸ Nevertheless, throughout the imperial period, the Dioscuri served as a symbol of the eternity of imperial power and its guaranteed success in the hands of like-minded individuals working together. For Constantius and the Tetrarchs, this eternity is related to the whole world and the cyclical nature of Tetrarchic time. For Maxentius, however, it is related to the city itself.Footnote ⁵⁹ Throughout Rome’s history, the Dioscuri came to Rome’s aid and heralded its success when it looked as though Rome’s enemies would overcome the city. Now, with Maxentius as her saviour, Rome’s eternal success could be ensured.