David Jancsics’ Sociology of Corruption offers a compelling sociological exploration of corruption in Hungary, examining how social, cultural, and organizational dynamics shape corrupt practices. Moving beyond utilitarian approaches, the book analyzes corruption as a relational and organizational phenomenon, with a particular focus on the post-communist era in Hungary. Through a detailed examination of the country’s transition, Jancsics provides a broader understanding of how corruption becomes embedded within social systems. The book covers a range of issues and is particularly strong in its policy recommendations.
The book is structured into eleven chapters, each exploring different facets of corruption in Hungary. The first chapter introduces the book’s sociological approach, contrasting it with utilitarian and constructivist theories of corruption. Jancsics frames corruption as a relational issue that is embedded in organizational and social contexts, rather than merely a matter of individual morality. Ch. 2 provides an overview of the various forms of corruption and how they function within different contexts. Jancsics categorizes corruption into different types, such as market corruption, favor-based reciprocity, and institutional capture, offering a comprehensive framework for understanding its multifaceted nature. Ch. 3 explores market corruption, focusing on impersonal, one-time transactions between strangers. This chapter examines the conditions under which these types of corrupt exchanges occur and how they are facilitated by specific market dynamics. In Ch. 4, Jancsics focuses on the role of agents within organizations and how corrupt subcultures develop, discussing the concept of opportunity structures and how they contribute to the normalization of corruption within certain organizational environments.
Ch. 5 delves into the informal practices and exchanges that are commonplace in Hungarian society, highlighting the importance of these informal networks and how they blur the lines between legal and illegal practices. Ch. 6 examines corruption based on reciprocal favors, particularly within close-knit networks, explaining how reciprocity functions as a social glue that can foster both trust and corrupt practices within communities. Ch. 7 looks at how corruption evolved through Hungary’s transition from socialism to capitalism, providing a historical overview of how economic and political changes have influenced the nature and prevalence of corruption. Ch. 8 discusses the role of oligarchs and politicians in state capture and institutionalized corruption, examining how legal frameworks are manipulated to benefit a select few, highlighting the blurred boundaries between legality and corruption. Ch. 9 analyzes how state institutions are intertwined with corrupt networks in Hungary, exploring the relationships between public officials and private interests and how these relationships undermine institutional integrity. Ch. 10 evaluates the full capture of Hungary’s political system under Viktor Orbán, arguing that the concentration of power has led to a system in which corruption is deeply entrenched, with little accountability. Finally, in Ch. 11 Jancsics critiques the efficacy of anti-corruption policies and proposes more targeted approaches, emphasizing the need for policies that address the root causes of corruption, rather than simply focusing on punitive measures.
The book also offers a nice synthesis and summary of work previously published by the author in leading journals. By focusing on relational patterns and the role of organizations, Sociology of Corruption emphasizes how corruption is embedded within social and institutional contexts, not simply a result of individual greed. For instance, Jancsics explores how corrupt subcultures within organizations normalize illegal practices, illustrating how corruption becomes a shared value system rather than an isolated behavior. He defines corruption as “a complex social activity in which money, goods, or other resources that belong to an organization are exchanged or transferred covertly—by actors with access to such resources—in a way that benefits other, particularistic actors instead of the organization as a whole or the general public” (11). This conceptualization sets the stage for understanding corruption as an integral part of social systems, providing a foundation for the subsequent discussion of policy relevance.
The book’s policy relevance is another of its core strengths. Jancsics critiques the ineffectiveness of top-down anti-corruption strategies, arguing for more context-specific interventions that take into account the complexity of corrupt practices. This aligns with Sandra Damijan’s observation that anti-corruption measures often fail when they do not consider the local context and the nuanced mechanisms that sustain corruption.Footnote 1 He highlights that many anti-corruption efforts fail because they do not align with the lived realities of those involved. The proposed solutions, such as external audits and community-based monitoring, emphasize the importance of targeting the mechanisms that enable corruption, rather than applying blanket policies that overlook local nuances. Jancsics underscores that “anti-corruption can be effective, especially if it is tailored to respond to a particular type of corruption” (125). This focus on specificity underscores the need for more nuanced and context-sensitive approaches, setting the stage for a deeper discussion of how targeted interventions can achieve better outcomes.
Jancsics supports his arguments with a wealth of empirical examples and case studies from Hungary. These include interviews with officials engaged in corrupt activities, which provide vivid accounts of how market corruption operates in practice. He notes that “although corruption in Hungary has shifted over the years, extortive forms of petty corruption, such as demands for bribes by parking attendants or traffic police, were especially rampant in the early 2000s” (32), illustrating how different forms of corruption have evolved over time.
While the book’s sociological depth is one of its strengths, it may also alienate readers unfamiliar with advanced sociological theories. Jancsics’ reliance on concepts like “opportunity structures” and “corrupt organizational subcultures” can make the text dense and challenging, particularly for those without a background in sociology. The extensive focus on both micro-level interactions and macro-level systemic corruption sometimes risks overwhelming the reader with theoretical detail, potentially limiting the book’s accessibility. Jancsics’ exploration of social bribe cases, where “the agent and the client are socially connected … formal and informal rule systems clash in social bribe” (129), exemplifies the intricate social dynamics that might be challenging for general readers to fully grasp.
Another limitation is the book’s almost exclusive focus on Hungary. While Jancsics uses Hungary as a case study to explore larger sociological phenomena, the applicability of his findings to other countries remains somewhat uncertain. The reliance on Hungarian examples, although richly detailed, may limit the book’s appeal to those specifically interested in post-communist societies. A broader comparative analysis, perhaps incorporating other east European nations or countries with similar socio-political transitions, could have enhanced the book’s relevance for a wider audience.
Despite these limitations, Sociology of Corruption makes significant contributions to our understanding of corruption as a global phenomenon. The book’s conceptual framework can be applied beyond Hungary, offering insights into how corruption takes root in societies undergoing rapid structural changes. By examining the interplay between individual agency and institutional structures, Jancsics provides a model that could be used to understand corruption in other transitional contexts, such as post-authoritarian Latin America or parts of Sub-Saharan Africa.
Moreover, the book engages with questions of public concern beyond academia, such as the role of oligarchs in state capture and the normalization of corruption within political systems. These issues are not unique to Hungary; they are present in various forms globally, from Russia to Brazil. Natalia Letki, Maciej A. Górecki, and Adam Gendźwill in a recent comprehensive studyFootnote 2 highlight that in high-corruption contexts, citizens’ experience of petty corruption often does not negatively impact their evaluation of institutions because it has become a routine part of accessing services, further complicating the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures.Footnote 3 Additionally, the book could have benefited from a more extensive exploration of potential comparative frameworks that might apply to other countries beyond Hungary, which would enhance the generalizability of its findings.
Overall, Sociology of Corruption is a richly detailed and theoretically robust exploration of corruption in post-communist Hungary. Jancsics challenges traditional views on corruption by focusing on its relational and organizational dimensions, providing valuable insights into how corruption is sustained within social systems. Despite its complexity and geographic specificity, the book’s empirical case studies and policy-relevant recommendations make it an essential read for scholars and practitioners interested in the sociology of corruption. Its broader implications for understanding corruption in other contexts further underscore the importance of this work, making it a crucial contribution to the field.
