The editors of this book, Gary Scott Smith and P. C. Kemeny, concede in their introduction that generating interest in denominational history is an uphill battle. Roughly twenty-five years ago, Robert Bruce Mullin and Russell E. Richey tried to revive interest in studies of Protestant communions in a collection of essays, Reimagining Denominationalism (Oxford University Press, 1994). That was a laudable effort at a time, at least in the United States, when most of the energy in the study of Protestantism then was going toward evangelicalism—a form of Protestant Christianity that had historically been indifferent to denominational identities. At the same time, in what Martin E. Marty called “the two-party system of American Protestantism” (Righteous Empire: The Protestant Experience in America [Dial, 1970]), the study of so-called mainline Protestantism was no more obviously attentive to denominational differences than students of evangelicalism were. Both evangelical and mainline stood for ecumenical or non-denominational styles of Protestantism that largely ignored traits that made particular communions distinct. Marty's point about a “two-party system” was apt because the study of denominationalism since at least the 1950s has paralleled the history of American states (like Nevada). Scholars do not pay much attention to individual states, their government, people, and institutions. Instead, U.S. history follows contests between the two major political parties (at any given period). The same follows for scholarship on Protestantism. Denominations matter less than evangelicalism and mainline Protestantism.

The editors, however, believe the situation has changed sufficiently (and editors at Oxford University Press agree) to claim that the study of Presbyterianism is relevant not simply to church members and clergy, but to the wider academic community. Presbyterianism has, they argue, a long history, a global presence, a distinct outlook and form of Christian practice, and even a specific understanding of political life—enough to merit a single volume. Oxford University Press has published over one hundred handbooks in religion; their volumes include everything from books devoted to specific persons (Thomas Aquinas, for instance), whole religious traditions, regions, kinds of academic analysis (for example, feminism), and Protestant expressions (such as Presbyterianism, Quakerism, Anglicanism, and Methodism). Oxford's inclusion of Presbyterianism may explain the editors’ claim that “the future of . . . Presbyterianism is bright” (5). Because of its intellectual traditions, organizational structures, “social activism, and passion for promoting the gospel,” they explain, Presbyterianism should “continue to be a vibrant, influential movement for decades to come” (5). Observers of Presbyterianism in North America, not to mention scholars who write about “global Christianity,” may wonder if that estimate is overdone.

The book covers Presbyterianism in five sections (and thirty-five chapters), the first devoted to historical developments and the other four explaining church polity, theology, worship, and society (ethics, politics, and education). Much of the book is historical. Even in sections about theology or worship, authors resort to historical narratives more than biblical or doctrinal rationales. As much as the editors have tried to include the global footprint of Presbyterian churches, the volume reflects an outlook rooted in the particular history of Presbyterianism in the United States. Most contributors not only come from seminaries or religion departments in the United States, but also use British and American developments to frame discussions. (Four of the thirty-six authors work outside the United States: two from Scotland, one from Ghana, and one more from Brazil.) This is not inherently a defect, since Presbyterianism in the United States is arguably more influential than kindred churches in other nations thanks to America's outsized role in world affairs since 1900. But readers might well imagine a different arrangement of material if edited by scholars working, for instance, in Scotland, Ireland or Canada.

The first six chapters trace Presbyterianism from Geneva and Scotland to the Westminster Assembly, Presbyterianism in the North American British colonies, and then rivalries between mainline and sideline Presbyterians in the United States. Canadian Presbyterianism receives coverage in the American chapters. Other historical essays follow Presbyterian churches (largely through missionary efforts) in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. The section on polity (or “Ecclesial Forms and Structures”) explores church government, creeds, sacraments, ecumenism and church splits, and women's ordination. Theology is the third longest section, with essays on the standard topics of systematics (God, humankind, Christ, Holy Spirit, and church). The editors also included reflections on election, scripture, neoorthodoxy, charismatic movements, world religions, and natural law. In contrast, worship is the shortest section (theology of worship, hymnody, and preaching). The last section on society is also fairly brief (ethics, church and state, social reform, and higher education).

As a reference work, this handbook generally succeeds. It will likely be most useful to readers unfamiliar with Presbyterianism. For those inside Presbyterian communions or who have some background, the book will acquaint readers perspectives of other Presbyterian scholars. In the future, this handbook may function as a benchmark of Presbyterian self-understanding to compare with other reference works, such as Alfred Nevin's Encyclopedia of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (Presbyterian, 1884) or Donald K. McKim's Encyclopedia of the Reformed Faith (Westminster/John Knox, 1992). But as a body of scholarship that might be useful to social scientists or scholars in the humanities, The Oxford Handbook of Presbyterianism will likely have limited value.