Pierre Orelus’ All English accents matter functions not only as an exposition and denunciation of accent discrimination, but also as an endorsement of linguistic equity, diversity, and inclusion in all realms of social life. By describing various case studies conducted in different contexts, Orelus discusses the impacts of accent hierarchization on both native and non-native (English) speakers’ personal, professional, and academic lives and argues that linguistic colonial practices hold onto linguistic minorities’ existences until today through educational, political, and even geographical policies. The highly personal narratives and testimonies combined with the author's field notes provide us, sociolinguists, with insights on the twin-concepts of accentism and linguoelitism, as well as reflections on the relationship between linguistic identities and gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, nationality, and class.
Drawing upon testimonies from college students, Orelus highlights the social nature of the so-called standard accent and its privilege in relation to other forms of speaking. Such assertion underlies the concept of accentism, a mode of linguistic oppression that signals the intertwinement between accent and ethnicity, race, and class. As the author repeatedly claims, what is considered to be standard is usually—if not always—the way the white, monolingual, Christian, heterosexual, able-bodied man speaks. Even in higher education institutions, this pattern is still replicated towards learners and professors, causing suffering on those who deviate from the constructed norm.
Intricately linked to accentism is the notion of linguoelitism. A linguistic ideology that both hierarchizes accents and places standard varieties over marginalized ones, linguoelitism erases the cultural value of a language and/or accent for a people; it goes back to colonial times when colonizers imposed their dominance through linguistic homogenization, wherein the language of the powerful was enforced onto social and linguistic minorities. In this sense, Orelus argues that the English-only movement in the US and the English language teaching program in the UK serve as examples of contemporary practices of linguistic homogenization in the anglophone world; they position standard English as the ideal mode of communication for every native and non-native English speaking resident in both countries.
Such a historical view relates to the author's claim that accentism and linguoelitism are associated with other identity traits, for one's accent and/or language is intrinsically linked to one's race, ethnicity, nationality, class, and gender. Speaking with an accent—in the very stereotyped view of the concept, as if it only accounted for marked forms of speaking—comes alongside racial and ethnical identities that are socially stratified and may (not) be conceptualized as superior/inferior to others depending on the context.
Built on these vital considerations, Orelus’ main point is that ‘all accents deserve equal respect, for they reflect people's identity’ (71). Despite being sometimes overlooked, accent discrimination is harmful to linguistic minorities as it has effects on their personal, professional, and academic lives. Therefore, one must bear in mind that there is no superior or inferior accent—or language. In fact, institutional recognition of multilingualism is the way for achieving a more equitable, diverse, and inclusive society.
