One primary function of an academic lawyer is to identify in our scholarship the “white spaces”Footnote 1 of international law. White spaces are opportunities for academic lawyers to adopt longitudinal perspectives on the discipline and practice of international law.Footnote 2 Accordingly, we can study the eclecticism and complexities of the modern international law-making process.Footnote 3 In our teaching and production of knowledge through scholarship, we should reflect on the values of international law,Footnote 4 as a foil to the sharp pragmatism of practitioners who operate in the “real” world.Footnote 5 Sometimes these impulses in academia are useful to international legal practice, once we distil the practical elements by subtracting the abstract or theoretical.Footnote 6
It is against this context that we must welcome the contribution by Chen Zhida to this Journal on the problematic treaty-making practice of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).Footnote 7 His concerns are practical and academic. It is practical because ASEAN is indisputably an international legal person with separate legal personality.Footnote 8 If it were capable of concluding treaties, then ASEAN as an entity would carry rights and obligationsFootnote 9 that are opposable to its Member States and other subjects of international law.
This contribution is relevant to academic lawyers for two reasons. First, to speak of an ASEAN “treaty practice” is to recognize, in normative terms,Footnote 10 some degree of ASEAN's “actorness” as an international organization concerning law-making on the international plane. Obviously, there are diplomatic practices with an indigenous (i.e. ASEAN) characteristic in the maintenance of regional order in Southeast Asia. One might concede that, in this respect, the recourse to law is inimical to an “ASEAN Way”Footnote 11 or an autochthonous habit of decision-making, which, it is claimed, involves lengthy dialogue and ritualistic consultation.Footnote 12 But through ASEAN, the maintenance of international and regional order in Southeast AsiaFootnote 13 can also be accomplished with words—undoubtedly a task for international lawyers.Footnote 14 So while there may be an ASEAN Way to manage—or resolve—differences at sea, on land, in the air, or space, this (ASEAN) way can still be explained by and assimilated into the rules and principles of international law.Footnote 15
Second, Chen proposed ways to mitigate the apparent muddle of ASEAN's “treaty” practice, especially with a provocative argument that the treaty obligations of ASEAN (owed to another contracting party) are supported by agency at international law.Footnote 16 Here, though, it seems to me that he pressed a point too hard. Although international law is no longer just about states, it is still something to do with states.Footnote 17 The Lotus presumption still obtains.Footnote 18 Only states and not international organizations have full competences at international law.Footnote 19 This is true in relation to the laws of treaties, a consensualist regime, to which Chen's paper is devoted. In evaluating the competence of ASEAN to conclude treaties Footnote 20 (I use this word advisedly) as a separate legal person with other subjects of international law, we must examine the ASEAN Charter,Footnote 21 the whole Charter, and nothing but the Charter.Footnote 22
Article 41(7) of the Charter provides that ASEAN “may conclude agreements”, not international agreements or treaties. The many ASEAN instrumentsFootnote 23 that Chen used in support of his propositionsFootnote 24 are not treaties as understood under the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (Vienna Convention).Footnote 25 However, to persist in studying only the treaty practice of ASEAN is to foreclose the white spaces accorded to an academic lawyer. It is arguable that those ASEAN instruments under review constitute evidence of international law-making by ASEAN as a subject of international law. The term “international law-making” is used in this paper to express a broader and normative understanding of the law-making process by ASEAN: this includes but is also wider than the formalist approach of determining “law” as promulgated in treaty form, or through express affirmation as state practice in a soft law instrument.
On this account, international law-making by ASEAN is interactional.Footnote 26 Different instruments can interlock to confirm the content or constitute evidence of the rules and principles of international law.Footnote 27 In short, the treaty practice of ASEAN is part of an international law-making process. But treaties are not exhaustive of this process; nor are they necessarily or always its most conclusive part.
Chen's key proposition is that ASEAN can and should be entitled to act for and on behalf of its Member States when concluding agreements.Footnote 28 For brevity, I call this the “on behalf of” formulation throughout this paper. What the formulation means is not always clear. It acknowledgesFootnote 29 but does not seem properly seized of the consequences concerning an international organization's separate legal personality. As a result, the arguments advanced to support the “on behalf of” formulation raise difficulties on technical and conceptual grounds.
A central tenet of this paper, therefore, is to emphasize the value of an international organization's separate legal personality. This affects our understanding of legal obligations and related matters of enforcement, which attach to the instruments that are concluded by an international organization. Once the legal personality of an international organization is established, whether in the constituent instrument or through the manifest intention of the Member States, its separate and distinct character from Member States is of some importance. To be clear: what this international organization can do—or cannot do—with its separate legal personality is another matter. That is for international law to draw appropriate conclusions over time.
This paper has three parts. Section I recapitulates the thesis by Chen and provides a non-exhaustive list of ways that the “on behalf of” formulation has been expressed. Section II argues that, for technical reasons, the “on behalf of” formulation is not generally a significant issue. Much of the practice as reviewed by Chen concerned Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) that were concluded before the Charter's entry into force. These instruments may or may not be treaties, which are governed by international law. Section III examines the arguments related to agency at international lawFootnote 30 and Draft Article 36 bis Footnote 31 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties between States or International Organizations or between International Organization (1986 Convention).Footnote 32 At the conceptual level, there are difficulties in linking these arguments to the “on behalf of” formulation, because ASEAN could and had acted in its own right, as a separate legal person, after the Charter's entry into force.Footnote 33
I. THE “ON BEHALF OF” FORMULATION: THE CORE ARGUMENTS AND WAYS THAT IT WAS EXPRESSED
The “on behalf of” formulation was articulated at an early stage of Chen's paper. After noting the express conferral by Member States of legal personality onto ASEAN and its competence to “conclude treaties”Footnote 34 (a related issue to which I will return), Chen cited Article 5(2) in the Charter as evidence of a “hard” obligation on ASEAN Member States to take, in this respect, all necessary measures to comply with the obligations of membership.Footnote 35 He went on:
It [i.e. Article 5(2)] would not entitle the other party that is concluding a treaty with ASEAN to enforce the treaty obligations directly against the Member States, even if ASEAN purports to conclude the treaty on behalf of its Member States. Indeed, an examination of the ASEAN treaties would reveal that ASEAN has, on various occasions, concluded treaties on behalf of its Member States.Footnote 36
One pertinent question that arises is whether:
such treaty-making practice can and should be valid under international law, even if the Member States have consented for ASEAN to conclude these treaties on their behalf.Footnote 37
The position to be defended is that:
under international law, ASEAN can and should be entitled to conclude treaties on behalf of its Member States.Footnote 38
The “on behalf of” formulation was expressed in the following ways:Footnote 39
1. To justify treaties concluded by ASEAN on behalf of its Member States by relying on the concept of agency at international lawFootnote 40 (i.e. it is in the agency context that this formulation acquired its most clearly defined meaning).Footnote 41
2. That the practice of ASEAN concluding treaties on behalf of its Member States probably reflects the “collective representation” of its Member StatesFootnote 42 (i.e. Member States used ASEAN, which probably lacked separate legal personality, as a co-operative framework to serve their particular needs).
3. That it is “interesting” that the ASEAN Secretary-General had concluded treaties on behalf of its Member States, despite lacking the competence to do so under the CharterFootnote 43 (i.e. although the practice under review concerned MOUs and not treaties).
4. When treaties are concluded “in the name of ASEAN or the governments of the Member States of ASEAN”,Footnote 44 it “follows that the preambles of most of the treaties … would not state the treaty was concluded on behalf of the Member States”Footnote 45 (i.e. Chen seemed to argue that ASEAN had effectively concluded these instruments on behalf of its Member States).Footnote 46
5. Based on practice, ASEAN had concluded treaties on behalf of its Member States with the “express authorization” of the latter,Footnote 47 despite lacking an express provision to this effect in the CharterFootnote 48 (i.e. the key issue to Chen seemed to be whether “treaties” concluded in this way are valid and what the obligations and rights of ASEAN and its Member States are).Footnote 49
6. There are “compelling reasons” why international organizations should be entitled to conclude treaties on behalf of their Member States, namely: (i) it strengthens the recognition by other subjects of international law of an international organization's “actorness”; (ii) it improves the bargaining power of Member States; (iii) it is efficient, convenient, and allows “the other party to the treaty to … directly enforce the treaty obligations against the Member States”.Footnote 50
7. That the interchangeable use of “ASEAN” in the preambles of ASEAN instruments made it “difficult to ascertain in each case if ASEAN was simply concluding the treaty on behalf of its Member States or on its own behalf as well”.Footnote 51
8. That once we accept ASEAN may conclude treaties on behalf of its Member States, it follows that the Member States would be the proper parties to the treaties.Footnote 52
These eight examples illustrate the distinct—though at times related—meanings which are associated with the “on behalf of” formulation. To the extent that the analysis raised issues concerning ASEAN's legal personality, it was characterized in examples (3)–(7) as acting “on its own behalf” or “on behalf of” ASEAN Member States, or perhaps both. If an international organization has legal personality, it has capacity for separate action at international law.Footnote 53 When an international organization concludes an instrument with another subject of international law, it can act in its own right as a party.Footnote 54 Both are utterly formal but crucial points.
Equally significant in terms of determining what rights and obligations an international organization carries, as a separate legal person, is the constituent instrument, rules of organization,Footnote 55 and obviously the content of that instrument, to which the international organization is a party. For good measure, the other contracting party can demand that Member States and the international organization both conclude the same instrument as two separate legal persons (and thus as two separate parties), by filling “gaps” in the competences of that international organization.Footnote 56
These qualifications form some of the concerns in, but also expose problems with, the “on behalf of” formulation. Today, it might be less helpful to characterize an act by an international organization as one that is conducted “on its own behalf” or “on behalf of” its Member States.Footnote 57 This is because, at times, these terms are vague as a matter of law. It is not always clear whether the terms are intended as a political observation or a statement of law.Footnote 58 For example, the European Commission noted that the European Union (EU), despite its separate legal personality, sometimes lacked legal standing to exercise its competences on the international plane because certain treaties or organizations allowed only states to become a party.Footnote 59 The Commission said that, in these situations, the EU may have to use the “vehicle of acting through its member States” but, notably, it added that EU Member States “do not act on their own behalf but on behalf and in the interest of the European Union”.Footnote 60
Another way of expressing the Commission's position, in legal terms, is to replace the words “vehicle”, “interest”, and “behalf” with the general duty of co-operation under Article 4(3) of the Treaty of the European Union (TEU), a constituent instrument, which binds all EU Member States. Where the EU lacks legal standing, therefore, its Member States are legally obliged to implement all tasks consequent to the TEU and Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU).Footnote 61 Under EU law, a duty of co-operation has two elements. First, it calls for loyalty from Member States to refrain from unilateral acts which are deleterious to the international actions of the EU.Footnote 62 Second, it requires co-operation from Member States to ensure unity in the international representation of the EU on the international plane.Footnote 63 In the area of a common European foreign policy,Footnote 64 a specific duty of co-operation even exists in Article 24(3) TEU, enjoining its Member States to develop political solidarity, and whose actions shall not impair EU effectiveness as a “cohesive force in international relations”.
In this respect, it is worth stressing that international law is a coherent system and not an inchoate mass of rules.Footnote 65 The basic construct of legal personality belongs to and is a part of this coherent legal system.Footnote 66 Within this international legal framework, rules can be generated as a consequence of personality (i.e. a general duty of co-operation), applied and even adjudicated upon.Footnote 67 We should be assiduous in distinguishing the separate acts of an international organization (when it exercises its legal personality) as distinct from its Member States. Perhaps one exception lies in the context of an agency relationship between an international organization (as agent) and its Member States (as principal)—exactly the proposition which was advanced by Chen.Footnote 68
The “on behalf of” formulation as discussed above appears to raise complex issues, but they are not necessarily or inevitably so. Of particular importance in this regard is the legal status of the instrument that an international organization had concluded. Are these instruments governed by international law (i.e. treaties), or are these instruments which are expressly not subject to international law (i.e. MOUs)? Even if an international organization had concluded a treaty as a party, are the obligations therein sufficiently determinate, and intended to be enforceable? Otherwise do we really need to use the “on behalf of” formulation to enforce obligations, by making Member States “proper parties” to an instrument,Footnote 69 when it was that international organization (not the Member States) which had concluded it as the party?Footnote 70
Depending on whether the instrument in question is a treaty or MOU, questions concerning the obligations that bind either an international organization or its Member States can become less—or more—significant.
II. DISTINGUISHING TREATIES FROM MOUs
It is misleading to conflate treaties with MOUs. This is not the place to enter the debate on whether MOUs are treaties,Footnote 71 although some characteristics of MOUs as an instrument of ready course by states (and international organizations) bear emphasis here. Generally, MOUs are instruments that are devised to avoid legal obligations.Footnote 72 Three of the MOUsFootnote 73 that Chen had instancedFootnote 74 in his first category of ASEAN practiceFootnote 75 cannot be treaties because they contained understandings (not agreements), which are expressly not binding under international law.Footnote 76
The fourth instrument in this first category is a “co-operation agreement” between the Secretariats of ASEAN and the International Labour Organization.Footnote 77 Of course, its form as an “agreement” (not MOU) is not in itself conclusive of an instrument's legal status under international law. This agreement aims to facilitate collaboration between both Secretariats of common interest that includes “exchange of information” of common concern,Footnote 78 “representation” at specified meetings,Footnote 79 and “research studies” on matters of mutual interest.Footnote 80 Its provisions do not “interfere in any way with the independent decision-making autonomy of each organization with regard to its conduct of affairs, financing or operations”.Footnote 81 In short, its content is of an “administrative nature”Footnote 82 with scant basis in the language to enforce legal obligations.
As for the two MOUs on agricultural co-operation in his second category,Footnote 83 these instruments were concluded by the ASEAN Secretariat “acting for and on behalf of the Member States of ASEAN”.Footnote 84 According to Chen, these instruments seem problematic because:
The language [i.e. in the MOUs] seems to indicate that the ASEAN Member States are, in fact, the parties to the treaty, albeit the obligations are performed through the ASEAN Secretariat.Footnote 85
In fact, the language of both MOUs scrupulously avoided treaty language. These are not treaties. There are “participants” not “parties” in both MOUs who reached “understandings” not “agreements” in certain areas of agricultural co-operation.Footnote 86 Now it is true that some MOUs are, in reality, treaties.Footnote 87 If so, it is that instrument's content that we must examine in its entirety, and not its form or preamble: for example, the substance of obligations; evidence of dispute settlement mechanisms; or registration under Article 102 of the UN Charter.Footnote 88
Both MOUs on agricultural co-operation are technical instruments regarding co-operation in agriculture and forestry.Footnote 89 Under both MOUs, China would, for instance, offer technical assistance through the training of specialists from ASEAN “Member Countries”.Footnote 90 Both participants would “jointly identify cooperation in other fields of mutual interest such as advanced technology in agriculture, forestry, post-harvest technology and food security”.Footnote 91 These are vague, indeterminate provisions and not a firm basis for international legal obligations to arise or be enforced. Even treaties can contain “soft” obligations because they lack a “potentially normative”Footnote 92 character to be enforceable by the parties. The United States, for example, interpreted Article 4(1) and (2) of the 1992 Framework Convention on Climate Change (i.e. a treaty) to mean: “there is nothing in any of the language which constitutes a commitment to any specific level of emissions at any time.”Footnote 93
Returning to the two MOUs on agricultural co-operation: because the participants did not intend both instruments to be (and become) legally binding, there is a concomitant preference for inconclusive language as to the separateness of the legal persons (if at all material) who had concluded the instruments. To this extent, for example, observe that the ASEAN Secretary-General was duly authorized to conclude the understandings by the “respective governments” of ASEAN Member States.Footnote 94 Though the ASEAN Secretary-GeneralFootnote 95 was “acting for and on behalf of”Footnote 96 the Member States, it was not inevitable at international law that as an undersigned he was “duly authorized by the respective governments of ASEAN member States”.Footnote 97 After all, the ASEAN Secretary-General was representing all ASEAN Member States and not the government of each independent sovereign state in Southeast Asia which is also an ASEAN Member State. In terms of the separateness of ASEAN as a legal person, it is plausible in the alternative to express it simply as: “the Secretary-General is duly authorized to conclude the understandings.”
Whether the inconclusive language reflects deliberation or otherwise,Footnote 98 these ambiguities are possibly tolerable since the instruments are not treaties, and are therefore insulated from the principles and rules of treaty interpretation.Footnote 99 Note also the loose drafting of the preambles in both MOUs, although their content concerning agricultural co-operation is substantively similar.Footnote 100 Whereas the 2002 MOU referred to the participants as “Member States”, the 2007 MOU used the words “Member Countries” instead.Footnote 101 Furthermore, if disputes concerning both MOUs occur, whether they touch on international or municipal laws, then settlement is reached through diplomacy without recourse to international tribunals.Footnote 102 As a matter of international law, the matter of enforcing obligations directly against ASEAN Member States does not arise.
Our attention is also drawn to a third (and final) category of instruments.Footnote 103 Its preambles, a model of studied equivocation, typically begin this way:Footnote 104
The Governments of the Member Countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Government of the People's Republic of China, hereinafter singly referred to as “Party” and collectively referred to as the “Parties”.Footnote 105
On the basis of these preambles, Chen concluded that because the instruments in this third category were concluded in the “name of ASEAN”Footnote 106 or the governments of ASEAN Member States, it “follows [sic] that the preambles of most of the treaties in this category would not state that the treaty was concluded on behalf of the Member States”.Footnote 107 This view appeared to suggest that the instruments were effectively concluded by ASEAN “on behalf of” its Member States (whatever this means).
In this respect, though, there are small signs of clarity in the international law-making practice of ASEAN. Consider the examples as instanced by Chen concerning two MOUs with similar content on non-traditional security co-operation of 2004 and 2009, respectively.Footnote 108 The preamble of 2004 said:
The Governments of the Member Countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Government of the People's Republic of China, (hereinafter referred to as the Parties).
Now contrast this with the preamble of 2009, which simply said:
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Government of the People's Republic of China, (hereinafter referred to as the Parties).
Thus it would appear that the MOU of 2009 was concluded by ASEAN as a party in its own right, a separate legal person. As a party to this MOU,Footnote 109 it is peculiar to regard ASEAN as concluding an instrument “on behalf of” its Member States. It is a nice speculation whether the MOU of 2004 and, indeed, all the MOUs surveyed by Chen in his third category, which embraced the preambles of studied equivocation, were effectively concluded by ASEAN as a separate legal person. All we can say is that because these instruments are not intended to be legally binding at international law, so the question of ASEAN (or its organs) acting separately as a legal person on the international plane is immaterial.
Two indications suggest that the instruments in this category are not intended to be legally binding. First, all of them referred to “Member Countries” not “Member States”. The word “state” (not “country”) has meaning at international law. States, not countries, are entities which have satisfied the minimum criteria of statehood (i.e. international legal status of being a state) and, accordingly, are subjects of international law with full competences on the international plane.Footnote 110 So presumably the words “Member Countries” in these instruments were used, instead of “Member States”,Footnote 111 to emphasize their non-treaty status.
Second, the MOUs in this category also contain vague languageFootnote 112 and lack sufficient details to be binding at international law. Consider, for example, the MOU on cultural co-operation of 2005. The participants (not parties) to this MOU reached an understanding (not agreement) to “step up cooperation in the areas of cultural enterprise and creative industries through product development, promotion of the culture market, exchange of information and networking among experts”.Footnote 113 This understanding is at once general (networking and exchange of information) yet potentially comprehensive (product development through creative industries). It would require more diplomatic work, perhaps resulting in another instrument, to give substance to the potentially comprehensive aspects of the MOU on cultural co-operation. In its particular form of 2005, the MOU was only a device to establish a co-operative framework.
This point is evident in the area of law enforcement, under the MOUs on non-traditional security of 2004 and 2009.Footnote 114 The parties to both MOUs shall: “promote cooperation in accordance with their national laws in such fields as … apprehension and repatriation of criminal fugitives and return of crime proceeds; and encourage each other to enter into bilateral arrangements therein.”Footnote 115 Needless to say, the settlement of disputes resulting from these MOUs is resolved through diplomacy, not international law.Footnote 116
One underlying reason for the “on behalf of” formulation is to enable direct enforcement of treaty obligations against Member States, when it is the international organization (not its Member States) which had concluded the treaty with another contracting party.Footnote 117 Why not enforce the obligations directly against the international organization? This is because every international organization varies in competences and funding. It might be the case that Member States are in a practical—and better—position to comply with or implement the obligations.
If the obligations are breached, a Member State can stand as the defendant—subject to the appropriate jurisdiction of a national court or international tribunal—and provide adequate financial compensation.Footnote 118 These practical concerns prompted Chen to tackle the perceived vice of an international organization's relative weaknessesFootnote 119 by establishing Member States as the “proper parties”Footnote 120 to a treaty, of which the international organization is the party de jure. His arguments, however, did not distinguish treaties from MOUs. It is an omission that carries some qualitative implications. Once a distinction is made, although we might not fully overcome the uncertainties of ASEAN's international law-making practice,Footnote 121 at least they become more manageable.
Enforcement of a legal obligation can include at least two distinct but related meanings.Footnote 122 The one is that a legal obligation is owed by an international organization with separate legal personality, as a party to a treaty with another contracting party: the international organization intends to comply voluntarilyFootnote 123 by implementing this obligation. Enforcement in this sense is not necessarily sanction-oriented, through judicial settlement, but also a facilitative and justificatory process.Footnote 124
The other concerns the breach of an obligation, as a primary rule of international law, which gives rise to the international responsibility of a stateFootnote 125 or an international organizationFootnote 126 for an internationally wrongful act. Enforcement in this other sense implicates the secondary rules of international law,Footnote 127 which determine the consequences of failing to comply with obligations established by the primary rule.Footnote 128 International responsibility of states and international organizationsFootnote 129 arises for internationally wrongful acts, which include both actions and omissions.Footnote 130 For states, their international responsibility includes standard bilateral situations of responsibility.Footnote 131 But potentially it can be broader as obligations erga omnes to protect certain basic rights and fulfil essential obligations, which are consequently owed to the international community.Footnote 132
This distinction in the meaning of enforcement partly explains the treaty practice of ASEAN. When Member States of ASEAN intend obligations in treaties to be owed by them individually as parties with respect to another contracting party, they do try to be clear. Consider this preamble of a recent free trade agreement (FTA):
The Governments of Brunei Darussalam, the Kingdom of Cambodia (Cambodia), the Republic of Indonesia (Indonesia), the Lao People's Democratic Republic (Lao PDR), the Union of Myanmar (Myanmar), the Republic of the Philippines (Philippines), the Republic of Singapore (Singapore), the Kingdom of Thailand (Thailand), and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam (Viet Nam), collectively, the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and Australia and New Zealand. Footnote 133
Compare it with an older, more prolix preamble of an agreement on trade in goods between China and ASEAN (2004 Treaty):
The Governments of the People's Republic of China (“China”), and Brunei Darussalam, the Kingdom of Cambodia, the Republic of Indonesia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic (“Lao PDR”), the Union of Myanmar, the Republic of the Philippines, the Republic of Singapore, the Kingdom of Thailand, and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (collectively, Footnote 134“ASEAN” Footnote 135or “ASEAN Member States”, or individually “ASEAN Member State”. Footnote 136
Obviously, these are treaties and are governed by international law. More materially for our purposes, the ASEAN Member States had concluded these treaties as individual parties. In the case of the AANZFTA,Footnote 137 ten FTAs were effectively concluded by ten ASEAN Member States (i.e. as ten parties, respectively) with Australia and New Zealand but (and this is important) within the co-ordinative framework of ASEAN.Footnote 138
The words “collectively”Footnote 139 and “ASEAN”Footnote 140 at the tail end of the 2004 Treaty's preamble are possibly a convenient abbreviation but, nonetheless, indicative of the parties in their individual status as independent sovereign states. Where appropriate and expedient throughout the treaty's text, individual parties are referred to as: (i) “ASEAN”; or (ii) “ASEAN member States”; or (iii) “ASEAN member State”.Footnote 141 Confusing though it might be, the word “ASEAN”Footnote 142 in this treaty is not intended to suggest that ASEAN had concluded the 2004 Treaty as a separate legal person.
There is some basis for this claim in the Chinese text of the 2004 Treaty.Footnote 143 The equivalent of the word “collectively”Footnote 144 in the Chinese preamble is “
”. “
” is concordant with the word “collectively”. But the additional characters “
” loosely mean “simplify” or (more appropriately in this preamble) “abbreviated”, a nuance whose meaning is not captured in the English word “collectively”.
Now contrast this practice with the dropping of “ASEAN”Footnote 145 in this collective senseFootnote 146 from the preamble of the AANZFTAFootnote 147—a more accurate reflection of the respective parties’ identity to this treaty. It is a practice worth embracing in future FTAs or cognate treaties.Footnote 148 The AANZFTA also contained ten separate signatures by representatives of the governments from each ASEAN Member State, an indication that ASEAN was not a party to this FTA as a separate legal person. Because the FTAs’ preambles have not been uniformly drafted,Footnote 149 a proper evaluation of the rights and obligations which are owed by ASEAN Member States must be based on the treaties’ content and not solely on their preambles.
That ASEAN as a legal person is not a party to these FTAs is a claim which also finds support in the 2011 Rules of Procedure for the Conclusion of International Agreements by ASEAN (2011 Rules).Footnote 150 These rules allow ASEAN to conclude treatiesFootnote 151 as a separate legal person that is distinct from its Member States.Footnote 152 But its scope of application significantly excludes:
the conclusion of international agreements concluded by all ASEAN Member States collectively and which create obligations upon individual ASEAN Member States.Footnote 153
This technique, which excludes ASEAN as a party, reflects the development gap between ASEAN Member States and, therefore, the differentiated obligations of individual parties at international law.Footnote 154 So, for example, certain parties (Singapore and Indonesia) to the 2004 Treaty are able to reduce their tariff rates within a shorter timeframe than other parties can (Cambodia, Lao PDR, and Myanmar).Footnote 155 The “individuality” of these primary obligations is also important from the standpoint of determining international responsibility for an internationally wrongful act,Footnote 156 with respect to each individual Member State as a party.Footnote 157
Nonetheless, although ASEAN is not a party to these FTAs, these instruments were concluded within the co-ordinative framework of ASEAN. In other words, ASEAN organs are (expected to be) involved, which may—or may not—result in internationally wrongful acts and thus engage the international responsibility of ASEAN as an international organization. For instance, the ASEAN economic ministersFootnote 158 perform a co-ordinative and supervisory role within the FTA Joint Committee of the AANZFTA.Footnote 159
It is premature to attempt a firm conclusion on whether the draft articlesFootnote 160 would exert practical consequences on the FTAs.Footnote 161 The conduct, for example, of an organ or agent of an international organization in the performance of its functions is considered an act of that international organization, which can become an internationally wrongful act.Footnote 162 In other words, the conduct of ASEAN organs (or agents of ASEANFootnote 163) in the performance of their functions includes acts and omissions—both are potentially attributable to ASEAN.Footnote 164
The International Law Commission (ILC) seemed to evince a relaxed definition of organs and agents, relying as conclusive on their functions and not official status in terms of conduct within that international organization.Footnote 165 In its current state, ASEAN's treaty practice is not free of prospective difficulties.Footnote 166 When the UN General Assembly took note of the ILC's draft articles concerning the international responsibility of international organizations, the word “draft” was omitted in its resolution.Footnote 167 This is an approach which began in 2000.Footnote 168 The words “draft articles” were used to suggest that the ILC's work was non-binding, not final, and subject to negotiations by states to conclude a treaty at a diplomatic conference.Footnote 169
The General Assembly's approach since 2000, however, suggests that states are inclined to endorse the ILC's consensus on the draft articles concerning the international responsibility of international organizations.Footnote 170 The legal status of the draft articles now belongs to the broader process of international law-making: its evaluation is left to governments or tribunals.Footnote 171 While the draft articles only represent the progressive development of international law,Footnote 172 it seems prudent that ASEAN Member States create special rules concerning the conduct of ASEAN organs and agents,Footnote 173 by taking advantage of the draft articles’ residual character as secondary rules of international law.Footnote 174 The special rules would need to be of a higher specificity to avoid being displaced by the draft articles, which are subject to the canons of treaty interpretation contained in the Vienna Convention.Footnote 175
To conclude this section, two final observations are in point. First, the brief survey of ASEAN's treaty practice above argued that the treaty obligations, which are owed by ASEAN Member States (when they intend to do so) as individual parties to another contracting party, are much clearer and their problems less significant than Chen had concluded.
Second, in terms of identifying academic white spaces, MOUs belong to the broader process of international law-making within ASEAN. International law instruments—whether treaties, MOUs, or even draft articles—can interlock over time to present evidence of existing law or be formative of opinio juris or state practice that generates new law.Footnote 176 Take, for example, the MOUs on transport and phytosanitory co-operation of 2004 and 2007, respectively.Footnote 177 The MOU on transport (2004) “reaffirmed” the framework agreement on comprehensive economic co-operation (i.e. a treaty) between ASEAN and China (2002),Footnote 178 by stressing that this MOU “complemented” activities at other ASEAN-China fora.Footnote 179 In the area of transport facilitation, the MOU aimed to “strengthen cooperation” by developing a network of rail, water, and air services “to meet the future development demands of the ASEAN-China free trade area”.Footnote 180
On the other hand, the MOU on phytosanitory co-operation (2007) recognized its relevance towards the effective and successful implementation of the various FTAs between ASEAN and China.Footnote 181 The parties reached an understanding (not agreement) that their co-operation would comportFootnote 182 with the principles of the Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures of the World Health Organization (i.e. a treaty).Footnote 183 Therefore, ASEAN Member States may as independent sovereign states individually conclude related instruments on phytosanitory co-operation with China, if they were so inclined.Footnote 184
Thus the interlocking of treaties with soft law instruments in MOUs can contribute to an international law-making process within (and by) ASEAN, as broadly defined.Footnote 185 How these instruments interlock to produce evidence of international law-making within ASEAN is too large an exercise for now. To be clear, I am not arguing that the interlocking of these instruments is qualitatively the same as international law-making through treaties, to which the parties consent.Footnote 186 It is not. Rather, a broader (and normative) perspective is being urged here. International law is not “law” simply because of its promulgation in treaty form.Footnote 187
The legitimacy of the international law-making process that produced this law and its reciprocity by the actors who enforce the law—whether in treaty or soft form—also matter in an interactional sense.Footnote 188 To this extent, we might even differentiate enforcing compliance through traditional mechanisms of dispute settlement from conformance through verification. In the climate change context, for example, it is not possible to make restitution for global warming. Thus the focus has shifted in favour of prevention with a softer system of target and timetable mitigation commitments.Footnote 189 Whether international law-making in this broader sense by ASEAN is more effective or more efficient in shaping state behaviour provides the white spaces for academic lawyers to evaluate from a longitudinal perspective the deeper issues which arise from Chen's paper—i.e. the obligations and rights between ASEAN Member States and in relation to other contracting parties.
III. CONCEPTUAL PROBLEMS WITH THE “ON BEHALF OF” FORMULATION
A hypothesis might call attention to the conceptual difficulties with the “on behalf of” formulation in general and particular propositions on agencyFootnote 190 and (Draft) Article 36 bis of the 1986 Convention.Footnote 191 Imagine the following are provisions in the constituent instrument of an international organization, which I shall call ESANA:
Article Y (Conduct of External Relations)
(a) ESANA is hereby conferred separate legal personality.
(b) ESANA may conclude agreements with states and international organizations.
(c) For the purposes of Article Y, relevant provisions in this constituent instrument and rules of the organizationFootnote 192 shall apply.
Now a few scenarios can plausibly arise from the general wording in Article Y(b), which can include but are not limited to the following:
1. ESANA has exclusive competence in particular areasFootnote 193 to conclude treaties as a party with another subject of international law. ESANA Member States: (i) are not parties to these treaties; (ii) cannot enter into a separate treaty in their individual capacities as independent sovereign states with this other subject of international law; and (iii) are under a duty of co-operation pursuant to Article Y(c).Footnote 194
2. ESANA has shared competence in particular areasFootnote 195 to conclude treaties as a party with another subject of international law. Once ESANA concludes such a treaty, Member States can in parallel conclude the same treaty: (i) as a separate party in their individual capacities as independent sovereign states with the same contracting party; and (ii) the obligations and rights of ESANA and ESANA Member States that arise from both treaties are consented to during negotiations or agreed on an ad hoc basis, subject to Article Y(c).Footnote 196
3. ESANA can conclude treaties as a party with another subject of international law in any areas not falling under its exclusive or shared competence. Once ESANA concludes such a treaty, Member States cannot conclude the same treaty in their individual capacities as independent sovereign states as a party with the same contracting party.Footnote 197 The duty of co-operation under Article Y(c) applies.
4. ESANA can conclude treaties as a party with another subject of international law in any areas on an ad hoc basis. When ESANA concludes such a treaty, Member States: (i) are not parties to this treaty; and (ii) do not intend to conclude this treaty as separate parties in their individual capacities as independent sovereign states with the same contracting party, although they can do so. The duty of co-operation under Article Y(c) applies. (This scenario is a possibility under ASEAN's 2011 Rules.Footnote 198)
5. ESANA can conclude instruments (such as MOUs or declarations) as a party with another subject of international law in any areas on an ad hoc basis. ESANA Member States: (i) are not parties to these instruments; and (ii) do not intend to conclude such instruments as separate parties in their individual capacities as independent sovereign states with the same contracting party, although they can do so. The duty of co-operation under Article Y(c) applies.Footnote 199 (This scenario reflected the pre-Charter practice concerning ASEAN MOUs, which is now assimilated in treaty form under Article 41(7) of the Charter.)
Scenarios (1)–(3) are approximates to the treaty-making competences of the EU.Footnote 200 Given the institutional sophistication of the EU,Footnote 201 it is unrealistic to expect their treaty-making competences to be widely followed by other international organizations, still less ASEAN.Footnote 202 In contrast, scenarios (4)–(5) illustrate elements of international law-making based on ASEAN practice and as a prospect under the Charter. When an international organization (such as ESANA) concludes a treaty under these scenarios, a range of possibilities is also instanced to illustrate how its Member States can also become a party to the same treaty, to which they (i.e. Member States) owe that contracting party obligations and rights. Exactly how and to what extent these obligations by the international organization and Member States are to be complied with or implemented will depend on other factors: the constituent instrument or its rules of organization, for example. The permutations are various.
Accordingly, no claim is made here that these scenarios exhaust the possibilities of an international organization's competence (or that of ASEAN) to conclude instruments, as a separate legal person. But at least there are grounds to be hesitant about the appropriateness of the “on behalf of” formulation as a conceptual characterization of the international law-making relations between two separate legal persons, i.e. an international organization and its Member States, with respect to another subject of international law. As expressed in its various guises,Footnote 203 the “on behalf of” formulation conceals rather than illuminates the qualitative aspects of an international organization's competence to conclude instruments as a subject of international law.
One reiterates—an evaluation of ASEAN's international law-making competence (which includes but is not limited to treaties) must begin with the Charter and then be appraised in its entirety. Article 41(7) of the Charter tells us only that ASEAN, a legal person, may conclude “agreements” with other subjects of international law. But conclusion of instruments also involves issues of competence related to capacity—such as negotiating mandates and representation of ASEAN. In short, we need to know which ASEAN organs are competent to conclude the instruments as representatives of ASEAN on the international plane. Unlike states, ASEAN, an international organization, is not a full subject of international law. We cannot assume, as we can with organs of state, that specific ASEAN organs are competent, for instance, to negotiate or to sign a particular instrument under the Charter. This is why the 2011 Rules are important.Footnote 204 In addition to Article 41(7), we now know that ASEAN is competent to conclude treaties as a party with another subject of international law, which creates obligations and rights for ASEAN as a distinct entity from ASEAN Member States.Footnote 205
The 2011 Rules even provide details concerning the competences of particular ASEAN organs to address specific aspects of concluding a treaty. There is space to instance only one aspect—the ASEAN common (negotiating) position.Footnote 206 Under the 2011 Rules, Member States are obliged to co-ordinate and develop an ASEAN common position, which serves as a basis for its representativeFootnote 207 to negotiate with another subject of international law.Footnote 208 The ASEAN organs that are competent to act in this respect are the Committee of Permanent Representatives,Footnote 209 ASEAN Sectoral Bodies,Footnote 210 and, if necessary, ASEAN Ministerial Meetings.Footnote 211 The competence of these organs is co-ordinative, not exclusive,Footnote 212 leaving intact the competence of Member States to negotiate and conclude the same instrument as a separate party,Footnote 213 if they are so inclined.Footnote 214
Thus the importance of the 2011 Rules is twofold. First, it represents clear evidence of an agreement of all ASEAN Member States regarding the interpretation of the Charter, especially Article 41(7). This is effectively a subsequent agreementFootnote 215 to an interpretation of the international law-making competence of ASEAN under its Charter. Second, the 2011 Rules, which are publicly accessible, are a modest but unequivocal effort redolent of an “ASEAN Way”Footnote 216 to validate the “actorness” of ASEAN in concluding particular types of treaties.Footnote 217 For these general reasons, two other particular difficulties with the “on behalf of” formulation are also manifest at the conceptual level, to which I turn.
A. Agency
Chen said:
In order to justify the treaties concluded by ASEAN on behalf of its Member States, it would be necessary to rely on the concept of agency under international law. Hence the use of the phrase “acting for and on behalf of the member states of ASEAN” may have significance of indicating that ASEAN is acting as an agent for its Member States in concluding the particular treaty in question.Footnote 218
This is a doubtful proposition. For sure, agency is a distinct and valid concept at international law.Footnote 219 But the scenarios, instanced above, support the presumption against an agency relationship between an international organization (i.e. agent) for Member States (i.e. principal). In the case of ASEAN, the obvious reason is that Member States expressly did not consent in the Charter to establish an agency relationship, either generally within the Charter or specifically to the conclusion of instruments. It is quite immaterial that one of the conditions of agency at international law, the separate legal personalities of both agent and principal, is satisfied.Footnote 220
Ten independent and sovereign states of Southeast Asia constituted ASEAN and agreed to each provision of the Charter. They own this treaty.Footnote 221 Because it is their treaty—and not that of anyone else—every Member State of ASEAN is bound by all the provisions in the Charter.Footnote 222 We cannot impute an agency relationship to ASEAN Member States when no such intention is expressed in the Charter. But we can refrain from implying agency (though this is possible more generally at international law)Footnote 223 for two reasons.
First, an agency relationship requires some form of controlFootnote 224 by Member States—the principal—over ASEAN organs. Control is important because the international organization in question—acting as the agent—can enter into and change legal relations with other subjects of international law, on behalf of the principal.Footnote 225 Compelling proof reflecting some form of control is thus required, in lieu of express consent to agency.Footnote 226 Even if one were prepared to consider as a proposition the prospect of a “separate treaty”Footnote 227 between ASEAN Member States to establish an express agency relationship, there are obstacles in the Charter.Footnote 228 One explicit indication of a presumption against agency is found in Article 11(9) of the Charter, which says this of control over an ASEAN organ:
Each ASEAN Member State undertakes to respect the exclusively ASEAN character of the responsibilities of the Secretary-General and the staff, and not seek to influence them in the discharge of their responsibilities.Footnote 229
Second, no judicial oversight exists in the Charter.Footnote 230 There is no “ASEAN Court of Justice”Footnote 231 to interpret its constituent instrument in “constitutional” terms.Footnote 232 By “constitutional”, I mean Member States neither intend nor permit any ASEAN organ to apply the principle of effectiveness in treaty interpretation.Footnote 233 ASEAN organs are not entitled to imply into the Charter language functions and obligations, such as agency in treaty-making, which are necessary for the effective achievement of ASEAN's perceived purposes. This lack of consent by Member States for a “constitutional” interpretation of the Charter's provisions is highly pertinent when we examine the constituent instrument in its entirety.
B. Draft Article 36 bis
As a draft, Article 36 bis of the 1986 ConventionFootnote 234 represented a valiant—but unsuccessful—effort by the ILC to develop a rule that Member States of an international organization would automatically be bound by obligations in a treaty, which are owed by an international organization as a party.Footnote 235 To this extent, Chen was in search of a “default rule” in the 1986 Convention.Footnote 236 This probably meant a rule of general application for all international organizations (including ASEAN) concerning the “on behalf of” formulation, despite their being governed by the principle of speciality.Footnote 237
It is difficult to explain the “on behalf of” formulation with Draft Article 36 bis.Footnote 238 This draft article was controversial and difficult, and therefore rejected because it was unacceptable in that form to states.Footnote 239 It is not controversial because it is part of a final text, as are (for example) the draft articles on the international responsibility of international organizations of 2011.Footnote 240 At least there is a text in the draft articles of 2011 to advance or disavow the merits of establishing general rules of a residual character,Footnote 241 in the nature of progressive development of international law. Not so for Draft Article 36 bis. It is not even in the text of the 1986 Convention. Normally, then, it should be adequate to end our discussion here, perhaps signing off with appropriate references to the historical development of Draft Article 36 bis.Footnote 242
However, it seems proper to address some of the analysis by Chen, which is of considerable density.Footnote 243 I confine myself to three observations. First, the ILC did not quite embrace the language of the “on behalf of” formulation. Throughout its consideration of this matter, i.e. the situations in which Member States might be automatically bound by treaty obligations owed by the international organization as party with another contracting party, its language was tentative, even before the emergence of Draft Article 36 bis in 1977.Footnote 244 Naturally, we were referred to (an eventually deleted) Draft Article 60(2) of 1964 in the Vienna Convention, which said:
Similarly, when an international organization, duly authorized by its constituent instrument or by its established rules, concludes a treaty with a non-member State in the name both of the organization and of its Member States, the rights and obligations provided for in the treaty may be invoked by or against each Member State.Footnote 245
Second, Sir Humphrey Waldock succeeded as Special Rapporteur in forging agreement on the text of the Vienna Convention (1969), whereas his predecessors did not, because he had the insight to drop some proposed articles and focus strictly on what could be achieved by consent at a diplomatic conference.Footnote 246 This is not to dismiss the substance of Draft Article 60(2).Footnote 247 Rather, when the ILC picked up the substance of this matter early in its consideration of the 1986 Convention, it did not quite characterize the matter in terms of an “on behalf of” formulation. In 1972, the ILC did say:
a subject of international law may enter into a commitment on behalf and in the name of a person.Footnote 248
The next year, it framed the same matter in a questionnaire to states and international organizations without using the words “on behalf of”:
Are there any actual cases in which the position of the States members of an organization in connexion with an agreement concluded by the organization—an agreement to which those States are not parties stricto sensu—has been questioned? In other words, do you know of any cases where an agreement concluded by an organization has had certain consequences for the member States of the organization which are not parties stricto sensu to the agreement?Footnote 249
Third, by 1982, Article 36 bis had emerged in a final draft form after several modifications by the ILC.Footnote 250 While acknowledging difficulties, the Special Rapporteur was at pains to stress that the original intention of developing this draft article was unchanged.Footnote 251 It sought to establish in Article 36 bis legal certainty for contracting parties with international organizations by creating some flexibility in ascertaining consent by Member States, for which they are bound to the treaty obligations of the international organization.Footnote 252 In a careful sentence at variance with the “on behalf of” formulation, the ILC said that Article 36 bis sought to:
take into consideration the situation of State members of an international organization which, although the third parties vis-à-vis treaties concluded by the organization, can in certain cases find themselves in a very special situation …Footnote 253
IV. CONCLUSION
This paper has advanced as its central tenet a formal—but crucial—point about the legal consequences that arise when an international organization (such as ASEAN) exercises its separate legal personality on the international plane. In the area of concluding instruments at international law, ASEAN is capable of carrying certain rights and obligations as a distinct entity from its Member States. A range of possibilities exist for ASEAN Member States to become a party of the same instrument, to which they (i.e. Member States) owe the other contracting party obligations and rights. Exactly how and to what extent these obligations by ASEAN and Member States are to be complied with or implemented will depend on various factors, but particularly the Charter. For these reasons, Chen's argument that ASEAN is entitled to conclude treaties on behalf of its Member States, a practice which it was suggested should be valid at international law, is problematic on technical and conceptual grounds.
Be that as it may, Chen's enquiry was conducted within the “white spaces” of acknowledging some form of ASEAN “actorness” on the international plane. This important effort in making sense of ASEAN practice in concluding certain instruments (and the obligations and rights that arise) creates opportunities for others to embrace a longitudinal perspective on the international law-making practice of ASEAN. The “centrality” of ASEAN, as a “primary driving force” in fostering co-operation within Southeast Asia,Footnote 254 partly acquires substance through acceptance of its international “actorness” by other subjects of international law. This is why the international law-making process within ASEAN, as broadly and normatively defined, can play a contributory and affirmative role in promoting such external perceptions of its centrality in this region.
