With Mariupol and other Ukrainian cities as one of the latest examples, war-torn cities have become a symbol not only of civic suffering but also of resilience and solidarity. The ability of humans to destroy is astonishing, but no less astonishing is their ability to survive and recover. These topics were the main theme of the conference Destruction, survival and economic recovery in the Greek world, which took place at the American School of Classical Studies in Athens from 16 to 18 May 2019. Its output is a publication consisting of fourteen chapters that discuss the military, and in one case also natural, destruction of cities on the Greek mainland, and it is supplemented by examples of ‘Western’ and ‘Eastern’ Greek cities. The studies re-evaluate the amount of archaeological finds from systematically excavated localities and are enriched by an online catalogue of destroyed sites (appendix). The interconnection of archaeological, literary, epigraphic and numismatic data makes it possible to trace the fate of cities from a long-term perspective, from the Archaic to the Late Roman period. The result is a comprehensive view of the issue, which changes the usual ideas about the extent of damage, destruction and possible renewal of cities.

In the introductory study, ‘Destruction, Survival, and Recovery in the Ancient Greek World’, the editors Fachard and Harris evaluate the resilience of ancient populations in a broader context, while interestingly adding modern paradigms to their survival strategies. Destructive layers are complex units that need to be considered through a combination of archaeological and geoarchaeological macroscopic and microscopic analyses (P. Karkanas, ‘Destruction, Abandonment, Reoccupation. What Microstratigraphy and Micromorphology Tell Us’). One of the key aims of the publication is to determine the extent to which the information in written sources corresponds with reality. Herodotus said in the words of Croesus that ʻno one is foolish enough to prefer war to peace' (Hdt. 1.87). The ravaging of cities was associated with the killing of the civilian population, a collective trauma that affected several generations. One of the most dramatic narratives about the destruction of a city that is confirmed by archaeological finds is Diodorus Siculus’ description of the fall of Selinunte (C. Marconi: ‘The Carthaginian Conquest and Destruction of Selinus in 409 b.c.: Diodorus and Archaeology’). In this case Diodorus did not avoid acting on the feelings he criticised in the works of poets and playwrights (Diod. 19.8.4). This is somewhat reminiscent of the scene of the lesser podium frieze adorning the Nereid Monument, where the besieged population watches over soldiers fighting in front of the city gate or throws stones from the walls at the invaders. The lament of a woman tearing at her hair foreshadows her fate: rape, enslavement and perhaps even death (H. Sidebottom, Ancient Warfare: a Very Short Introduction [2004], pp. 25–8).

It seems that a certain dose of realism cannot even be denied when it comes to Herodotus’ account of the fall of Miletus. The slow restoration of the pearl of Ionia is evidenced by the delayed reconstruction of the fortifications and further construction (H. Lohmann, ‘Miletus after the disaster of 494 b.c.: Refoundation or Recovery?’). Perhaps it should be mentioned that the Ionians pledged to keep some temples in ruins as a reminder of Persian cruelty (Isoc. 4.156; Cic. Rep. 3.9). A similar contrast today is represented by parts of the ruins in Hiroshima at the local peace monument or the monument dedicated to 09/11 in New York. Archaeological finds also confirm the records of ancient authors on the conquest and abandonment of Methone. The Ancient Methone Archaeological Project reveals various phases of the siege of the city by Philip II, from the construction of a military camp (stratopedon) and assault ramps to the construction of defensive underground tunnels (M. Bessios, A. Athanassiadou and K. Noulas, ‘Ancient Methone (354 b.c.): Destruction and Abandonment’). The impact of repeated conflicts weighed more on demographic and economic decline than one-off destruction. With few exceptions, the authors pay little attention to the effects of destruction in the countryside. Each polis also included an agricultural area, which was practically indefinitely exposed to enemy attacks. Scorched earth tactics, which were used, for example, around Syracuse and Epirus (Frontin. Str. 2.5.10–11) and during Alexander the Great's campaign in Cilicia (Curt. 3.4.), remain unexplored. In sources we also encounter the sacrifice of lives and the destruction of one's own city (Polyb. 16.31–4).

All the descriptions of the destruction exist despite the fact that life continued in these areas. The conquest of Corinth by Lucius Mummius, which ancient authors attributed to the fall of Carthage, did not prevent the site from being temporarily settled (C.K. Williams, N. Bookidis, K.W. Slane, with S. Tracy, ‘From the Destruction of Corinth to Colonia Laus Iulia Corinthiensis’). The example of Athens, the destiny of which is discussed in three chapters, shows how the destruction of the city became a catalyst for change at social, economic and political levels. Victory in the Graeco-Persian Wars brought Athens to the position of being the epicentre of the Greek world, despite being conquered in 480 bce. While archaeological and written documents concerning the Persian devastation of the city more or less correspond with each other (J. McKesson Camp, ‘The Persian Destruction of Athens: Sources and Archaeology’), the situation is less clear in the periods that follow. In all cases the renewal of cities was greatly accelerated by making rescuing the population and the recovery of economic activity the priority. The crisis in the first century bce began with a city in a lethargic state and started its economic and cultural development, which was accelerated by the Roman conquerors (D.K. Rogers, ‘Sulla and the Siege of Athens: Reconsidering Crisis, Survival, and Recovery in the First Century b.c.’). Experiments with the collective identity of the population were soon dampened by the developing Roman imperial administration. Athens became a kind of ‘living museum’ of past fame and education, and this was emphasised by Athenocentric sources. The inhabitants managed to restore the city even after the Herulian invasion in the third century ce, but the extensive construction no longer included the heart of the town and its administrative centre, the agora (L. Chioti, ‘The Herulian Invasion in Athens (a.d. 267): the Archaeological Evidence’).

The mechanisms in place to rebuild destroyed territory can be analysed in the context of the Roman expansionist policy. Some cities were restored due to their strategic importance (Piraeus). The findings point to the replacement of the Greek model of urban functioning and urbanism by its Roman counterpart with limited democratic tendencies and the strengthening of the rural population at the expense of the urban one (J. Bintliff, ‘Epilogue. The Survival of Cities after Military Devastation: Comparing the Classical Greek and Roman Experience’). The conquest of Eretria by Lucius Cornelius Sulla meant the decline of civic institutions. However, previously they had prospered after the attacks of Macedonian and Roman troops (G. Ackermann, ‘Eretria's “Destructions” during the Hellenistic Period and Their Impact on the City's Development’). The cities in Epirus, in turn, maintained self-government even after the creation of the province of Macedonia in 146 bce, but their foreign and military policies lost their independence. However, the arrival of the Romans significantly affected the economic and social development of the region (B. Forsén, ‘Destruction, Survival, and Colonisation: Effects of the Roman Arrival to Epirus’).

The political programme of the Macedonian kings not only included the revival of abandoned cities and the establishment of new ones, but also their division into smaller units and the resettlement of the population. Rich numismatic findings from northern Greece have helped identify different models for this process (C. Gatzolis and S. Psoma, ‘The Destruction of Cities in Northern Greece during the Classical and Hellenistic Periods: the Numismatic Evidence’). The circulation of one's own or state-recognised foreign currency testifies to the economic and social functioning of the polis and to the fact that it was not abandoned or facing downfall. The renewal of a city meant the restoration of normal living conditions, including money supply and credit system. In addition to the material aid provided by Hellenistic rulers, cities and dynasts, funds were also given to the people of Rhodes, who were hit by a devastating earthquake. This is similar to the international humanitarian aid mechanisms that work in today's world (A. Bresson, ‘Rhodes circa 227 b.c.: Destruction and Recovery’). As in other cities, the willingness of private individuals to engage in reconstruction also played an important role. In addition to the state, private individuals took part in the construction of the Roman colony on the ruins of Corinth.

The publication brings innovative conclusions about the phenomenon of urban ravaging in antiquity. The authors provide extensive insight into the issue of the deliberate destruction of settlements, thus revealing interesting details about the consequences of positional warfare on permanent buildings. The benefit is the variability of views on the issue, which include specific evidence of the abolition of physical objects, evidence of abandonment and subsequent restoration. The disagreement among written and material sources changes our view of the downfall of the localities or the degree of their recovery. The variety of places mentioned and the time span that the authors cover gives the possibility for a systematic overview for a wide range of researchers of ancient history, culture and civilisations.