Introduction
Old age is associated with economic dependency resulting from not only illness but also mandatory exclusion from work and productivity in general (Butler and Gleason, Reference Butler and Gleason1985). The negative effect of such work-related regulations partly contributed to the development of the concept of productive ageing to combat dependent conditions in later life and ensure better health outcomes through continuous participation of the older persons in societal affairs. Thus far, the principal strategy in many contexts includes promotion of income maintenance, psychological wellbeing and quality of life, by connecting older persons to their communities and providing platforms to enable them to associate their present to their future self in work and life (Butler and Gleason, Reference Butler and Gleason1985; World Health Organization (WHO), 2007; Buffel and Phillipson, Reference Buffel and Phillipson2016; Phillips et al., Reference Phillips, Woo, Cheung, Wong, Chau, Buffel, Handler and Phillipson2018). A fundamental underlying reason for the interest in productive ageing globally is the re-conceptualisation of older persons as assets instead of liabilities to society (MacKean and Abbott-Chapman, Reference MacKean and Abbott-Chapman2012) as their extensive life experiences are valuable to social change (Martinson and Minkler, Reference Martinson and Minkler2006; Amoah et al., Reference Amoah, Mok, Wen and Li2019). When implemented well, productive ageing encourages senior citizens to engage in beneficial activities through their contribution to their family, community and society (Butler and Gleason, Reference Butler and Gleason1985; Martinson and Minkler, Reference Martinson and Minkler2006). By doing so, productive ageing addresses the negative stereotypes of ageing (Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013).
However, the success of productive ageing efforts depends on the availability of barrier-free environments through robust public and private-sector collaborations to optimise mobility and foster independent living (WHO, 2007). Consequently, the age-friendly city concept by the WHO (2007) provides a holistic framework for understanding productive ageing. The age-friendly framework covers eight domains including physical infrastructure and built environment (i.e. outdoor spaces, transportation and housing), intangible social atmosphere (i.e. respect and social inclusion, social participation, and civic participation and employment) and social provision (i.e. community and health services, and communication and information) (WHO, 2007). Studies on how these domains affect health are prevalent (Wong et al., Reference Wong, Chau, Cheung, Phillips and Woo2015; Phillips et al., Reference Phillips, Woo, Cheung, Wong, Chau, Buffel, Handler and Phillipson2018; Amoah et al., Reference Amoah, Mok, Wen and Li2019), but accounts of how the domains affect productive engagement remain surprisingly rare. Therefore, this article examines the predictors of productive engagement (perceived voluntary engagement) in Hong Kong – a typical productivist welfare regime in Asia. We conceptualise productive engagement as active involvement in civic activities and collective social actions for personal and societal wellbeing (see Figure 1) (Lee et al., Reference Lee, Jang, Lee, Cho and Park2008). These activities reportedly promote quality of life and empower people to take charge of their lives, thereby fostering productive living (Martinson and Minkler, Reference Martinson and Minkler2006; Amoah, Reference Amoah2018). Thus, productive activities include not only paid economic ventures, but also domestic care-giving, volunteering and neighbourhood services to improve societal wellbeing (Sherraden and Morrow-Howell, Reference Sherraden, Morrow-Howell, Morrow-Howell, Hinterlong and Sherraden2001; Burr et al., Reference Burr, Caro and Moorhead2002). However, the factors accounting for productive engagement amongst older persons in many societies are often more complicated because of a myriad of political and economic factors including environmental characteristics and social support services (Martinson and Minkler, Reference Martinson and Minkler2006). Other factors include a ‘variety of capitalism’ (Hall and Soskice, Reference Hall and Soskice2001), different pathways of welfare state development that shape post-retirement welfare arrangements (Hudson and Hwang, Reference Hudson, Hwang and Izuhara2013; Mok and Qian, Reference Mok and Qian2019), and individual characteristics such as educational background, financial resources, health behaviours and social support networks (Chong, Reference Chong2010; Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013).
Framework on productive engagement in later life.
Source: Adapted from Morrow-Howell and Wang (Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013).
Ageing productively in Hong Kong's productivist welfare society
Productive ageing has been one of the internationally prominent directions of social policy development, but few studies have placed the discourse within the context of welfare regimes.
In the last quarter of the 20th century, a productivist welfare regime was adopted to support the economic growth in newly industrialised Asian economies and includes Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, Japan and South Korea (Lue and Park, Reference Lue and Park2013; Yang and Kühner, Reference Yang and Kühner2020). Contrary to the traditional three welfare regimes in Western states (Esping-Andersen, Reference Esping-Andersen1990), productivist welfare regimes involve social policy that is instrumentally implemented by the developmental state to serve the overarching economic growth objectives and lacks solid social citizenship foundation (Holliday, Reference Holliday2000; Wilding, Reference Wilding2008). Thus, a productivist welfare regime prioritises the cultivation of a quality labour force for economic growth. The most prominent feature of this welfare model is the subordination of social policy to economic policy. Consequently, social rights are minimal, and welfare provision seeks to support productivity. Different welfare practices, such as ‘inclusive productivist welfare’ (Kim, Reference Kim2015), ‘conservative welfare regime’ (Aspalter, Reference Aspalter2006), ‘corporate-centered conservative welfare regime’ (Shizume et al., Reference Shizume, Kato and Matsuda2020) and ‘paternalistic welfare pragmatism’ (Mok and Qian, Reference Mok and Qian2019), have also emerged to conceptualise how welfare provisions are operated through the productivist approach across different parts of Asia (Mok et al., Reference Mok, Ku and Yuda2020).
Hong Kong's productivist welfare regime provides substantial public-funded social services, including housing, health services, social care and education (Yang and Kühner, Reference Yang and Kühner2020). In-kind transfers involve an investment in human capital formation and reduce the dependency on the family, an approach which has sustained labour supply since the 1970s when the Hong Kong economy took off (Kim, Reference Kim2015). However, Hong Kong is facing an impending demographic challenge. The city is now the second-fastest ageing population in Asia behind Japan, and this situation threatens its steady economic growth (South China Morning Post, 2015). According to the Hong Kong Government's latest projections, the share of the population aged 65 and above will rise markedly from 15 per cent in 2014 to 38.4 per cent in 2069. By contrast, the proportion of the population aged under 15 will decline from 11 per cent in 2014 to 7.6 per cent in 2069. The changes will result in an increase in the overall dependency ratio from 348 in 2014 to 853 in 2069 (Census and Statistics Department, 2020). This projection is caused by the fact that ageing populations present several social and economic challenges, the most troubling being the possibility of much higher care demand amidst slower economic growth. In the past two decades, elderly services in Hong Kong accounted for the second-largest share of the total recurrent expenditure of the Social Welfare Department (approximately 11%), falling just behind social security. Thus, the previously productive workforce now requires more protective social provisions.
Nevertheless, the productivist welfare system persists in Hong Kong (Yang and Kühner, Reference Yang and Kühner2020). Social protection in the city has exhibited slow progress with extensive debates (Lau and Gordon, Reference Lau and Gordon2017; Chou, Reference Chou2018; Cheung and Chou, Reference Cheung and Chou2019). The statutory minimum wage was enacted in 2010, but publicly provided universal pensions remain absent. Most cash transfers are means-tested and are undertaken with strict conditionality. Accordingly, relevant indicators reveal a less-assured quality of life for older persons in the city. An annual government report in 2015 indicated that one in three residents aged 65 and older live below the official poverty line in Hong Kong. The number of reported cases of abused older persons increased from 2,212 in 2011 to 2,872 in 2013. Most abuse cases are related to financial issues (Oriental Daily, 2014), and dependency is the main reason behind the terrible situation of older persons in Hong Kong. Overall, the productivist welfare in Hong Kong reduces dependency and promotes productivity amongst the young labour force whilst increasing the dependency of old age. This circumstance explains why productive ageing is particularly important in Hong Kong and similar places to sustain older persons' productive engagement and promote their independence (Kim, Reference Kim2015). This article sets out against the broader welfare regime debates, with particular reference to East Asia, to examine critically how Hong Kong has attempted to promote an age-friendly city to support older persons for positive engagements in realising productive ageing.
Determinants of productive engagement: an analytical framework
Previous studies mainly focused on individuals and policy and institutional factors regarding productive engagement in later life (Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013). With the availability of comprehensive data, scholars have shifted their efforts towards the development of a holistic framework for comparative analysis.
Strauss and Trommer (Reference Strauss and Trommer2018) identified productive ageing regimes in European welfare states by using de-commodification and de-familiarisation indicators. They found social expenditure and the role of the family in society as indicators. Similarly, based on an active ageing framework (WHO, 2002) and a productivity in later life model (Sherraden and Morrow-Howell, Reference Sherraden, Morrow-Howell, Morrow-Howell, Hinterlong and Sherraden2001), Morrow-Howell and Wang (Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013) compiled a cross-cultural framework consisting of four sets of broad factors (namely socio-demographic, physical environment, economic environment, and public policy and programmes), which are said to affect productive engagement positively under favourable conditions (Sherraden and Morrow-Howell, Reference Sherraden, Morrow-Howell, Morrow-Howell, Hinterlong and Sherraden2001; WHO, 2002; Kahana et al., Reference Kahana, Lovegreen, Kahana and Kahana2003; Chong et al., Reference Chong, Rochelle and Liu2013). The cross-cultural framework highlights culturally sensitive person–environment fit perspectives on productive engagement (Kahana et al., Reference Kahana, Lovegreen, Kahana and Kahana2003; Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013). Moreover, that model was deduced from the active ageing framework and, by extension, from the age-friendly cities concept (WHO, 2002, 2007) and the productivity in later life model (Bass and Caro, Reference Bass, Caro and Crown1996). Thus, the framework emphasises the importance of a place-based approach in ageing issues (Skinner et al., Reference Skinner, Cloutier and Andrews2014; Kühner et al., Reference Kühner, Lau, Jiang and Wen2019). For example, ageing in place is the most common guiding principle and practice in long-term care. By considering place-embeddedness, productive activities should be able to involve a higher number of older persons in the socio-economic dynamics of their environments.
In this article, we use an adapted version of the cross-cultural framework on productive ageing (Figure 1) (Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013) to examine the correlates of the four broad factors with productive engagement (perceived voluntary engagement) between two districts (the Islands and Tsuen Wan) of Hong Kong – a typical productivist welfare regime in Asia. The changes in these factors between 2016 and 2018 within both districts are also examined. The variables for each of the five factors in the framework (Figure 1) are deduced from five of the eight age-friendly city domains (see WHO, 2007; Amoah et al., Reference Amoah, Mok, Wen and Li2019) as follows:
(1) Civic participation and employment: addresses opportunities for older people to continue to contribute to their communities through paid employment or voluntary work.
(2) Social participation: addresses the readiness and availability of opportunities for persons to engage in social activities for their wellbeing and that of their communities. The domains of civic participation and employment, and social participation indicate productive engagement in this study.
(3) Respect and social inclusion: refers to the positive image of older persons in society and recognition and appreciation of older persons.
(4) Outdoor spaces and buildings: reflects the age-friendliness of the physical environment of the communities and neighbourhoods. An age-friendly built environment should be barrier-free (physically) to older persons.
(5) Community support and health services: suggests in-kind social provision to reduce family dependency and promote engagement in productive activities.
In addition to the five age-friendly domains and following the prior studies and conceptual approaches (Webber et al., Reference Webber, Porter and Menec2010; Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013), the current analytical framework also takes into account individual conditions, including monthly income (inclusive of cash transfer from social security and family members) and health status. Thus, the analytical framework considers the intangible social atmosphere and physical environment, in-kind and cash transfers, as well as individual conditions as factors that shape productive engagement amongst older persons (see Figure 1).
Methods
Study design and settings
This article analyses data gathered through a repeated cross-sectional design (Steel, Reference Steel and Lavrakas2011) applied in two districts in Hong Kong: Tsuen Wan and Islands Districts. This study design helped to measure the same variables in two time periods (2016 and 2018) for the same study areas (albeit amongst different participants). Tsuen Wan was one of the districts of the first phase of the New Town development in Hong Kong which started in 1973. This area comprises residential and industrial areas to create a self-contained district. Tsuen Wan rapidly developed into a densely populated town in Hong Kong (Hills and Yeh, Reference Hills and Yeh1983). Some of the main concerns of residents and the local government relate to ageing buildings and urban renewal. Tsuen Wan was amongst the first batch of districts in Hong Kong to join the WHO Global Network of Age-friendly Cities and Communities in February 2015 (WHO, 2020).
The Islands District is the least populated in Hong Kong (Home Affairs Department, 2018). It consists of approximately 20 islands and occupies the largest geographical area amongst all 18 Hong Kong districts. Thus, residents have relatively spacious housing (i.e. a median floor area of 50 square metres) than their counterparts in other districts with a median floor area of 40 square metres (Census and Statistics Department, 2017). The Islands District is fast developing and serves as the major transportation hub for overseas destinations. Several major infrastructures are located on the Islands District, such as the Hong Kong International Airport and the Hong Kong–Zhuhai–Macao Bridge. More residents are expected to move to the Islands District because of urban development in the future. The Islands Districts joined the WHO Global Network of Age-friendly Cities and Communities in May 2017 (WHO, 2020).
Tsuen Wan (an established new town) and the Islands (a developing new town) share the socio-cultural and productivist characteristics of Hong Kong society. However, the districts’ geographical, environmental and economic profile offer dynamic opportunities for analysing the multi-faceted issues of the productive engagement of older persons.
Sampling and data collection
Two waves of district surveys were conducted in 2016 and 2018 as part of a larger project (Chui et al., Reference Chui, Tang, Kwan, Fung Chan, Tse, Chiu, Lou, Chau, Leung and Lum2019; Jockey Club Age-friendly City Project, 2019a, 2019b; Au et al., Reference Au, Lai, Yip, Chan, Lai, Chaudhury, Scharlach and Leeson2020; Amoah et al., Reference Amoah, Mok, Wen and Li2019). The project was inspired by numerous global calls as well as the Hong Kong Government's goal of promoting active ageing (WHO, 2007; Phillips et al., Reference Phillips, Woo, Cheung, Wong, Chau, Buffel, Handler and Phillipson2018). At least 500 residents aged 18 years and older participated in each wave of the district surveys in the broader study. These residents were recruited by convenience sampling through the referrals of local elderly care and family services centres and the ward offices of District Council members (for more details, see Amoah et al., Reference Amoah, Mok, Wen and Li2019). Well-trained staff administered the questionnaire mostly for low-educated participants. In this article, we analyse data for persons aged 60 and older to understand the factors associated with the productive engagement of seniors. This study analysed data for 1,638 responses, with 832 for the Islands District (2016 wave = 386; 2018 wave = 446) and 806 for the Tsuen Wan District (2016 wave = 392; 2018 wave = 414).
Between the two waves of district surveys, several district-based programmes and activities (including service provision and public education) were organised by local welfare agencies to build momentum towards age-friendly communities in the districts (see Amoah et al., Reference Amoah, Mok, Wen and Li2019). Given these district-based programmes, the perceived age-friendliness in Tsuen Wan and Islands was expected to increase, and the comparison of the effect in both districts using the 2016 and 2018 data provide an in-depth understanding of the relations between the social atmosphere, social provisions, built environment, individual conditions and productive engagement over time. The Sub-Committee on Research Ethics of the Research Committee of Lingnan University approved the study protocol. Further details about the sampling procedure and the broader study are reported elsewhere (Chui et al., Reference Chui, Tang, Kwan, Fung Chan, Tse, Chiu, Lou, Chau, Leung and Lum2019; Au et al., Reference Au, Lai, Yip, Chan, Lai, Chaudhury, Scharlach and Leeson2020; Amoah et al., Reference Amoah, Mok, Wen and Li2019).
A questionnaire was specifically designed according to the Checklist of Essential Features of Age-friendly Cities (WHO, 2007). The questionnaire comprised 53 items covering the eight domains of the age-friendly city framework with a six-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree). The questionnaire also collected information about the respondents’ socio-demographics, self-rated health, the experience of caring for older persons and the frequency of using services provided by elderly centres.
Measures
Dependent variable
Productive engagement was measured by the eight items related to the civic participation and social participation domains. The eight items had high reliability with a Cronbach's alpha of 0.85. Altogether, the items ascertained the participants’ perceived readiness to engage in productive activities, as well as their perception of opportunities and challenges to their engagement in those activities. The items included are as follows:
(1) Activities and events can be attended alone or with a companion.
(2) Activities and attractions are affordable and have no hidden or additional participation costs.
(3) Thorough information about activities and events is provided, including details about the accessibility of facilities and transportation options for older people.
(4) A wide variety of activities is offered to appeal to a diverse population of older people.
(5) Gatherings including older people are held in various local community spots, such as recreation centres, schools, libraries, community centres and parks.
(6) Consistent outreach is conducted to include people at risk of social isolation.
(7) A range of flexible options for older volunteers is available, with training, recognition, guidance and compensation for personal costs.
(8) Discrimination on the basis of age alone is forbidden in the hiring, retention, promotion and training of employees.
Independent variables
The four independent variables were measured as follows:
(1) Social atmosphere: This variable was measured by using the mean of the six items under the respect and social inclusion domain of the age-friendly city framework (WHO, 2007; Amoah et al., Reference Amoah, Mok, Wen and Li2019). The six items had a Cronbach's alpha of 0.83.
(2) Social provision: The six items under the community support and health services in the age-friendly city framework were used to measure social provision. Their Cronbach's alpha was 0.84.
(3) Built environment: We used the mean of the nine items under the outdoor spaces and buildings to represent this factor. The nine items had a Cronbach's alpha of 0.86.
(4) Individual conditions: two variables were used as proxies to represent the individual conditions, as shown in Figure 1. For health status, participants were asked to rate their health on a scale from (1) poor, (2) fair, (3) good, (4) very good and (5) excellent. For income, participants were asked to select from amongst 12 options to show their monthly earnings (inclusive of cash transfers from social security and family members).
Covariates
These items included sex, chronological age (in years), educational status, marital status, employment status, years of residence and year of data collection. Table 1 details how these variables were measured.
Descriptive statistics of the participants
Notes: SD: standard deviation. 1. US $1 = HK $7.75–7.85 according to Hong Kong's Linked Exchange Rate System. 2. p-Value based on independent samples t-test; Bold values = p < 0.05.
Data analysis
The analysis began with the descriptive results of the variables included in this study. We then used an independent sample t-test to identify the differences in the main variables of interest between the two districts and the two waves for each district. Subsequently, an ordinal logistic regression analysis was applied to ascertain the relations between the dependent and independent variables while controlling for relevant covariates (determined through Spearman's correlation analysis for each district as shown in the online supplementary material) in each district. The test of significance was determined as p < 0.05.
Results
Participants from both districts and across the two data collection periods were aged 74 years on average, with the majority being female. Educational attainment in both districts was low as primary school was the highest level attained by most participants. Moreover, most respondents had low monthly incomes/stipends (HK $2,000–3,999; US $258–516). In both districts and data collection periods, more than half of the older persons rated their health as average. Table 1 provides additional details about the participants.
Table 2 compares the state of the key variables in the study between the two study districts. Perception of productive engagement, economic power (monthly income/stipend), and community support and health services improved significantly in 2018 from 2016 in the Islands District. However, only the respect and social inclusion domain saw an improvement after the implementation of district-based programmes in the Tsuen Wan District. Perceived productive engagement improved in the Tsuen Wan District (although the change is not statistically significant). Perceived health status declined in both places between the two waves, but the differences between the districts were non-significant. In the overall assessment between the two districts, Tsuen Wan District participants had a higher perception of improved outdoor spaces and buildings than their Islands District counterparts. The Islands District respondents had a higher perception of their community support and health services compared to older persons in the Tsuen Wan Districts.
Comparison of perception of voluntary engagements, age-friendly city domains and economic status between Islands and Tsuen Wan Districts (2016 and 2018) by independent sample t-test
Note: 1. p-Value based on chi-square analysis.
Significance levels: * p < 0.05, *** p < 0.001.
According to Table 3, the perception of engaging in productive activities was positively correlated with perceived respect and social inclusion, outdoor spaces and buildings, and community support and health services in both districts. Surprisingly, the economic variable was not associated with productive engagement in both districts despite the significant differences between the two districts in terms of income/stipend levels (Table 2). The other proxy for individual condition, health status, was also not associated with productive engagement.
Age-friendly city domains and productive engagements in Islands and Tsuen Wan Districts by ordinal logistic regression
Notes: SE: standard error. CI: confidence interval. Ref.: reference category. –: excluded variable through Spearman correlation analysis.
Significance levels: ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001.
Discussion
Debates on governance and social policy responses to the ageing phenomena continue to be a major public policy issue in East Asia and globally, particularly when issues such as post-retirement activities, lifelong learning and employment, the value of volunteerism and welfare are considered (Izuhara, Reference Izuhara2013; Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013; Harper and Hamblin, Reference Harper and Hamblin2014). This article extends these debates through an empirical study which examined the factors associated with productive engagement amongst older persons in two districts of Hong Kong, a productivist welfare regime.
According to the findings, the perception of productive engagement, economic power (monthly income/stipend), community support and health services, and respect and social inclusion domains improved significantly in 2018 from 2016 in the Islands District, whilst only the respect and social inclusion domain saw an improvement in the Tsuen Wan District. These findings demonstrate similarities as well as differences between the perception of age-friendliness and productive engagement in the two districts, even with the provision of similar characteristics of a productivist welfare regime. The differences emphasise the need to consider the socio-cultural and economic context of productive ageing (Chong et al., Reference Chong, Rochelle and Liu2013; Liu et al., Reference Liu, Wen, Su, Chong, Kong and Jiang2020). Furthermore, older persons in the Tsuen Wan District had a higher perception of outdoor spaces and buildings and economic power, and those in the Islands Districts had a relatively higher perception of their community support and health services. These differences reflect the somewhat distinct geographical and socio-economic conditions of both districts. Given the emerging need for urban renewal and comparatively less-spacious nature of the Tsuen Wan District (Census and Statistics Department, 2017), steps to improve the physical environment would unsurprisingly create a significant impact on the lives of the older persons, as shown in this article. A similar argument can be made for the Islands District, where the scattered settlement nature limits access to health and other social services for some groups compared to those in Tsuen Wan, whose location facilitates access to basic services even in other districts. However, perceived productive engagement did not differ in the two communities. This outcome shows consistency in the felt needs of older persons regardless of where they are in the city. The findings indicate that some older persons may still want to engage in productive activities such as care-giving or other forms of employment as a consequence of the productivist welfare practice in East Asia (Chou et al., Reference Chou, Chow and Chi2003; Chong et al., Reference Chong, Rochelle and Liu2013).
Despite some differences in the perception of various age-friendly city domains, an association with productive engagement was found in both districts. Perceived respect and social inclusion, outdoor spaces and buildings, and community support and health services were all associated with productive engagement in both districts. Previous research argues for cultural-specific and cross-cultural knowledge in promoting productive engagement amongst older persons in different places (Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013). However, this article finds that such cultural dimensions are less critical to productive engagement. This outcome occurs partly because both districts share similar cultures despite their geographical and economic variations. Thus, this finding reveals the consistency of factors associated with productive engagement and gives credence to the tenets of the age-friendly city framework, the conceptual framework of this article and the cross-cultural framework on productive engagement in later life (WHO, 2007; Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013).
In this article, the social atmosphere (represented by the perception of respect and social inclusion) improved in both districts over the two surveys, and this outcome resulted in positive relations with perceived productive engagement amongst older persons. A related qualitative study in Hong Kong observed that older persons sometimes feel excluded and disrespected in diverse spaces of their everyday lives, including restaurants and markets (Sun et al., Reference Sun, Phillips and Wong2018). These deviant attitudes have been found to undermine the social and physical mobility of older persons in India (Ramachandran and Dsouza, Reference Ramachandran and Dsouza2018). This situation arises because older persons often possess passive capability (especially, physically) to manage their environment (Sun et al., Reference Sun, Phillips and Wong2018), and an added ridicule and sense of exclusion only exaggerates their perceived marginalisation and discourages their willingness to engage in productive activities (Webber et al., Reference Webber, Porter and Menec2010). Concerned cities must be prepared to enact policies and programmes that elevate fluid intergenerational communication and interactions, and promote inclusivity to address the dreadful elements of ageism. In Hong Kong, the rise of ageism and other discriminatory attitudes can be curbed through incentives to enable private employers to adopt flexible employment policies to accommodate the expectations of older persons (Cheung et al., Reference Cheung, Kam and Ngan2011). Conversely, more stringent measures should be adopted to combat age discrimination in employment, especially for older persons (Consumer Search Hong Kong, 2016). Cultural norms, such as filial piety, constitute the backbone of a productivist welfare regime but have been eroding recently (Zhong and Li, Reference Zhong and Li2017) and must also be rekindled in this regard so as to promote social cohesion. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic may generate an impact on the maintenance of the productivist welfare regime in the city-state in future.
The built environment (perception of outdoor spaces and buildings) had a positive association with productive engagement in both districts over the two waves of the survey. As Hong Kong communities tend to have limited open spaces (Qian et al., Reference Qian, Ho, Ochoa and Chan2019), attempts to improve conditions are likely to receive a positive response. Moreover, well-organised outdoor spaces promote the cognitive functioning of older persons (Koohsari et al., Reference Koohsari, Nakaya, McCormack, Shibata, Ishii, Yasunaga and Oka2019). Supportive physical environments, such as green environments and related amenities, promote social and physical activities among older persons (Sun et al., Reference Sun, Phillips and Wong2018; Huang et al., Reference Huang, Chu, Kung and Hu2019). To a significant extent, these explanations support the consistent relations between perceived outdoor spaces and buildings in both districts. A productivist welfare regime aiming to promote productive engagement of its silver age cohorts must, therefore, do more to provide a safe and enabling physical environment to ensure an equal ageing experience. This approach will encourage older persons to interact with their communities without the fear of physical inaccessibility of public and even private facilities which are critical to their participation in socio-economic activities (Webber et al., Reference Webber, Porter and Menec2010; Zaidi, Reference Zaidi2014).
A positive relationship was observed between social provision (community support and health services) and productive ageing in both districts. This result is consistent with the assumption that social services enhance human capital and boost economic growth, especially in the productivist welfare regime (Aspalter, Reference Aspalter2006; Yang and Kühner, Reference Yang and Kühner2020). The finding also indicates that the availability of various forms of community-based services to engage and train older persons in new skills can boost their willingness about productive activities (Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013). In Hong Kong, reference can be made to efforts by higher educational institutions where programmes (such as Elder Academy, 2020), as well as city-wide projects (such as the Hong Kong Jockey Club Age-friendly City Project, 2019a), pave the way for previously retired folks to rekindle their productive spirits. Furthermore, perceived and actual provision of health services are essential for the productive engagement of older persons given their inevitable frailty (Webber et al., Reference Webber, Porter and Menec2010; Morrow-Howell and Wang, Reference Morrow-Howell and Wang2013). Thus, current public programmes such as the elderly health-care voucher scheme in Hong Kong (HKSAR Government, 2019), as well as the availability of the highly subsidised public health-care system, are critical to productive engagement (He, Reference He2017), provided that they are well-tailored to older persons’ expectations. Moving forward, health systems in ageing societies must decentralise and adopt community-based approaches by moving away from the predominant clinical care services to give older persons more autonomy over their health and free them up for productive activities in their communities. Fortunately, the Hong Kong Government has been actively promoting the community-based approach that integrates health and social care in support of older persons (Food and Health Bureau, 2019). This scheme will go a long way to limit the adverse effects of frailty on productive activities such as volunteering and paid employment if it is sustained. More importantly, the integrated approach, in offering health and social care services for older persons in the local community, would reduce the burden of expanding institutional care with added health financing pressure.
Conclusion
This article contributes to the evidence on the determinants of productive ageing and its implications for a productivist welfare regime by comparing results from two Hong Kong districts of the Islands and Tsuen Wan. The adoption of productivism as a welfare orientation discussed above accounts for the Hong Kong Government's emphasis on developing a robust community-based support system to enhance ageing in place as part of its strategies to engage older persons in productive sectors for prolonged periods (Amoah et al., Reference Amoah, Mok, Wen and Li2019). The promotion of the age-friendly city can play an important role in promoting positive engagement leading to healthy and productive ageing in place.
Based on the above findings, we argue that older persons must continuously be empowered to be independent to strengthen the productivist welfarism being adopted in Hong Kong against the huge financial ramifications accruing from ageing, and one way of doing so is through productive engagement (Galasso and Profeta, Reference Galasso, Profeta, Harper and Hamblin2014). Our analyses highlight the importance of the place-based approach (i.e. age-friendly environments) in productive engagement as it is commonly associated with elements of the social atmosphere, the built environment and social provision, but not with individual conditions (e.g. income). Future research can investigative the nuances of the pathways linking the various predictors of productive engagement identified in this article and address why some factors (e.g. individual elements such as income) are unimportant to productive ageing. Nevertheless, the findings provide reference for the investigation on how productive engagement can be induced in Hong Kong's welfare regime given the strong productivism embedded in welfare provision and social service support to the growing ageing population. More research must also be conducted to examine the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on future welfare development in the city-state, and whether community-based and revitalised family support would constitute a prominent role in caring for the growing ageing population.
By enhancing the conditions of the built environment and the social environment, and strengthening social provisions, older persons can be motivated to offer their labour beyond retirement. The proposal to extend the labour of older persons has implications for employment rights and laws in many productivist welfare regimes where mandatory retirement ages are typical. Extension of current retirement ages or their entire removal as in the cases of the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Canada and Australia (Lain and Vickerstaff, Reference Lain, Vickerstaff, Harper and Hamblin2014), could motivate people to extend their productive activities.
Undoubtedly, challenges exist in the development of age-friendly cities. First, the improvement of built environments and social provision require a significant financial commitment. Given the current and inevitable financial challenges in the future as a result of population ageing and the increasing needs for long-term care, governments must seriously prioritise their resources to address the age-friendly city demands of older persons. Actually, investments in age-friendly cities can also boost the financial standing of economies, given the propensity of older persons to engage in productive activities when the right environments are provided. Second, and more importantly, cultivating new values among citizens to promote the notion that getting older does not mean becoming useless is challenging. This change will require the collaborative efforts of the government and the wider society to adopt a fresh perspective to engage older persons, and respecting and empowering those individuals to form a productive force for social, economic and cultural changes. The implementation of an age-friendly city framework through active engagement of older persons will support the welfare model of Hong Kong with a strong orientation of productivism.
Limitations of the article
This article is one of the few to use a cross-cultural framework to analyse productive engagement amongst older persons. While the findings elevate our understanding of the fundamental determinants of productive engagement, they must be interpreted within some limitations. Firstly, the article measured all dependent and independent variables using self-assessed instruments. The possibility that participants under-/over-reported their views and experiences cannot be discounted and can render the results biased in some unidentified ways. Secondly, this work analysed two cross-sectional datasets, therefore, causality of the results cannot be assumed. Finally, the socio-demographic characteristics of participants such as age and marital status varied and showed significant association with productive engagement. However, this research did not give substantial attention to them as our sample is not representative. Future studies can examine how socio-demographic factors correlate with productive engagement and the implications for active ageing in Hong Kong and similar places.
Financial support
This work was supported by the Hong Kong Jockey Club Charities Trust (Phase I: 2015-0080-003; Phase II: 2017-0032-003). However, the funder did not have any role in preparing this manuscript and the decision to publish.
Conflict of interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
Ethical standards
The Sub-Committee on Research Ethics of the Research Committee of Lingnan University approved the study protocol (EC-050/1617). Further details about the sampling procedure and the broader study are reported elsewhere (Chui et al., Reference Chui, Tang, Kwan, Fung Chan, Tse, Chiu, Lou, Chau, Leung and Lum2019; Au et al., Reference Au, Lai, Yip, Chan, Lai, Chaudhury, Scharlach and Leeson2020; Amoah et al., Reference Amoah, Mok, Wen and Li2019).
Islands District: Spearman's Correlation analysis between variables in the study
Tsuen Wan District: Spearman's Correlation analysis between variables in the study
