1. Introduction
The Uyghurs, a Turkic-speaking nomadic people, established their kingdom in the second half of the ninth century in the eastern Tianshan 天山 region, an area that now forms part of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China.Footnote 1 This kingdom, referred to in modern scholarship as the “West Uyghur Kingdom”, retained a degree of independence until the Mongol period (thirteenth–fourteenth centuries). During this time, the Uyghurs experienced a distinctive religious transformation. At the time of the kingdom’s foundation, its elite professed the Manichaean faith, which they had consistently followed since the late eighth century.Footnote 2 However, over time, a gradual shift occurred, characterized by a growing number of adherents to Buddhism. By the latter half of the tenth century or the early eleventh century, Buddhism had become the predominant religion among the Uyghurs.Footnote 3 This religious transition was partly influenced by two established Buddhist communities in the Turfan region and its environs: the Chinese and the Tocharians (speakers of an Indo-European language). Both groups had maintained Buddhist traditions in the area prior to the arrival of the Uyghurs and played a pivotal role in the introduction and spread of Buddhism among them.Footnote 4
Throughout this religious transition, the Uyghurs are likely to have undergone various conceptual shifts, as Manichaeism and Buddhism differ markedly in many doctrinal aspects, despite some exchange and mutual adoption of ideas.Footnote 5 One such shift pertains to the concept of the afterlife – an important element in many religious systems, as it concerns all adherents, both clerical and lay. However, the differences and similarities between Manichaean and Buddhist conceptions of the afterlife – and their implications for the Uyghur context – have not been comprehensively addressed in previous scholarship.
This article seeks to outline the principal distinctions and convergences in afterlife beliefs within Manichaeism and Buddhism and, on this basis, to examine how Uyghur conceptions of the afterlife may have been reshaped in the context of religious transition. Particular attention is given to themes of judgement and hell, along with related practices, as these represent areas where the doctrinal differences between the two religions are especially pronounced and remain discernible despite the limited number of surviving sources. This article does not aim to introduce newly discovered textual materials or to provide a philological re-edition of known sources. Rather, its contribution lies in offering the first systematic analysis of Uyghur Buddhist conceptions and practices related to the afterlife from the perspective of religious studies. While the textual and visual materials discussed here have been addressed in previous scholarship, they have not been examined collectively with a focus on ritual practice and devotional intent, insofar as these are reflected in Uyghur Buddhist conceptions of the afterlife and the deceased. By bringing together colophons, manuscript evidence and visual materials within a shared analytical framework, this article advances an interpretive perspective that goes beyond source-based description and contributes to a better understanding of Uyghur Buddhism as a lived religious tradition.
2. Concepts of the afterlife
2.1 The Manichaean concept of the afterlife
What becomes of the Manichaeans after death? According to Manichaean doctrine, it is solely the souls of the deceased that are subject to the “afterlife”. Upon death, these souls first appear before the “Judge of Truth”.Footnote 6 Based on the conduct of the deceased during their lifetime, the Judge assigns them to one of three distinct paths:Footnote 7
1) The Realm of Light: This represents the ultimate goal within Manichaeism. It is reserved for:
- the souls of the Manichaean Elect
- the souls of the Auditors, provided their conduct has been as exemplary as that of the Elect.
2) Reprocessing: Souls may be reprocessed into another human or animal existence. This path is designated for:
- the souls of the Auditors
- the souls of sinners, that is, non-Manichaeans, whose souls will continue to undergo reprocessing until the end of the world.
3) Bōlos: This is the final place of imprisonment, where souls are confined alongside the demons of darkness. This fate is reserved for:
- the souls of sinners who will be consigned to Bōlos on the final day of the world.
To guide the souls to the Realm of the Light, “a god of light in the form of the wise guide (al-ḥakīm al-hādī), accompanied by three other gods, each carrying the victory trophy, the raiment, and the diadem, crown, and garland of light”, is sent together with “a virgin, who resembles”Footnote 8 the souls themselves. The journey proceeds through several stages: to the Column of Glory, to the Moon, to Primal Man, to the Mother of Life (located in the Sun) and, finally, to the Realm of Light.
At first glance, Auditors and non-Manichaeans may appear to share a similar fate, as the souls of both groups undergo transmigration, which is regarded as a form of “punishment”. A critical distinction, however, lies in the fact that Auditors have the opportunity to shorten this process through virtuous conduct. Such behaviour may lead their souls either directly to the Elect or to plants abundant in light elements, which are subsequently consumed by the Elect. This process ultimately enables the souls of the Auditors to reach the Realm of Light. By contrast, the souls of the non-Manichaeans must undergo continuous transmigration until the end of the world, at which point they will be cast into Bōlos, where they will suffer eternal damnation alongside the demons of darkness.
2.2 Buddhist concept of the afterlife
In Buddhist doctrine, the ultimate goal is to achieve enlightenment and thereby escape the cycle of rebirth across various forms of existence.Footnote 9 Without attaining enlightenment, individuals are perpetually reborn in one of five or six realms of existence. The realm into which one is reborn is determined by one’s actions:Footnote 10
- As a result of virtuous actions: rebirth occurs in the deva, human, or – in some traditions – the asura realms
- As a result of non-virtuous actions: rebirth occurs in the realms of animals, hells and hungry ghosts.
These five or six realms of rebirth, along with the attainment of enlightenment, constitute the foundational Buddhist conception of the afterlife. Over time, however, the notion of various buddha lands or heavens – where buddhas or bodhisattvas reside – emerged as alternative or ultimate destinations for the devout. These realms are frequently described as paradisiacal, and are regarded by many Buddhists as a desirable goal. The specific buddha lands or bodhisattva heavens preferred as afterlife destinations vary among different Buddhist traditions. Additionally, detailed descriptions of the three lower realms – particularly the hells – and the judgements that determine subsequent rebirths are preserved in a range of texts composed in various languages. The following sections outline the concept of the afterlife in two Buddhist traditions relevant to the Uyghurs: the Tocharian and the Chinese traditions of Central Asia. This will serve as a foundation for examining the Uyghur understanding of the afterlife.
2.2.1 The Buddhist concept of the afterlife as reflected in Tocharian-related sources
The extant Tocharian Buddhist sources are highly fragmentary, making it challenging to reconstruct a comprehensive picture of the afterlife solely from these materials.Footnote 11 Fortunately, some of these texts were translated into Old Uyghur, and these translations are significantly better preserved than the original Tocharian versions. Accordingly, this section outlines the concept of the afterlife in the Tocharian tradition by drawing upon both Tocharian texts and related sources.
Of particular relevance to the afterlife is the text entitled Maitreyasamitināṭaka “A Drama of Meeting Maitreya”.Footnote 12 This work describes the future descent of Buddha Maitreya from Tuṣita Heaven in order to bring salvation to all remaining sentient beings. The Old Uyghur translation of this text, known as the Maitrisimit Nom Bitig, is especially noteworthy, as its final six chapters are devoted to detailed descriptions of various hells and the punishments administered therein.Footnote 13 Some Tocharian fragments related to these chapters are also identified.Footnote 14 The Maitreyasamitināṭaka suggests that Maitreya’s heaven, Tuṣita, was familiar to Tocharian Buddhists and may have been viewed as a significant posthumous destination attainable through virtuous conduct. This interpretation is further supported by visual depictions of Maitreya and Tuṣita heaven discovered in Kuča, a major centre of the Tocharian Buddhist tradition.Footnote 15 Conversely, the text outlines the consequences of non-virtuous actions, which result in punishment in various hells.Footnote 16 According to these descriptions, the hells and associated punishments in the Tocharian tradition are characterized as follows:
1) Sentient beings, including members of the clergy, are assigned to specific hells based on the nature of their transgressions.Footnote 17
2) Punishments inflicted in the hells serve to mitigate the effects of these non-virtuous actions.
3) Sentient beings may be transferred from one hell to another.
4) The hells are governed by designated rulers.Footnote 18
The text does not clarify who determines the punishments in each hell, nor does it describe the process of judgement that precedes the assignment of beings to a particular realm. However, Monika Zin suggests that a wall painting in Kuča likely depicts a scene of judgement presided over by Yama, the King of the Dead, indicating that the concept of Yama’s judgement was known within the Tocharian Buddhist tradition.Footnote 19 Whether Yama is to be identified with the ruler(s) of the hells remains an open question. While these rulers may likewise play a role in the judgement process, their specific functions and responsibilities are not delineated in the text.
2.2.2 Buddhist concept of the afterlife in Chinese sources
The Uyghurs are known to have absorbed numerous ideas and practices from the Chinese Buddhist tradition, owing to their close links with the neighbouring oasis, Dunhuang and the Chinese-speaking population of Turfan, which fell under Uyghur rule.Footnote 20 Although the extent to which the Chinese Buddhist traditions practised in Turfan and Dunhuang diverged remains uncertain, it is evident that Dunhuang served as one of the primary sources of Buddhist influence for the Uyghurs.Footnote 21 Furthermore, the material preservation of Chinese texts and artefacts in Dunhuang is significantly better than in Turfan. It is therefore appropriate that this section draws primarily on Chinese sources from Dunhuang to explore the Buddhist conception of the afterlife. Among the various realms or heavens associated with buddhas and bodhisattvas, alongside Tuṣita Heaven as discussed in Section 2.2.1, the land of Buddha Amitābha – Sukhāvatī – is occasionally referenced in Dunhuang Buddhist texts as a desirable destination in the afterlife. In certain prayer texts (Chin. yuanwen 願文), both Sukhāvatī and Tuṣita are sometimes mentioned together as destinations for rebirth in the afterlife.Footnote 22 This indicates that such realms were likely recognized by Dunhuang Buddhists as forms of Buddhist “paradise”.
As in the Tocharian Buddhist tradition, punishments in the hells of the Chinese tradition are determined by the consequences of one’s non-virtuous actions. Notably, the Chinese tradition features an elaborate process of judgement in an intermediate realm prior to the assignment of beings to their respective paths of rebirth. This process is described in detail in the Chinese apocryphal sūtra titled Foshuo yanluo wang shouji he sizhong nixiu sheng qizhai gongde wangsheng jingtu jing 佛說閻羅王受記合四眾逆脩生七齋功德往生淨土經 [Scripture Spoken by the Buddha to the Four Orders on the Prophecy Given to King Yama Concerning the Sevens of Life to Be Cultivated in Preparation for Rebirth in the Pure Land] (hereafter the Scripture on the Ten Kings). According to this text, the deceased must appear before seven kings at intervals of seven days following death, culminating in a total of 49 days. Upon completion of this sequence, the rebirth destination for most individuals is determined by the judgement of these kings. However, in more complex or ambiguous cases, additional assessments are conducted by the eighth to tenth kings, which occur at 100 days, one year and three years after death, respectively.Footnote 23 Thus, if the deceased is subject to all ten courts, the full judgement process may extend over a period of up to three years.
Numerous extant copies of this sūtra, alongside paintings depicting the Ten Kings found in Dunhuang, attest to the widespread popularity of these kings and their associated judgement process, particularly around the tenth century (Figure 1).Footnote 24
Dizang (Bodhisattva Ksiṭigarbha) with Ten Kings, Dunhuang, Mogao Cave, dated 983, MG 17662. © bpk, Guimet Museum. The red circle was inserted by the author.
1 Long description
A devotional painting depicting Dizang at the center, seated on a lotus throne with a large circular halo behind the figure. The figure holds a staff and a round jewel, dressed in layered robes with detailed patterning. The composition is arranged in multiple registers. The upper register shows a palatial architectural structure with seated figures on either side at desks or tables. The middle register places Dizang at the center, flanked symmetrically by ten enthroned kings, five on each side, each seated at a desk or table. Each king is attended by smaller standing figures. Vertical calligraphy labels appear beside or near each king figure. The text in these labels is written in Chinese and is too small to transcribe at this resolution. Two circular markings are visible in the image, one in the upper left area and one in the lower right area, each enclosing a figure or group at a desk. The lower register contains a horizontal text block with vertical columns of Chinese script, too small to transcribe at this resolution. Below the main painted area, three standing figures appear in a separate lower section. The overall composition uses a traditional painting style with linework and flat patterned surfaces throughout.
As Stephen F. Teiser has demonstrated, memorial rituals for the deceased – closely linked to the judgement process – are documented in several Dunhuang manuscripts.Footnote 25 A particularly noteworthy example concerns Zhai Fengda (c. 881–961?, 翟奉達), who copied ten different sūtras in memory of his deceased wife. Upon completion, he appended a list of these texts in a colophon:
The disciple, Gentleman for Court Discussion, Acting Vice Director of the Ministry of Public Works in the Department of State Affairs, Chai Feng-ta, in order to gain posthumous blessing for his deceased wife, Mrs Ma, copied one scroll of scriptures on each feast. The titles are listed as follows:
On the feast of the first seven The Scripture on Impermanence was copied on one scroll.
On the feast of the second seven The Scripture on Kuan-yin and the Moon on Water was copied on one scroll,
On the feast of the third seven The Scripture on Chants for Demons was copied on one scroll.
On the feast of the fourth seven The Scripture on the Questions Asked by a God was copied on one scroll.
On the feast of the fifth seven The Scripture on Yama Rāja was copied on one scroll.
On the feast of the sixth seven The Scripture on Protecting All Children was copied on one scroll.
On the seventh feast The Scripture on the Heart of Prajñāpāramitā was copied on one scroll.
On the feast held one hundred days after death The Scripture on Yü-lan Bowls was copied on one scroll.
On the feast held one year after death The Scripture on the Buddha’s Mother was copied on one scroll.
On the feast held three years after death The Scripture on Good and Evil Causes and Results was copied on one scroll.
The merit from copying the scripture itemized above is dedicated as a posthumous blessing to the departed, Mrs Ma. We respectfully invite dragons, gods, and the eight classes of beings; Kuan-shih-yin Bodhisattva, Ti-tsang Bodhisattva; the four great kings of heaven, and the Eight Chin-kang to authenticate it. May she receive every bit of the field of blessings, be reborn in a happy place, and encounter good people. Offered with a single mind.Footnote 26
As this colophon suggests, the deceased’s visits to various kings were associated with a specific festival. Zhai Fengda also invoked the Bodhisattvas Avalokiteśvara and Ksiṭigarbha, along with other deities, to validate his actions.Footnote 27 Avalokiteśvara is known for guiding the deceased to the Pure Land of Buddha Amitābha, Sukhāvatī, while Ksiṭigarbha is believed to save them from the hells. Thus, both are closely associated with the afterlife of the deceased. Through this ritual practice, he sought to ensure that his deceased wife would accumulate sufficient merit to secure rebirth in a favourable realm. The colophon, however, does not indicate whether additional rituals were performed for her, leaving this point unclear.Footnote 28
The list of sūtras copied indicates that different texts were selected for each of the kings. As Teiser observes, the precise relationship between each sūtra and the respective king visited by the deceased is often ambiguous.Footnote 29 Nonetheless, a clear association is evident for the sūtras designated for the first, fifth and tenth kings. The sūtras for the first and last kings correspond to their roles at the beginning and conclusion of the sequence. By contrast, the sūtra dedicated to the fifth king – namely, the Scripture on Yama Rāja, also known as the Scripture on the Ten Kings – is explicitly linked to Yama Rāja, who represents the collective authority of the ten kings. This suggests that Buddhists in Dunhuang were at least familiar with the names and functions of some of the ten kings, particularly the fifth, even if they lacked a comprehensive understanding of all ten. This conclusion is further corroborated by visual depictions in which the fifth and tenth kings are often portrayed as distinct from the others. The fifth king is depicted wearing the crown of the Chinese emperors, while the tenth king is portrayed in armour.Footnote 30 The case of Zhai Fengda is exceptional in that every stage of the ritual can be clearly traced. While copying sūtras for the deceased was not the only reason for sūtra production in Dunhuang during the tenth century, colophons appended to other texts indicate that this was one significant motivation. Such evidence suggests that these ritual practices were widespread among Buddhists in Dunhuang.Footnote 31 This is demonstrated, for example, by the colophon in manuscript S. 1177, dated to 900:Footnote 32
The disciple, (bearing the title of) Tai furen, Mrs Zhang, … sincerely copied a volume of “Sūtra of Golden Light (Jinguangming zuisheng wang jing 金光明最勝王經)” for (my) late son, Load Duan (端), (holding the title of) yatui (衙推), and completed the copying.
Like the Tocharian tradition, the Chinese Buddhist tradition recognized Maitreya and Tuṣita Heaven as attainable goals through virtuous actions. In contrast, it developed a protracted process of judgement by ten kings in the intermediate realm before the deceased could be reborn in another existence. This process was accompanied by elaborate ritual practices.
2.3 Differences and similarities in the concept of the afterlife in Manichaeism and Buddhism
The preceding descriptions reveal both differences and similarities in the conceptualizations of the afterlife in Manichaean and Buddhist teachings. Both traditions share the notion of “rebirth or reprocessing”, with the fate of the soul determined by its actions, whether virtuous or unwholesome. Moreover, both promise the attainment of an ultimate goal to those who have perform exemplary deeds. However, the two traditions diverge significantly in their treatment of wrongdoers. In Manichaeism, the realm known as Bōlos is portrayed as the final prison, reserved exclusively for sinners, particularly non-Manichaeans. Buddhism, by contrast, holds that individuals may also be consigned to hell due to their misdeeds, inspective of their religious affiliation. Furthermore, while in Manichaean eschatology non-Manichaeans are condemned to eternal imprisonment, alongside the demons of darkness after the end of the world, the Buddhist concept of hell allows for eventual release once the consequences of one’s transgressions have been expiated through suffering. The development, within the Chinese Buddhist tradition, of a protracted and meticulous process of postmortem judgement to determine the next rebirth may have been shaped by evolving understandings of hell and its corresponding punishments.
As shown in Table 1, key differences emerge in the concepts of judgement and the character of the hells, particularly regarding the punishments assigned within them. These aspects will therefore be the focus of analysis in following sections.
Differences and similarities in the concepts of the afterlife in Manichaean and Buddhist teachings
Table 1 Long description
The table compares afterlife concepts across Manichaeism, the Tocharian Buddhist tradition, and the Chinese Buddhist tradition. For the intermediate world, Manichaeism includes judgement by the “Judge of Truth,” the Tocharian tradition is listed as unclear, and the Chinese tradition has judgement by Ten Kings. The ultimate goal is described as exemplary conduct in all three, though Manichaeism specifies clergy and laypeople with exemplary conduct. For reprocessing or rebirth, Manichaeism ties outcomes to adherents, while both Buddhist traditions link good actions to rebirth in deva and human realms, sometimes including asura. Both Buddhist traditions also link misdeeds to rebirth in animal, hell, or hungry ghost realms. The final row indicates hells for non-adherents in Manichaeism, Therefore, I asked for correction. Please see my comments above at the Table 1.
3. The concept of the afterlife reflected in Uyghur sources
3.1 General transmission of the Buddhist concept of the afterlife
The Uyghurs, who arrived in the Turfan region as Manichaeans, underwent a significant religious transformation to Buddhism in the second half of the tenth century or the beginning of the eleventh century. This transition involved a shift from a Manichaean to a Buddhist conception of the afterlife, particularly concerning hells, punishment and the process of judgement, as the Uyghurs became acquainted with the Chinese Buddhist tradition. How did the Uyghurs experience this transformation?
Among the Buddhist texts in Old Uyghur, several are closely associated with three key themes relating to the afterlife, hells, Avalokiteśvara and Kṣitigarbha:Footnote 33
1) Maitrisimit Nom Bitig
2) Daśakarmapathāvadānamālā
3) The twenty-fifth chapter of the Lotus Sūtra (Avalokiteśvara-Sūtra)
4) Dizang pusa benyuan jing 地藏菩薩本願經 (Kṣitigarbha-Sūtra)
5) Scripture on the Ten Kings
6) The Story of Regret, Repentance and Purification in the Sūtra of the Golden Light
7) Maudgalyāyana-Bianwen (変文)
8) A Story of the Death of a Nineteen-year-old Girl and Her Encounter with the Lord of the Underworld.
The first two texts were translated from Tocharian, while the remaining works are closely connected to the Chinese tradition. The presence of texts from both traditions in Old Uyghur suggests that Uyghur Buddhists were likely aware of multiple conceptions of the afterlife. Among these texts, the Scripture on the Ten Kings deserves special attention, as it provides the textual basis for the practice of rituals for the deceased in Dunhuang (see Section 2.2.2). The Uyghur version of this text suggests that some Uyghur Buddhists may have been familiar with the Ten Kings and their judging process in the intermediate world, which lasted a total of three years, and may have practised rituals for deceased family members.
In addition to these specific works closely related to the afterlife, the Old Uyghur expression üč yavlak yol(lar) – “three bad way(s)”, referring to the three realms of rebirth caused by unwholesome actions – appears in various texts translated from both Tocharian and Chinese during the early period of Buddhist transmission among the Uyghurs.Footnote 34 This suggests that the Buddhist belief that misdeeds result in rebirth in the three evil realms, including hell, was present from the very beginning of the Uyghurs’ encounter with Buddhism.
Whether the Uyghurs also adopted the notion of a judgement process from the Tocharian tradition remains unclear, due to the fragmentary state of the Tocharian material. Nonetheless, the fact that the majority of these texts were translated from Chinese indicates that the Chinese tradition played a significant role in shaping Uyghur conceptions of the afterlife, of which the judgement process is one of the key features.
3.2 The Ten Kings, their judgement and related rituals in the Uyghur Buddhist tradition
As previously noted, the Uyghur version of the Scripture on the Ten Kings has been identified, indicating that Uyghur Buddhists were familiar with the concept of the Ten Kings and their three-year judgement process in the intermediate world. In addition, several paintings from Turfan depicting the “Ten Kings” offer further evidence of the visual transmission of this concept to the region. In her dissertation, Miki Morita investigates images of Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha from the Turfan area, many of which include representations of the Ten Kings due to their close association with this bodhisattva. Her extensive research therefore also provides a detailed examination of the Ten Kings in the region. According to Morita’s findings, which are based on the collection of all available paintings of the Ten Kings from Turfan, 24 paintings are likely to depict them.Footnote 35
Although the precise date of the first translation of the Scripture on the Ten Kings into Old Uyghur remains uncertain, several paintings are believed to date from the ninth to the eleventh centuries. Specifically, III 6332a-b are dated to the eighth or ninth centuries, III 6327 to the ninth century and III 4782 and 6670 to the tenth or eleventh centuries.Footnote 36 While the texts provide clear evidence of the linguistic context of their users, the paintings do not reveal the language of those involved in their production (e.g. sponsors, painters, etc.).Footnote 37 Among the aforementioned paintings, only III 6332a-b contains Uyghur script, suggesting direct Uyghur involvement in its creation or subsequent ownership. However, the proposed dating of this work to the eighth or ninth centuries may be somewhat premature, given the historical trajectory of the Uyghurs’ religious transition from Manichaeism to Buddhism.Footnote 38 If the earlier dating of III 6332a-b is indeed accepted, this would constitute an exceptional case, potentially indicating that some Uyghurs adopted Buddhism at a notably early stage. Aside from this possibility, if the dating of the other paintings is accepted, it indicates that local Buddhists in Turfan – regardless of the languages they spoke – were already familiar with the concept of the Ten Kings and their process of judgement prior to the widespread adoption of Buddhism among the Uyghurs. Consequently, when Buddhism became more prevalent, the Uyghurs were able to integrate this concept into their religious practices. This raises a further question: did the Uyghurs also engage in rituals for the deceased, such as the copying of texts on their behalf, as was common among Buddhists in Dunhuang?
3.2.1 Copying texts for the deceased
The copying of Buddhist texts also formed part of Uyghur Buddhist practice, although the fragmentary nature of the Turfan material limits our ability to gain comprehensive insights into this activity. For instance, it remains uncertain whether the Scripture on the Ten Kings – the text selected for the ritual associated with the fifth king in the practice carried out in Dunhuang – was commonly copied in Turfan. Nevertheless, a number of extant colophons appended to copied Buddhist texts provide valuable information regarding the Uyghurs’ engagement in this practice and their selection of texts for copying.
At least two of these colophons, although undated, were likely appended to copies of the Scripture on the Ten Kings. One colophon – U 1949 [T III M 238b] + U 1614 – expresses a wish for the favourable rebirth of the donor’s family members, who may have been deceased.Footnote 39 Another colophon – U 5033 [T II Y 60b] – was added to a collection of texts, including the Scripture on the Ten Kings, but does not explicitly refer to the deceased. Several colophons added by donors also disclose the motivations behind their donations, particularly the act of text copying.Footnote 40 Nevertheless, the most frequently cited reason in these colophons reflects a general Buddhist aspiration: the accumulation of religious merit, as illustrated by the underlined phrase in the following example:
U 4921 [T II D 199], l. 1–6.
Now we, the lay brother Alp Bars and the lay sister Kökäč … have [recognized] and understood the impermanence of the body and the impermanence of possessions, and (therefore) have brought forth the good sense that, with the impermanent body, we areaccumulating indestructible religious merits (Skt. puṇya ), and have most devotedly had this one volume (comprehensive) praise of the Bodhisattva Ārya-Avalokiteśvara written.Footnote 41
This colophon was likely composed during the pre-Mongolian period (tenth–twelfth centuries). However, other colophons such as *U 9193 [T II Y 37b], *U 9026 [T III M 56.9], U 345 [T D 80], Mainz 926 [T II S 2 B 37], U 3807, *U 9090 [T II Y 48], Colophon from the Nakamura Fusetsu collection, U 4761 [T M 16], U 4758 [T M 13] and *U 9091 [T II Y 42] indicate that this motivation remained prevalent among Uyghur Buddhists throughout the Mongol period (thirteenth–fourteenth centuries).Footnote 42
In many of these colophons, donors express their wish to transfer the merit accrued through their text-copying activities to others, including family members. The section devoted to the transfer of merit is often among the longest in the colophons, underlining its significance for Uyghur donors. Notably, this section does not typically commence with the transfer of merit to deceased family members or with the wish for their rebirth in favourable realms.Footnote 43 It is also important to note that the names of the Ten Kings, including the prominent fifth king, Yama Rāja, do not appear in any of the colophons. Reference to deceased family members is generally made towards the end of the text, as exemplified in *U 9090 [T II Y 48]. In this colophon, the female donor transfers merit in the following order:
1) First, to the gods, with the aspiration that their power may increase for the protection of the Buddhist teachings and the state;
2) Then, to her living family members, with the hope that they may remain free from illness and ultimately attain Buddhahood;
3) And finally, to the deceased, with the wish that they may be reborn in a favourable realm.Footnote 44
In this context, two colophons appended to the Araṇemi-Jātaka (Pelliot Ouïgour 1) and the text entitled Kšanti Nom “confession teachings” (U 3092 [T II Y 15.505]) are particularly noteworthy. Both underscore the motivation to copy texts for the benefit of the deceased.Footnote 45 The first colophon, discovered in Dunhuang, is associated with one of the earliest Buddhist texts in Old Uyghur. Its provenance, along with the Chinese name of the donor, Siŋtsi, suggests that he may have copied the text in memory of his deceased parents, reflecting Chinese commemorative traditions observed in Dunhuang.Footnote 46 The same name also appears in the latter colophon, where Siŋtsi is identified as the father-in-law of the female donor, named Körksüz, who bears an Uyghur name. However, the identification of Siŋtsi in both colophons remains a matter of scholarly debate. The precise date of U 3092 is uncertain, although the use of half-block script suggests that it was written during the pre-Mongol period. The presence of the other names, such as her son V(a)rdu (Chin. fonu 佛奴), which are of Chinese origin, indicates that the donor likely belonged to a milieu strongly influenced by Chinese Buddhist traditions. This cultural environment may have inspired her devotional practice on behalf of her deceased family members.
These observations suggest that rituals for the deceased were not the primary motivation for Uyghur donors to copy texts. Rather, their principal intention appears to have been grounded in broader Buddhist principles; most donors initially sought to fulfil their own wishes, even if they later extended their aspirations to include a favourable rebirth for the deceased. The general absence of reference to the Ten Kings in Old Uyghur colophons raises important questions concerning the extent to which the concept of the Ten Kings and their process of judgement was known, and how prevalent the associated mortuary rituals were among the Uyghurs during the formative stages of Buddhism, particularly if such practices were adopted from the Dunhuang milieu.
3.2.2 Visual materials relating to the Uyghurs’ conceptions of the afterlife
As noted at the beginning of Section 3.2, some of the paintings depicting the Ten Kings discovered in Turfan can be dated to the ninth or tenth century – a period corresponding to the Uyghur migration into the region and preceding the full establishment of Buddhism as their predominant religion. In contrast to written sources, as discussed in Section 3.2.1, identifying the specific owners or donors of these paintings remains difficult. The extent to which these paintings reflect actual ritual practices for the deceased among Uyghur Buddhists thus remains an open question.
In this context, the banner painting III 4782 offers valuable insights (see Figure 2).
Paradise scene, Kṣitigarbha and the Ten Kings, Ruin α, Kočo, tenth–eleventh centuries, III 4782. © Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst. The red circle was inserted by the author.
The painting was discovered in the ruins of the city of Kočo in Turfan and has been dated by Chhaya Bhattacharya-Haesner to the tenth–eleventh centuries.Footnote 47 At the centre of the composition are the seated Bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha and the Buddha, flanked on either side by five of the Ten Kings. Although the painting survives only in a fragmentary condition, which complicates the identification of individual figures, Morita provides a detailed analysis and succeeds in identifying three of the kings – the fourth, fifth and tenth – based on their distinctive attributes. The fourth king is shown with a balance used in his court, the fifth king with his characteristic headdress and the tenth with symbols associated with the paths of rebirth.Footnote 48
Morita also draws attention to the unusual arrangement of the identified kings in painting III 4782. In this composition, the fourth, fifth and tenth kings appear in the same row. While several systematic arrangements of the Ten Kings are known from the better-preserved paintings in Dunhuang, none place the fourth, fifth and tenth kings in the same row.Footnote 49 This suggests that the order of the Ten Kings in the Turfan painting may contain some irregularities; however, the precise nature of these cannot be fully determined due to the incomplete identification of the remaining figures. Morita proposes that this unusual arrangement may be explained by the fact that the “registers are also not necessarily arranged in numerical order of the Ten Kings, and each scene in the registers rather independently narrates a part of the posthumous journey told in the Scripture on the Ten Kings”.Footnote 50
However, this unusual arrangement assumes significance when considering the potential performance of rituals based on the Scripture on the Ten Kings in Turfan. It implies that those responsible for producing this painting may not have been fully cognisant of the correct sequence of the Ten Kings – an aspect that would have been crucial for the effective enactment of such rituals. Although it is not possible to ascertain whether these individuals were Uyghur-speaking or non-Uyghur-speaking Buddhists in Turfan, it is noteworthy that the depictions of the Ten Kings predate the widespread adoption of Buddhism among the Uyghurs. It is, therefore, plausible that the Chinese-speaking Buddhists in Turfan – already familiar with the Ten Kings tradition – would have been less susceptible to such inaccuracies.Footnote 51 Consequently, painting III 4782 may suggest that ritual practices based on the Scripture on the Ten Kings were not yet prevalent among the Uyghurs during the initial phase of Buddhist dissemination, even though the concept of this Buddhist afterlife had already been introduced.
3.3 Manichaean practice and its continuity in relation to the afterlife
In this context, the research of Zsuzsanna Gulácsi on funerary banners warrants particular attention. Her work offers valuable insights into the Uyghur conception of the afterlife, especially during the transitional period from Manichaeism to Buddhism.Footnote 52 She analyses several Buddhist banners – among them III 4524, which depicts Uyghur laypersons – and dates them to the early phase of Buddhism’s introduction among the Uyghurs (see Figure 3).
Memorial banner for Kara Totok, found in Kočo, dated to tenth–eleventh centuries, III 4524. © Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst.
This genre of Buddhist banner, characterized by the depiction of a living person as the central figure rather than a specific bodhisattva or buddha, appears to be unique to Turfan and has not been identified in other Central Asian oases such as Dunhuang. Gulácsi highlights the striking parallels between these Buddhist banners from Turfan and Manichaean funerary banners.Footnote 53 In Manichaean art, numerous banners depict male or female Elect or Auditors as the central figure. Positioned above the central figure is a guiding deity who escorts the soul to the Manichaean final destination – the Realm of Light. In the case of female figures, this deity is the Light Maiden; for male figures, it is Jesus. According to Gulácsi’s research, several iconographic elements found in Buddhist banners portraying laypersons correspond closely with those seen in Manichaean banners.Footnote 54 This correspondence suggests that the Uyghurs preserved certain features of Manichaean afterlife beliefs and ritual practices even after their transition to Buddhism, which in turn contributed to the production of these distinctive funerary banners in Turfan. It further implies that the Manichaean conception of the afterlife may have continued to exert an influence on Buddhist Uyghurs for a considerable period following their religious transition.
4. Concluding remarks
A comparative analysis of Manichaean and Buddhist conceptions of the afterlife reveals both notable parallels and fundamental distinctions. In both traditions, the deceased are subject to judgement and are subsequently assigned to either favourable or unfavourable destinies, with some undergoing a form of “rebirth” or “reprocessing”. However, whereas the process of judgement in Manichaean doctrine is relatively direct, the Chinese Buddhist framework is markedly more elaborate and protracted. A particularly significant point of divergence concerns the notion of hell. In Buddhist doctrine, all sentient beings, including members of the clergy, are susceptible to rebirth in hell regardless of their religious standing. In contrast, Manichaean adherents are exempt from such a fate. This difference reflects the distinct functions hell serves within each tradition: in Buddhism, hells and their associated punishments function to expiate transgressions committed by individuals, thereby enabling them to progress towards the attainment of enlightenment. By contrast, in Manichaeism, hell is conceived as an eternal prison in which demons of darkness and unredeemed sinners are held in perpetual confinement.
Despite the ultimately didactic function of Buddhist hells, the complexity of the (Chinese) Buddhist judgement process, particularly the three-year cycle of evaluation, may have appeared especially daunting to early Uyghur converts from Manichaeism. This complexity may have contributed to the Uyghurs’ initial reluctance or delay in adopting the Chinese-style judgement framework and its associated funerary rituals. The extant sources suggest that the rituals attested in Dunhuang, such as the copying of sūtras corresponding to the deceased’s encounter with each of the Ten Kings, were not practised among Uyghur Buddhists. Instead, it appears that the Uyghurs continued to observe elements of Manichaean funerary customs for some time following their religious transition to Buddhism. Whether the Uyghurs later adopted rituals based on the Scripture on the Ten Kings, or developed distinct funerary practices that diverged from the Dunhuang tradition and eventually became more widespread among Uyghur communities, remains an open question and a promising area for future research.
Acknowledgements
I would first like to express my sincere gratitude to the Guimet Museum (Paris) and to Dr Lilla Russell-Smith of the Museum für Asiatische Kunst (Berlin), who either granted permission to publish the images used in this article or assisted me in obtaining it. I am also grateful to the anonymous reviewers of this journal for their valuable comments, which have helped to improve this article. Any remaining errors are, of course, my own responsibility.
Funding statement
Research and writing of this article were facilitated by the RELIGUR project, which has received funding from the Heisenberg-Programme of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft.
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