Intersectionality as a critical lens

It has been noted that marginalized populations are disproportionately represented in precarious, low-wage, and temporary jobs (Kalleberg & Vallas, Reference Kalleberg and Vallas2017; Ross & Bateman, Reference Ross and Bateman2019). Although some research in I-O psychology has begun to adopt or advocate for an intersectional approach (e.g., Berdahl & Moore, Reference Berdahl and Moore2006; Weaver etal., Reference Weaver, Crayne and Jones2016), there remains a need to integrate this approach into our research. The term intersectionality references insights from critical theory indicating that race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, nationality, ability, and age do not operate as unitary, mutually exclusive entities (Collins, Reference Collins2015; Crenshaw, Reference Crenshaw and Weisbert1989). This approach emphasizes the importance of examining relationships among social identities as intersecting categories of oppression and inequality, and it is a useful framework for understanding the effects of pandemic (Collins, Reference Collins2015). The utility of intersectionality for understanding these effects lies in its attentiveness to overlapping systems of oppression, power relations, and social inequalities (Collins, Reference Collins2015). Studying the pandemic within this framework allows an understanding of the way in which multiple identities and systems (e.g., the labor market, health care, and education) create unique forms of disadvantage and harm. In addition to the unique harm for precarious and low-wage workers as a result of COVID-19, race, gender, and immigrant status uniquely contribute cumulative and independent effects to the experience of pandemic and should be considered in future research.

Race

Black, LatinX, and Native American workers are disproportionately represented in sectors that have been highly influenced by social distancing protocols such as restaurants and bars, travel and transportation, entertainment, manufacturing, and retail (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020). As a result, these employees are experiencing higher rates of unemployment and job displacement than White employees, which only exacerbates historical trends for these groups (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019a). Despite the reopening of many of these sectors, the rates of infection have only increased in many places across the United States. Although reopening may be good for the economy, if only fleetingly in the short term, it will likely represent a corresponding increase in risk of exposure to COVID-19 for these marginalized groups. The effects of these disparities are already evidenced in African American communities. Millett etal. (Reference Millett, Jones, Benkeser, Baral, Mercer, Beyrer, Honermann, Lankiewicz, Mena, Crowley, Sherwood and Sullivan2020) found that counties with disproportionately large Black populations experience higher rates of COVID-19 diagnoses and death resulting from infection, even after controlling for characteristics such as age, poverty, comorbidities, and epidemic duration.

In Black communities, researchers have also suggested that this pandemic will take a distinct toll on psychological and mental health as well (Novacek etal., Reference Novacek, Hampton-Anderson, Ebor, Loeb and Wyatt2020). Population-based surveys indicate 33% of African Americans are very concerned they will get COVID-19 and require hospitalization as compared with only 18% of Whites (Pew Research, 2020). However, African Americans face many barriers to receiving mental health services both historically and presently. Although African Americans experience rates of mental illness at a level similar to that of Whites, only 31% of African Americans with a mental illness receive treatment, compared with 48% of Whites (Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, 2016). This disparity can be attributed, in part, to systemic barriers to accessing health resources as well as the historical mistreatment of African Americans in the health care system (Novacek etal., Reference Novacek, Hampton-Anderson, Ebor, Loeb and Wyatt2020). These untreated mental health concerns are likely to add to the overwhelming pressure facing African American communities during the pandemic.

Asian Americans are also facing high levels of discrimination based on race.

Given that Wuhan, China, is seen as the epicenter of COVID-19 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2020b), many Asians are being scapegoated for the introduction of the virus (Kantamneni, Reference Kantamneni2020). For example, racist references to COVID-19 as the “Chinese virus” perpetuate animosity toward Asians. In fact, nearly 30% of Americans blame China or Chinese people for the emergence of COVID-19 (IPSOS, 2020). This belief, of course, translates to an increase in reports of discrimination in the workplace toward Asian Americans (Asian Pacific Policy & Planning Council, 2020). Considering work status alone does not paint the full picture of the pandemic’s implications for precarious and low-wage workers of color. Racial and ethnic minority groups also face additional risks due to a variety of factors such as living conditions, underlying health conditions, labor market and workplace discrimination, and lower access to care (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2020a).

Gender

In addition to wage disparities and labor market discrimination against women, workplace expectations and social norms related to parenting and household responsibilities may result in additional strain for women (Kantamneni, Reference Kantamneni2020). As schools, childcare providers, and long-term care facilities closed to protect against the spread of COVID-19, families were forced to alter their daily working lives in order to take care of their children and family members. Although this disrupts routine for all in the family, this change affects women disproportionately. As the primary caregivers for the majority of American families, women spend approximately double the amount of time caring for children in the home than men (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2019b). With the increased demand for their attentional resources, women now find themselves in a multiple role conflict as they try to balance work and home life.

All of these stressors are enhanced for women who are considered “essential employees” because they now must go to work without access to either formal or informal childcare, and this is only exacerbated for single parents (Kantamneni, Reference Kantamneni2020). An individual’s ability to stay home when they are ill, or to care for children or family members, is entirely contingent upon where they work. Women must frequently navigate the seemingly irreconcilable binary choice between providing for family or showing up to work, and these concerns are even more apparent for precarious and low-wage workers.

Immigrant status

Despite experiencing significant disparities in COVID-19 infection and mortality rates, coupled with an increase in anti-immigrant policies, immigrants are an at-risk group that is often unaccounted for and excluded from our discussions (Garcini etal., Reference Garcini, Domenech Rodríguez, Mercado and Paris2020). As with other marginalized groups, immigrant workers are overrepresented in many of the industries hit hardest by the pandemic (Gelatt, Reference Gelatt2020). Although approximately six million immigrant workers are deemed essential (Straut-Eppsteiner, Reference Straut-Eppsteiner2020), many are left without meaningful protections. Whereas some immigrant workers (e.g., green-card holders) can access benefits such as unemployment insurance, most noncitizens cannot access safety-net programs that are essential in times of need (Singh & Koran, Reference Singh and Koran2020). Moreover, despite being taxpayers and filing tax returns, these workers will not receive economic impact payments.

The material conditions for many immigrant workers puts them at increased risk, and these combined pressures often leave them with the choice between risking their health and financial ruin. Jobs that are integral in securing our nation’s access to food (e.g., farmworkers, store clerks, meat processing workers) are disproportionately held by immigrants, women, and people of color (Straut-Eppsteiner, Reference Straut-Eppsteiner2020). Yet, the conditions in these roles are often among the most dangerous. For example, retailers may be inconsistent in their provision of protections, with some workers facing hundreds of customers each day. Many farmworkers and food processing workers find it difficult to maintain distance due to high density and are often disciplined for calling in sick. However, they may be hesitant to file complaints given their undocumented status (Straut-Eppsteiner, Reference Straut-Eppsteiner2020). Taken together, these workers face not only the challenges associated with precarious and low-wage work but also additional challenges and barriers, many of which are structural in nature.