This book is a very valuable and timely contribution to writing in comparative social policy, family policy, gender and equality. This collection of essays written by two of Scandinavia's most insightful academic writers is a welcome publication. Leira with a long-established name in this field with her seminal Welfare States and Working Mothers: The Scandinavian Experience (Reference Leira1992) is joined here by Ellingsaeter to bring readers on an even more enlightening tour of Scandinavian welfare regimes. The focus is on parenthood policies. The authors show how in the context of deep economic problems and labour market restructuring since the 1990s, the Nordic welfare states have pursued wide ranging parenthood policy reform. They argue that there has been an expansion of core programmes in relation to early childhood which were instituted in previous periods; expansion is evident in Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Norway. Public expenditure on childcare has increased substantially. Innovative policy initiatives, including the ‘daddy quota’ and a more flexible arrangement of parental leave, are evident. The childcare related rights of parents and children have been strengthened.

Policy responses to meet the needs of working parents are a pressing issue in contemporary European welfare states. This book suggests that there is much to be learned from the Scandinavian experience in light of the European Council target set in Barcelona in 2002 that by 2010 childcare provision has to be in place for one in three of all children under three and for 90% of children between three years and mandatory school age. The Scandinavian countries are nearest to achieving this target. As the editors state: ‘We can't all become Scandinavians. But we can profit from examples of best practice’ (p. 3). The success of Scandinavian regimes is judged by the fact that the Nordic countries have the highest scores on United Nations gender equality indexes and Nordic fertility rates and mothers’ employment rates are among the highest in Europe.

The contributors to this book highlight the similarities and differences between Nordic countries by examining empirical data. The authors focus on the legacies and challenges since the 1990s, exploring the rights of both mothers and fathers as carers and as earners, particularly looking at how there has been both defamilisation and refamilisation in Nordic states. This book charts how the Scandinavian countries have succeeded in pioneering the transformation of parenthood into a political issue and shows how the private and public have been redefined. It outlines what is unique in social democratic regimes.

The book is organised in three parts. The first part ‘Politicising Parenthood – Legacies and Challenges’ consists of two chapters. Leira focuses on parenthood change and policy reform in Scandinavia from 1970–2000. She reminds us early on that ‘Work/family policies to promote gender equality are widely regarded as a Scandinavian trademark’ (p. 27). She reminds us that the interplay of policy reform and parental practices is complex. She focuses, as in her earlier work, on how the welfare state has addressed the two basic components of parenting – caring and earning – and focuses on the social rights of mothers and fathers.

In an extremely interesting chapter ‘Nordic Fertility Patterns: Compatible with Gender Equality? Ronsen and Skrede tackle a very complex topic. To my mind this is one of the most exciting and challenging chapters as the authors stress the necessity of going beyond crude fertility rates. They suggest: ‘from a demographic perspective, the total fertility rate is a superficial measure of the underlying structural elements of fertility patterns as they develop over time with subsequent cohorts of women passing through their reproductive period’ (p. 53). The authors suggest it is necessary to understand the trends among different socio-economic groups of women, taking into account different levels of education and the interplay of different labour market sectors. They draw attention to such issues as postponement of first birth, and increased rates of childlessness in the younger cohorts and differences between patterns in the public and private sector. The role of parenthood policies in explaining country-level fertility patterns is discussed. This chapter raises very important questions for policy makers throughout Europe concerned with ageing populations and decreasing fertility. The authors argue ‘that family policies facilitating the combination of childrearing and labour market participation may be necessary prerequisites for a sustainable level of fertility’ (p. 69). At the same time they advocate a more deliberate move towards gender equality.

The second part ‘Gender Equality and Parental Choice in Welfare State Design’ consists of four chapters which focus on mothers and fathers responses to policy reforms. Special attention is paid to the politicisation of fatherhood. This is a welcome contribution to an important policy area. Lammi-Taskula explores whether parental leave uptake by Nordic men can change gender relations and if the politicisation of fatherhood promotes active fathering. While families may have greater choice, obstacles like pay differentials for men and women's work are important factors that still need addressing. There are differences among Nordic countries with an interesting scenario unfolding in Iceland. Borchost discusses the about turn on ‘daddy leave ‘in Denmark; Ellingsaeter focuses on the paradoxes in Norwegian childcare provision; and Salmi focuses on recent developments in parenthood policies in Finland.

The third part ‘Work Family and the Welfare State: Redefining Family Models’ consists of five chapters. The focus is on how work family models have been redesigned and concentrates on family/labour market interaction. Hiilamo compares Finland and Sweden and investigates whether in the light of the economic recession of the 1990s they can both still be seen as woman friendly regimes. The focus is on economic equality between parents. In a later chapter, Haataja and Nyberg address the dual carer/earner model in Sweden and Finland. Boje examines caring strategies of working parents in Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands and the UK. Skevik addressed the challenges for lone mothers as sole providers in the Nordic dual earner regimes.

Leira and Ellingsaeter conclude the book with an epilogue in which they argue that neo-liberal currents and a move towards ‘flexibility’ and ‘choice’ have crept into the Nordic welfare regimes at the same time as countries were dealing with economic recession and labour restructuring. During this period there has been a remarkable level of continuity. Nonetheless, they draw attention to possible policy challenges in the future.

This book is a very welcome addition to writing on gender, family policy and welfare regimes and will be of interest to policy analysts, policy makers and students who are willing to learn from the valuable experiences of the Nordic regimes.