Wonderful. Welcome everyone to the Vagts Roundtable. I am Greg Shaffer, outgoing president of the Society, and just really welcome you to this annual event we have now. I want to start by acknowledging Detlev Vagts, known by “Det,” for his immense contributions to the field and his longtime contributions to the Society.
By the end of his career, among his many contributions, Det was known as one of the great developers of viewing international law in transnational terms, which has affected so many of us in our own work. Those that knew him speak of him as a supreme gentleman, a great scholar, and a wonderful teacher. We here at ASIL could not be more pleased to honor his memory with this roundtable discussion.
I thank Karen and Lydia Vagts and the Vagts family for their generous gift, which enabled the Society to create this annual event. Although they are unable to be with us this year, they send their greetings for another successful event, as this is something that is very important to them personally.
I also want to thank our convener, Patty Gerstenblith, the distinguished research professor and faculty director of the Center for Art, Museum, and Cultural Heritage Law at DePaul College of Law, where actually I was a visiting professor once, many decades ago. In 2011, President Obama appointed Patty to serve as chair of the President's Cultural Property Advisory Committee in the Department of State, on which she had previously served as a public representative in the Clinton administration. Since 2020, Patty has served as president of the board of directors of the U.S. Committee of the Blue Shield and chair of the Blue Shield International Working Group on Countering Trafficking of Cultural Objects.
Patty, thank you for the wonderful job you did in organizing this event for us this year. I turn it over to you.
Thank you so much for inviting me to be the convener of this year's roundtable. It is a great honor for me, and it has been fun bringing together the various speakers; in particular, as I will mention, Professor Carstens, in a moment.
The topic of the roundtable this year is preserving cultural heritage and protecting humanity in conflict zones, unfortunately, a topic that has only become more relevant in the past twenty-five years and one that is continually in the headlines of our newspapers as well as prominently featuring in many legal publications.
As was mentioned, the purpose of the roundtable is to showcase the work of an emerging scholar, and this year's emerging scholar is Professor Anne-Marie Carstens. She is the Associate Professor of Law at the University of Baltimore. Her scholarship focuses largely on international legal obligations to protect cultural property, especially during armed conflict, and how violations of these obligations are prosecuted in international criminal tribunals. She received her JD from Georgetown Law, and a DPhil in Public International Law from Oxford University.
I should mention the way that we will organize this is that Professor Carstens will have the first twenty or so minutes to present. It is essentially a preview of a work in progress, an article that she is working on. This will be followed by our three discussants, whom I will briefly introduce now as well. They represent different areas of legal practice, both public and government, NGO areas of practice. And as was mentioned, to some extent, I am also here representing the Blue Shield Movement.
I will introduce our three speakers, starting at your right, our left. Tracey Begley serves as the Deputy Head of the Legal Department for the Washington Delegation of the International Committee of the Red Cross. In this capacity, she is primarily responsible for the delegation's legal work regarding detention in Guantánamo Bay and resettlement of former Guantánamo detainees, arms transfers, and naval warfare, as well as dissemination of international humanitarian law. Tracey earned her JD from American University, Washington College of Law, and has interned for the U.S. Department of Defense and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia.
Next in the center is Karl Chang. He is the Associate General Counsel, specializing in international affairs in the Office of the General Counsel of the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD). He, in particular, is important to this conversation because he was the primary drafter of the recent DoD Law of War Manual, which was published in 2015, and its subsequent updates as well. He, therefore, is obviously in the position to discuss the position of the United States with respect to armed conflict and cultural heritage. He has represented the U.S. government in various international meetings, including the Quadrennial International Conference of the Red Cross and Red Crescent, and he also has represented the United States in the Assembly of States Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Again, a very relevant issue for us.
Next to him is Professor Michael Kelly, who holds the Senator Allen Sekt Endowed Chair of Law at Creighton University. He serves on the board of directors of L'Association Internationale du Droit Pénal, a Paris-based society, and also works with the Board of the International Scientific and Professional Advisory Council of the UN's Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Program in Milan. He is a specialist in international criminal law and is the author of Prosecuting Corporations for Genocide, published by Oxford in 2016. He currently co-chairs the ABA's Internet Governance Task Force.
I will also mention that you can find out there at the Oxford University Press display my recent book entitled Cultural Objects and Reparative Justice: A Legal and Historical Analysis. It discusses the question of where movable cultural objects should be located as the result of where they have been dislocated due to armed conflict, imperialism, and colonialism. We have all been awaiting Professor Carstens's Oxford book as well.
With that, I will turn the presentation over to Professor Carstens.
Thank you very much. I want to start out by thanking the Vagts family for funding and supporting this initiative to identify emerging scholars in the international law space. I have been coming to the ASIL annual meeting for many years and always point out all the bigwigs in the room. It is exciting to have this initiative here as well.
I am going to talk for hopefully less than twenty minutes. I do not think Patty trusts me to do so because I am not sure that I have ever done it. But I am going to do my best so that we can have more time to operate this more in a roundtable space where it is a conversation among the participants here rather than straight down the line.
To give a framework of where I focus my scholarship, I write on various topics of international law, sometimes on issues of copyright law and property law, but primarily in the public international law space. I focus on armed conflict and international criminal law and the place of cultural heritage protection within those two particular spheres.
I am going to try to condense all of the things I write about into making three quick points to guide the discussion. The first is, what is the body of material that I am identifying as being subject to this enhanced or special kind of protection, these special rules as cultural property?
The second piece is, how we define the obligations? Once you have identified what that body of material is, what is the nature of those obligations?
Finally, the last piece I have moved into exploring is looking at how international criminal law and the international tribunals have developed in terms of thinking about how to prosecute. Who do they prosecute? What do they prosecute? What are those crimes when cultural heritage is involved? Related to that, how does that intersect with the movement within the cultural heritage sphere to talk about trying to resurrect cultural genocide as a separate concept.
In defining cultural property as a body of material that should get some specific rules written about it, I track the history. I am also a bit of a historian and look at the conception of war as a just war and even as we moved into the first codifications, there was a focus on reverence. It had to be something that was revered both in the religious sense that applied to Christian wars and classical material. It excluded a lot of things that were written off as ethnographic, which created a tension among the kinds of things that were protected right up to the beginning of the twentieth century.
When the body of material was first defined, the law focused on attributes. It was about whether it was religious, scientific, artistic, or historical and not any reference to any connection to people. This is at a point in time in which there were not separate rules written, although there were certainly a lot of initiatives, about protecting civilians.
After World War II, you see the emphasis change away from attributes and become entirely focused on the idea that it is the relationship between certain kinds of property and certain types of groups and collectivities and what they value and the fact that the destruction of these things is part of the tapestry of subjugating and eradicating and killing communities. So the emphasis became both value to the international community as a whole, in some sense, but also its value to particular individual cultures.
Nonetheless, as we have moved into defining international criminal law, there has been some combination of that in that international criminal codes revert back to those old definitions, and yet the tribunals seem to be following the post-World War II sensibilities about how we think about cultural property. That is my first point.
One of the questions that then comes up that I struggle with, and would really like to engage with people within the community, is just how do we now think about contested monuments, and how do those kinds of things fit within the definition of cultural property?
That has been one of the challenges I have tried to focus on because it is not really addressed in any of the contemporary scholarship in what I find to be a particularly intellectually honest or satisfying way. I invite the participants to help me work through some of those knots as well.
Secondly, defining the obligations, a big part of my book, which hopefully will be forthcoming soon, really focuses on the presumption that we all know that it is obviously against the rules of armed conflict to intentionally and unnecessarily destroy and take away property—the negative rules of restraint against destruction and misappropriation.
If we know all that—it is in customary law and has been around for decades—what are the additional obligations that now have evolved? What are the stages of conflict? How do the obligations change when you are in occupation? How do they change when you have non-state actors? How do they change when you have non-international armed conflict, and you are trying to identify the contours of those rules that exist beyond what we all know are those well-entrenched rules of restraint?
Finally, looking at international criminal law, the unnecessary and intentional destruction of cultural heritage is a war crime. I always find this a little peculiar when something has been destroyed, and there is an op-ed that says this should be a war crime, and I am like it is a war crime.
But apart from that, cultural heritage destruction is a marker of so many other things, even if it is not independently identified as a specific crime beyond being a war crime. It is a marker of persecution. It can be used to show the actus reus of persecution, a crime against humanity. It is a marker of genocide because it can show that the intent to subjugate and eradicate a people is shown by the fact that the things that they care about are subjected to destruction and seizure and loss. The curious piece is that the offenses have reverted back to the old definitions, although I think the jurisprudence itself shows that they really do connect. Because it is a marker, they are connecting civilian protection and cultural property protection quite closely.
Within the cultural heritage community, a lot of people are moving to resurrect what Raphael Lemkin had originally suggested should be cultural genocide as one branch of the definition of genocide. You could have biological genocide and physical genocide, but cultural genocide was the destruction of vandalism against the objects that these collectivities cared about.
I would argue that because it is already a marker of genocide, that the use of it as a marker in all of these different ways already does encompass what Raphael Lemkin was getting at. I do not know that the international community is ready to embrace cultural genocide as a part of genocide where physical and biological genocide do not also exist. I think it is an important part of that narrative, but I have a slightly different take on it than what a lot of people within the cultural heritage community want to resurrect from what that original definition was one hundred years ago.
Patty Gerstenblith
Thank you very much. Very thought-provoking. As you well know, I have questions, but I am going to hold them and go first to Tracey. If you would like to comment on or present the perspective of your NGO.
Thank you very much, Patty, and a big thank you to the Vagts family and also to you, Patty, for inviting the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to participate today. Congratulations to you, Anne-Marie. I know this is a huge amount of work, and you have spent a lot of time in the ICRC archives, which is a bit of a daunting task but hopefully very fruitful as well.
I am going to present today some of the positions of the International Committee of the Red Cross regarding the protection of cultural property in armed conflict, and you heard some of the basic protections that cultural property enjoys during armed conflict from Anne-Marie. But I am going to go a little bit back to the basics because it is important to reiterate the protections of cultural property, starting at the foundation.
First of all, cultural property should be considered a civilian object. It should be considered civilian in nature, provided that it does not meet the definition of a military objective. If it is a civilian object, then it benefits from the protections of the principles of distinction. It is prohibited to make a civilian object the object of a direct attack. It also benefits from precautions, the requirement that a party to a conflict take all feasible precautions when conducting an attack, as well as the principle of proportionality. A party to a conflict has to do an analysis to determine whether the anticipated military advantage would outweigh the anticipated civilian harm that would occur from an attack. These are the basic principles of international humanitarian law (IHL) that exist in customary international humanitarian law, and cultural property, provided that it is civilian and is not being used for military purposes, should benefit from these basic protections.
On top of that, we have very specific protections for cultural property that are in Additional Protocols I and II to the 1949 Geneva Conventions. The 1949 Geneva Conventions are universally ratified, and the two additional protocols are not. But the ICRC believes that there are four customary rules that exist to protect cultural property during armed conflict as well. So many states are party to the first and second Additional Protocols, and they would be required to uphold the protections for cultural property under those protocols. But in addition, there are these four customary rules of international humanitarian law.
So in terms of the questions about protections in non-international armed conflict versus international armed conflict, the ICRC believes that three out of four of those rules are applicable in both international and non-international armed conflict. There is just the one rule of customary law that specifically applies to occupation and protections for cultural property in occupation, and there are some very good questions about the determination of an occupation and what happens if one party believes there is an occupation but the other party disagrees, and interpretations of the status of the armed conflict, and how that then trickles down to the applicable legal protections. That is one rule that the ICRC believes applies in international armed conflict. And the other three apply during both types of conflict.
These are the basic rules of protection of cultural property that provide that parties have to take special care, both when they are conducting attacks, that they may not be using cultural property in a way that would adversely affect it, and it also protects cultural property against seizure and pillage. Those are the basic rules, and then you have the 1954 Hague Convention, which provides the additional protections with the two Additional Protocols as well, so the first Additional Protocol, which provides protection during occupation, and the second, which provides enhanced protections for cultural property and does include a waiver. A state could use this waiver that is available in the second Additional Protocol. However, the cultural property would still be considered civilian in nature unless it meets the definition of a military objective.
The takeaway is to approach cultural property as civilian in nature unless it meets the definition of a military objective, and then to see these additional protections from customary international law as well as treaty law that apply to protect cultural property.
I will stop there. It is over to you, Karl.
Thank you, Patty, and also thanks, Tracey. Of course, I also want to thank the Vagts family and ASIL and, in particular, Anne-Marie for bringing us all together with your very thoughtful scholarship.
I will start with the very standard disclaimer. I have been working at DoD a long time. I do not think I have any personal views left because they have been ground out of me by the Department, but I am sure that the Department does not have an official position on your paper, Anne-Marie. I hope colleagues understand my remarks today in a personal capacity rather than an official capacity.
I will also start with another confession, and that is that I really do love cultural property protection and law of war as a topic. Working on law of war issues, you work on war a lot, and war is death. It is destruction. It is suffering, and even when everyone has complied with international humanitarian law, it is terrible.
Cultural property is the opposite of all of that, and so I think that is what is so inspiring about cultural property protection. Art is about creation. It is about purpose. It is about wonder and life. What international humanitarian law is trying to do in armed conflict is to recognize that there is terrible suffering and death and destruction, but to mitigate that harm to the extent possible, and the protection of cultural property is a distilled essence of this purpose and spirit of international humanitarian law.
I am delighted to be here this morning. I also wanted to piggyback on a theme in Anne-Marie's work, and that Tracey just mentioned about the relationship between civilian protection and protections for cultural property under international humanitarian law. There is a clear overlap, and I would be remiss in not mentioning that the U.S. Department of Defense is currently engaged in a four-year plan to improve its capabilities to mitigate and respond to civilian harm during military operations. Like everything in the Department of Defense, it is given an acronym, so it is the CHMRAP, Civilian Harm Mitigation Response Action Plan. It is really an extensive effort. It is directed by the Secretary of Defense, beginning in August 2022, and shows Secretary Austin's leadership, initiative, strong interest in the subject matter. It is a four-year plan. It is not just a change of policy or a doctrinal change, but it is meant to increase capabilities within the Department. There are very specific steps. You can find it on the DoD website.
Tens of millions of dollars have been allocated to it. They are hiring more than 140 people who would be specifically devoted to civilian harm mitigation response activities. They are creating a data management platform to better manage the information flows associated with the information needed to prevent and mitigate civilian harm and investigate it, and they have also created a new Civilian Protection Center of Excellence. So, this is an effort to do a lot more and increase the Department's institutional capabilities. These capabilities are aimed at protecting civilian lives in the first and foremost instance, but they are also aimed at and will benefit protections for cultural property as well.
The last point I would make on that is that these efforts are, from the Department's perspective, policy initiatives. They are practical initiatives. They are not driven from the legal side. They are not taken out of a view that they are required out of a sense of legal obligation or out of a need to correct some kind of legal deficiency, but it is an attempt to go beyond what the law requires and to do more to protect civilians. There are some great disclaimers and footnotes in the CHMRAP and DoD Instruction 3000.17, Civilian Harm Mitigation and Response, if you want to understand the Department's legal jargon on that particular point.
Going more specifically to Anne-Marie's presentation, the aspect I wanted to comment on in more detail is your distinction between the affirmative obligations to safeguard and take precautions to protect cultural property and then the negative obligations to respect cultural property. That is an important distinction. It is reflected in the Convention between the obligations to safeguard and the obligations to respect. But I think you are right that the obligations to take affirmative steps to protect cultural property are much more interesting, and I would like to highlight a couple of ways that is the case.
Generally in international law, whether it is the international law of state responsibility or law applicable to individual responsibility, each actor is responsible for its own conduct and not responsible for the conduct of other actors. That is a general legal principle. The ICRC has taken the view that States have obligations to ensure that other States respect international humanitarian law. The U.S. Government has not agreed with this interpretation of customary law or Common Article 1 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Under customary law, it is clear that there are affirmative obligations to take steps to safeguard and protect cultural property, including from other actors. The precise contours of those obligations are less clear, because what is a feasible precaution, what is practicable or practically possible, depends on military and humanitarian considerations that are very contextual and based on what the commander, the decisionmaker at the time, understands. It is difficult to say in abstract what is affirmatively required.
What is affirmatively required is based on not just what one State does but what all States generally do in conducting military operations and what they do out of a sense of legal obligation. That is a difficult inquiry — to understand what all States are doing affirmatively to ensure the protection of cultural property in military operations.
I will wrap it up here by noting that when a State is an Occupying Power, it has more affirmative obligations to ensure the protection of the civilian population, and so that is a clear situation where more affirmative obligations to take steps for the protection of cultural property come into place. But even short of occupation, the U.S. Government has taken the view that—and this was a statement of understanding expressed on the ratification of the 1954 Hague Cultural Property Convention—as is true for all civilian objects, the primary responsibility for the protection of cultural objects rests with the party controlling that property to ensure that it is properly identified and is not used for unlawful purposes. Even short of occupation, the U.S. Government has generally expressed the view that the party which controls a civilian object has obligations and the primary responsibility to take steps for its protection, and then specifically in the Law of War Manual, Section 5.18.6.1, we articulate the following standard: “Military commanders have an obligation to take reasonable measures to protect or stop any form of theft, pillage, or misappropriation of, any acts of vandalism directed against, cultural property. This obligation may also be viewed as part of the obligation to take feasible precautions to reduce the risk of harm to cultural property.”
These are a few thoughts to build on what Tracey said and what Anne-Marie said and I very much look forward to the discussion.
Patty Gerstenblith
Thank you. Michael?
I love that Anne-Marie is getting attention for her work. I consider her to be an established scholar rather than an emerging scholar. Nevertheless, I am glad that she is here, and I am glad that we have this panel to discuss all these prongs.
The prong that I was given was the enforcement prong, specifically the international enforcement prong, not within domestic jurisdictions. All kinds of countries have all kinds of enforcement mechanisms within their own jurisdictions to protect what they consider to be cultural heritage, and the definitions of that range wildly across countries. One example in the United States is NAGPRA, protecting Native American cultural heritage statutorily, et cetera.
At the international level, from the perspective of the Rome Statute and the International Criminal Court (ICC), which are the most current articulation in a positive law way of what has come before in more customary forms, you have got four prongs. You have got the possibility of protecting or enforcing against violations of cultural heritage from a criminal perspective in a war crimes footing, crimes against humanity footing, a genocide footing, or an aggression footing.
The aggression footing has its precursor back to what Jackson termed crimes against peace at Nuremberg. We see some echoes of that today, and Anne-Marie's work brings that out in really important ways when Jackson referred to crimes against civilization when he was standing at the bar before the Nuremberg Tribunal.
The other ones, Tracey and Karl already have covered the war crimes angle.
Crimes against humanity comes in under the persecution prong, and so that is where that lives.
The genocide one, really cultural genocide, that goes back to Lemkin's early thinking in the 1940s in his original definition. That was left on the wayside when the crime of genocide crystallized, first in the UN General Assembly resolution and then in a more restricted way in the convention. Every tribunal since then has just copied and pasted that definition and concretized it further. I do not know that you are going to be able to reopen that to start talking about cultural genocide, but who knows? It was there in the origin story, and so that is the best argument for doing so.
One of the things that Anne-Marie does brilliantly is that she connects the property to the people, and so if you are protecting the civilians, you are also protecting what is important to those civilians. They really piggyback on one another. I have a couple of scenarios that I want to work through that stretch and challenge that a little bit. Since I am a law professor, we work in hypotheticals, right? So let us imagine the unimaginable. Donald Trump is elected president in November and provokes a border war with Canada. Okay. Now let me get to the unimaginable part. As a result of this, Canada invades the United States, and the mighty Canadian Army, as it is descending through Massachusetts on to Boston, encounters a burial mound of a Native American Tribe that has been extinct for over a century. Let us say it is the Mohegans. And on top of this burial mound is placed by the Massachusetts militia a howitzer, which converts it into a military object.
Those people are long gone, and so there is a disconnect between living civilians and a cultural object. Is that still a cultural object that is worth protecting, let alone converting it from a military object to a civilian object? That challenges this connectivity between protecting civilians and protecting what is important to them. When they blow up that burial mound, they are not really affecting any connection to living humans. They are long gone. I think that is an interesting discussion to be had.
So as the Canadian Army rampages through the eastern United States and descends on Alabama, it encounters some Confederate monuments that it begins destroying. Those are controversial cultural property. Is that worth protecting, and is it the cultural property of the United States that is what is getting protected or a subunit within the United States? If you want to argue that it is part of the culture of Alabama, I do not know. Where is that line drawn? The line drawing is important for targeting purposes. If you are a military, where are those lines? We see the Israeli Defense Forces basically bulldozing through Gaza. That is not really particular individual targeting. It is razing everything. That is a lot of cultural property, gone.
These are kind of interesting pinpoints that stretch a lot of what you are working with, but they are also interesting discussions to be had.
Patty Gerstenblith
Thank you. Yes.
Michael Kelly
End of hypothetical. Anne-Marie gets the first round of return.
Anne-Marie Carstens
Thank you. Given the time constraints, I am going to try to, again, do something I am really not very good at, which is give short responses to each of those. First of all, I want to thank Tracey for giving you the nuts and bolts in a way of actually explaining a little bit of what the rules are in a way that I could not have done, again, in that short period of time.
A couple of things I want to point out is that when I have done all my research, I am always using civilian protection as the North Star. I did not start there, but that is where I ended up, because if you look at how cultural property protection has developed in the law of armed conflict and even in international criminal law, it is always following on where civilian protection was. The reason why there was so much resistance to conventions for protecting cultural property that were being proposed prior to World War II was because there was not already an existing one for civilian protection.
It is no mistake that in 1954, when the Hague Convention came along, which is the leading convention for protecting cultural property, it was five years after the 1949 Geneva Conventions. So a lot of times when I am trying to establish what the scope of cultural property protection is, I start by asking, what is the scope for civilian protection? Because I do not think cultural property very often gets in front of civilian protection, because the priority is for the protection of people before property.
There is one important exception, which is when I was going through all of the documents related to the 1949 Geneva Conventions and the 1954 Hague Convention concerning the protection of whatever the objective is in a conflict of a non-international character. And in the Geneva Conventions, you ended up with the common protection that applied, but it was carefully circumscribed and had been the subject of many meetings and an enormous amount of contention. Then you get to negotiations for the 1954 Hague Convention where suddenly you just slide in Article 19 and say all those things about respect for cultural property—which are the rules of restraint—applying to armed conflicts not of an international character. If you go through the papers, there is almost no discussion of it in 1954, and my only reason for why that might be is, do you know who they sent to 1949 Geneva Conferences? They sent the Foreign Office, and they sent the State Department. You know who was sent for the 1954 Hague Convention? The delegations were headed by the Department of Works, in the UK, that was headed by the Smithsonian in the US, and so sometimes you need the artists to get things done because they are not on board with that being as contentious as it had been in 1949.
It happening in 1954 helped make it easier to expand those protections for non-international armed conflicts, or conflicts of a non-international character, to civilians. That is one of the very rare instances where you actually had cultural property protection moving ahead in important ways. But other than that, I see civilian protection as the North Star, for whatever happens there will happen first, and cultural property protection will also generally follow.
With respect to Karl's comments, I think there are important questions about both what the obligations are to protect the property of another when it is threatened by another party and not one's own armed forces. The right of initiative is what it is generally called in the cultural property context—the corollary for civilians would be R2P, the right to protect—both the right to intervene but then also much more like the Iraq Museum. When we already have boots on the ground, what is the obligation to protect from third parties who are within the vicinity? Those are slightly different questions.
One of the important things about the Law of War Manual is that it helped resolve the questions about the customary status of many of the things that Tracey was talking about, the proportionality and distinction and all of those things that were given a name in 1977 in the Additional Protocols. There had been, because there had been some important holdouts to those protocols, some question about just how customary some of those obligations were. That is why I think when those were really put in print in the new Law of War Manual, which I first met Karl when he was presenting it at Georgetown where I was visiting at the time, it was really exciting to say now we have more proof for some of those things for protecting civilian objects, which includes cultural property protection.
Finally, just with respect to Michael's point, with the new focus on aggression, the cultural property destruction is also a marker of that. If you are looking for ways to see that the concept of cultural genocide is alive and well without having to give it a name and make it part of the definition as a thing that is genocide, if you go back and look—again, I like really old documents and going through them with a fine-tooth comb—there are so many instances in the Nuremberg proceedings that refer to cultural heritage protection as one of the markers of the crimes against peace, which roughly is the parallel to what we consider the crime of aggression today.
The concept is there. I do not know that we need to resurrect a definition that has been put out of commission for so many decades where we have come to a common consensus of what the word “genocide” means. I will stop there.
Patty Gerstenblith
I do not know if anybody wants to respond to any of those. I also have some questions that I can throw out which Anne-Marie and others have addressed in part, but at this point, do you think cultural property, aside from the non-international armed conflict question, is it, in fact, receiving any greater level of protection, perhaps particularly arguably under the Rome Statute, than civilian property and civilians? And several things about the Rome Statute are concerning as part of that definition. First of all, it goes back—as you pointed out—to the early Hague Convention definitions of specific types of buildings rather than a broad definition. I do not know, Michael, if you have any insight as to why that happened. I have always regretted that I never asked my colleague, Cherif Bassiouni, why it came out that way.
Also, the fact that looting—my background being in archeology and art history and anthropology—is not mentioned in the Rome Statute, looting of cultural objects as opposed to civilian property. Why is the Rome Statute so limited in its protections of cultural property?
There have been some recent discussion in one of the ICC decisions, the Ntaganda decision. It is not the main decision, but a concurring opinion, that cultural property needs to be of a certain level of significance, arguably.
With all of those questions bundled together, my concern is, is cultural property, in fact, getting sufficient recognition and protection under international law? Have we slipped backward?
Michael Kelly
The answer to your question is no, it is not, and that it should.
Patty Gerstenblith
As in, no, it is not getting the same level?
Michael Kelly
It does not get the same level, and it should.
The concurring opinion in Ntaganda actually is an echo of what was talked about in the negotiations to the Rome Statute, what is significant, what is worth protecting, and just like terrorism, they could not come up with a unified definition.
David Scheffer is in the next room. He was there. He could probably answer your question more forthrightly than I can.
But on the back end of it, given the text that we are working with, a lot of this depends upon the prosecutor and what the prosecutor wants to do and prosecutorial discretion. With the prior prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, we saw the Timbuktu case, and that was groundbreaking for protecting cultural heritage.
The new prosecutor just this month has opened up comments for environmental crimes. I do not know if cultural property is going to be something on Karim's agenda or not, but the prosecutor can go in lots of different ways under their banner of discretion. If he wants to, he could, just like he is going down the environmental crimes road.
The other thing that you can pursue more at a domestic level is accomplice liability or aiding and abetting. If I could take you back, Patty and Anne-Marie, twenty years ago to the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas by the Taliban in Afghanistan, they used all kinds of equipment to bring those monuments down, but one of the components that they used was dynamite. The dynamite was manufactured in Germany by the Nobel Company, a subsidiary of the one in Sweden. If the German company in Germany with its export controls, knew about the Taliban and how the Taliban were going to use dynamite for lots of different terrible things and yet still did it, knowledge is the only thing you need to prove for complicity. You do not need to prove intent. It is a lower mens rea. So they are easier to get to.
We have seen this happen last year in France with the Lafarge case. The Lafarge cement company in Paris was held to account and criminal prosecution is going forward against the company for what its subsidiary did in Syria. The subsidiary of the Lafarge company in Syria bribed ISIS to stay in business and keep producing cement. What did ISIS do with those millions of dollars from Lafarge? It killed a lot of people, crimes against humanity, right? And that company is being held to account domestically under French prosecution. You could arguably do the same thing with the German dynamite company if you could get a prosecutor in Frankfurt or Munich to bring the case.
Some prosecutors in these West European cities have shown that they are willing to do that. That is not an international solution. It is more of a transnational solution, but I think it should not be forgotten in the analysis.
Patty Gerstenblith
Okay, thank you. Do you want to add anything?
Anne-Marie Carstens
I will add a couple of points. First, you ask, what do you get from cultural property protection that you do not get from civilian protection? I will say a couple things. First of all, there are rules about restitution that have to be brought in because restitution of cultural property has been such an important part of the post-war scenario. When you talk about economic property, you have to have a separate regime if you are going to have a regime at all when talking about cultural objects compared to economic property or just general loss of civilian objects.
Second, you see some difference. I think the letter of the law is fairly similar, that the wording is not very different, but if you are talking about proportionality, the significance of particular cultural property becomes part of that calculus there in some of the strategic military planning at the outset.
Finally, at the stage of redress, the language of the ICC goes back to the 1899 and 1907 Hague Regulations because that is the easiest thing to say that is customary international law. The ICC can only really advance international criminal law if we can recognize that the violation is something that was a customary obligation. And because that is the easier lower-hanging fruit to pick at, obviously if it has been around since 1899 and 1907, which already at the time people said followed the laws and customs of war, then that must be the definition we should pick.
The Rome Statute of the ICC is much more limited for cultural property than the ICTY Statute was, but they are similar with what you already talked about, which was they seem to reject the idea that even though they use the language that if it is religious, artistic, historic, scientific, and/or educational, then that should be enough to be a war crime. But in both courts, if it is just a church or just a school, they are not necessarily going to rope it in under that definition anymore. They are using the language that is based on attributes, but they are seemingly suggesting that it has to reach some kind of significance.
The only reason to think that would be the case is you can only prosecute the worst crimes when you get to the international criminal tribunals, and so you want to have that level of significance to say to the world: “We are here, we are prosecuting the worst of the crimes. It was an attack on the old city, the old walled city of Dubrovnik, and it was an attack on Timbuktu. These are World Heritage sites. They are the cultural heritage of mankind.”
Finally, you had asked the question in your hypothetical about is it cultural heritage if there is not a people tied to it? One thing that the 1954 Hague Convention did well—although I do not think it was intentionally doing it well, I think it was because you had different factions who could not agree on a definition—it pulls in both. It pulls in the idea that there is a cultural heritage of mankind, that we are all enriched by the cultural heritage that existed of peoples past and peoples today. In addition, you are protecting cultural heritage as important to this group and this group, and that is why we protected this, because it is important to these people today. Both of those things are encompassed. You are still having that civilian and civilization and humankind idea roped in, even if the particular community no longer exists.
Patty Gerstenblith
Tracey or Karl want to comment on Anne-Marie's comments?
Tracey Begley
I will just make one comment. I am curious, Anne-Marie, to come back to this issue of the identification of cultural property and how practically and legally that is expected.
Patty Gerstenblith
Before Anne-Marie answers, I will say this is something we struggle with, with the Blue Shield, because part of what we do is to help identify sites that are to be protected.
But ironically, I will add to that, and it relates to Karl's point about when the Senate report accompanying ratification of the 1954 Convention pointed out that it is the primary responsibility of the party that is in charge of the property to protect it. There is no actual obligation to mark the sites. What we learned in the Balkan conflict is that marking a site with a Blue Shield can make it a target, and it does not necessarily become protected. I can guarantee you there is not a single Blue Shield—and Karl or someone else will correct me if I am wrong—anywhere in the United States.
Does the responsibility to protect your own heritage in case of a conflict include marking or informing somebody of what is a protected site? But we struggle all the time with how broad should that definition be from an operational perspective?
I have friends who are archeologists who say, well, the museum in Baghdad is actually not that important because we already know what is there, and it is all documented, and we have pictures of it. What matters is that scatter of Paleolithic shards on some site that we do not know about yet. I am not suggesting I agree with that, but there is a certain point to that as well.
But I will let Anne-Marie respond now.
Tracey Begley
Can I just finish, Anne-Marie?
Anne-Marie Carstens
Yes.
Tracey Begley
My question about the identification was precisely because there is the ability to mark, but certainly in the United States, I have never seen that marking. In Europe, you do see it.
Anne-Marie Carstens
Mostly in countries that are not necessarily directly at risk, but go ahead.
Tracey Begley
It is quite common in Switzerland. It sounds like you do not necessarily think it is particularly useful, but given the physical distance that attacks often occur from now, is it helpful or not? And normally, if it is a marking, it is very small.
But coming also to Michael's hypothetical about the burial mound, what is the obligation of that commander of the unit who decided to put that howitzer on the burial mound? Are they expected to know that that could be cultural property on top of the Canadian military's obligation as well?
Anne-Marie Castens
I remember when I was starting my DPhil, and Professor Vaughan Lowe was the convener. We all went around the table talking about what we were going to do in international law, and I said what my topic was. He said, I think you are the only person whose topic will still be interesting to you when you are all done with your research.
But on that point, one of the topics of my research has been looking specifically at identification, because, again, I start with the premise that we all know what the rules of restraint are. What are the contours of the obligations apart from that, including affirmative obligations, and I specifically talk about identification as an affirmative obligation in two ways: identification through marking and identification by a party that is going into a space to take those steps to actually identify and know what the spaces are that they should be protecting as part of the military planning effort.
One of the things that I found was a treatise on the principles of international law through its long, storied history, and I went to the provisions about cultural property literally all the way back to the very first edition back in the 1800s and followed it through. Professor Lauterpacht says in the mid-1930s edition, “Why don't we just mark it effectively? Because that anybody would intentionally destroy any of these things I cannot believe.” And that language was taken out of every successive edition because of the time in which he wrote.
What he was getting at was that there was an optimism that you could even do away with war at that time, the idea that we can just outlaw war, that there had been so many initiatives in that optimism, and it was included in the 1899 Hague Convention on land warfare that you should mark these sites. 1954 says here is a site. But we have never, either through registries or through marking, achieved anything close to the World Heritage Convention for marking sites in cultural heritage or marking things with a distinctive symbol that you have for humanitarian objectives. I think because none of us believe anymore what he said in the 1930s—because we tie it to people and it becomes part of the attacking and seeing it, and it actually makes it more vulnerable.
There is something about understanding you should not be attacking a site that is marked with a Red Cross that just has not permeated for the Blue Shield. What I have documented over time is just an incredibly longstanding reluctance to do the affirmative marking and the affirmative identification, using and putting things on registries and putting a symbol on it. But you do see, as a result, an increased obligation for parties who are going to be engaged in war to do some of that legwork themselves, but they are not the people with the perfect information because they are acting from the outside in many cases.
Karl Chang
Two very quick points. One, just on the marking point, I did want to note, this was addressed in the first U.S. report on implementation of the 1954 Hague Cultural Property Convention. It is on the UNESCO website, but we also put it on the DoD OGC website, and we have a lot of annexes in that report, which describe a lot of our practice in implementing the Convention. I did want to commend that to colleagues.
The second point I wanted to make was just to thank Anne-Marie for the kind words about the DoD Law of War Manual. I would make one note in response to what you said, though. The manual articulates a customary obligation to take precautions with regard to civilian protection of cultural property, but that is not quite the same thing as saying that certain treaty provisions in the 1977 Additional Protocol or in the Second Protocol to the 1954 Convention are customary law, because then that turns into debate of what exactly those provisions mean, which can be a very complex and fun issue. But I just wanted to add those two points to this very rich discussion. Thank you.
Patty Gerstenblith
Thank you. We have one minute left.
Michael Kelly
Okay, very quickly. Keying off what Tracey said, every summer I am in Nuremberg with my summer school students doing international criminal law on the Holocaust. There has been a raging debate for years about what to do with the crumbling Nazi Party rally grounds and Congress Hall, whether to preserve it, which would cost 70 million euros, or not. Ultimately, they decided to, because of the educational value. Those do not get a Blue Shield. If the Canadians make their way to Germany and those are attacked, is that going to fall in a gray area?
Patty Gerstenblith
I can tell you, one of the first Blue Shields I ever saw on a site was actually a concentration camp in Austria.
Michael Kelly
Yes, those get them, but not the National Socialists.
Patty Gerstenblith
Right, and I will say, I travel a great deal, and a day that I do not go to a World Heritage site is a wasted day, and yet I was just in Athens, as I mentioned. I have not seen a single Blue Shield, even on the Acropolis or the Parthenon. Occasionally, you will get lucky and see a World Heritage site symbol, but other than the concentration camps and places in Berlin and the like, there are not a lot of Blue Shields out there. But that is part of our goal is to help countries, in fact, put Blue Shields, if they wish, on it, but that is getting a little in the weeds.
We are over time now. I want to thank particularly Anne-Marie and the other three discussants and particularly, again, the Vagts family for their contribution and particularly to the Society for choosing for the second year in a row to address in this type of a forum this subject of cultural heritage, particularly in armed conflict. Unfortunately, it only keeps getting worse, and we have the situation in Ukraine that you might hear about more later today.
But I want to thank you all for your attention, and I am so pleased to be able to address this topic in this very important, esteemed community. Thank you.
Anne-Marie Carstens
Thank you, everybody.