Introduction
As stated in a Chinese popular lyrical poem written on the verso of manuscript S.4359, ‘Opening the road to Khotan, there will be silk filling every household.’Footnote 1 During the tenth century, the relationship between Khotan and Dunhuang experienced a period of significant prosperity and collaboration. Groups of Khotanese monks and envoys frequently travelled between Khotan and Dunhuang, thereby enabling a considerable number of Khotanese manuscripts to be preserved in the Dunhuang Library Cave. The cave was discovered at the turn of the twentieth century, thus marking the beginning of research on the Dunhuang Khotanese manuscripts. This collection of Dunhuang Khotanese manuscripts is of immense historical significance, as it comprises primary sources that offer valuable insights into the history of the Khotan kingdom and the development of Khotanese Buddhism from the late ninth to the early eleventh century.
The objective of this article is to undertake a re-examination and discussion of a Khotanese Buddhist text written on the verso of Pelliot chinois (hereafter ‘P.’) 2787.Footnote 2 The primary body of this article is organised into seven sections. The initial two sections examine the relationship between manuscripts P.2787 and P.2834. The third section discusses the theme of the Khotanese text preserved in these two manuscripts. The fourth section analyses the content of the Khotanese text from temporal, linguistic, and ritual perspectives. The fifth and sixth sections elucidate the role of the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma as patron of the dharma assembly. The final section provides a comprehensive summary.
Dunhuang manuscript P.2787
Dunhuang manuscript P.2787 is now housed in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris. The scroll measures 26.4–26.9 × 363.2 cm and comprises ten sheets, of which eight measure 42.4–42.9 cm (fol. 1 mutilated: 17.8 cm, with torn right margin and missing upper-right corner; fol. 10, a fragment with the upper 4.2 cm missing).Footnote 3 The recto of manuscript P.2787 contains a Chinese text, Xuan Zang’s 玄奘 (602–664 CE) translation of the Abhidharmanyāyānusāraśāstra 阿毗達磨順正理論 [A pi damo shun zhengli lun], juan 5, damaged at both beginning and end. The Khotanese Buddhist text is present on the verso of P.2787, comprising 195 lines, intact at the beginning but damaged at the end. The scribe deliberately avoided the damaged portion at the beginning of the scroll when copying the Khotanese text on the verso, indicating that the Chinese scroll had been partially damaged before the Khotanese text was copied. H. W. Bailey published the transcription in 1954Footnote 4 and the translation in 1965.Footnote 5 He divided the 195-line Khotanese text into seven sections or topics:Footnote 6
1. the ācāryas are to preach to the gṛhasthas (1–34); 2. panegyric of Viśa’ Saṃgrāma (34–83); 3. preaching of the Dharma (66, 100); 4. the pravāraṇā (82 ff.); 5. the varṣāvāsa and upoṣadha days (101–144); 6. the building of Viṣṇavakrrārma (91); 7. the tale of Kaṇaiska (155–195).
Bailey also suggested that P.2787 ‘contains a long Buddhist text (lines 1–154) … leading up to … the story of Kaṇaiska [sic]’Footnote 7 It is on this basis that Zhang Guangda 張廣達 and Rong Xinjiang 榮新江 divided the content into two parts: ‘panegyric of Viśa’ Saṃgrāma’ (lines 1–154) and Kaniṣkāvadāna (lines 155–195).Footnote 8
Bailey has observed the textual correlations throughout manuscript P.2787, yet its thematic orientation and textual nature remain undetermined. Upon re-examining the Khotanese text of P.2787, this article proposes that its theme and content pertain to a Buddhist dharma assembly held on the night of the Pravāraṇa day. Consequently, Khotanese manuscript P.2787 should be renamed ‘Dharma-preaching text by Khotanese Buddhist monks at the dharma assembly on the night of the Pravāraṇa day’, or simply ‘Dharma-preaching text on the Pravāraṇa day’.
Dunhuang manuscript P.2834
The dimensions of the manuscript scroll P.2834 are 26.8–27 × 157.1 cm, comprising five sheets, of which three measure 42–42.2 cm (fol. 1, fragment badly mutilated: 2.7 cm; fol. 2 damaged, lower-right corner torn, indentation in lower part; fol. 5: 28 cm, rounded corners).Footnote 9 The recto of manuscript P.2834 also contains a Chinese Buddhist text, Abhidharmanyāyānusāraśāstra, juan 5, as indicated at the end of the scroll (Shuo yiqie you bu shun zhengli lun juan di wu 説一切有部順正理論卷第五, namely A pi damo shun zhengli lun 阿毗達磨順正理論). The scroll is damaged at the beginning but complete at the end. Moreover, the paper, handwriting, and layout of P.2834 are identical to those of P.2787, clearly indicating that both originated from the same manuscript. Specifically, there are several pieces of evidence suggesting that the rectos of P.2834 and P.2787 belong to the same manuscript.Footnote 10 Firstly, the paper utilised for the two manuscripts is of fairly uniform texture—not very thick, with coarse grain and barely visible fibres—and is dark ochre in colour. Secondly, the recto contents of the two manuscripts demonstrate the same layout, characterised by 24 lines per sheet, with 17 characters per line (in the majority of cases). Additionally, a comparison of the two manuscripts reveals a striking similarity in terms of the handwriting style. The following three examples can be mentioned:
1. The character gu 故 ‘therefore’ is present in P.2787, line 2
and P.2834, line 7 ;2. The character sheng 生 ‘produce’ is present in P.2787, line 5
and P.2834, line 5 ;3. The character ci 此 ‘this’ is present in P.2787, line 13
and P.2834, line 8 .
and P.2834, line 7 
;
and P.2834, line 5 
;
and P.2834, line 8 
.However, a significant gap of more than two sheets of paper (equivalent to approximately 70 lines) exists between manuscripts P.2787 and P.2834, thereby impeding the direct piecing together of the two. It is of considerable significance that the verso of manuscript P.2834 also contains the Khotanese Buddhist text. The beginning of the Khotanese text in P.2834 is missing, and the copying remains incomplete at the end, followed by an ample space left blank. The handwriting analysis indicates that the ductus of P.2834 closely resembles that of P.2787, suggesting that these two Khotanese manuscripts may have been copied by the same scribe, for example, the akṣara ‘-l-’ which appears repeatedly in the two manuscripts (e.g. P.2787, line 3 and P.2834, line 3) and the word Viṣṇavakrrārmī mentioned below.
The Khotanese Buddhist texts contained within manuscripts P.2787 and P.2834 demonstrate close textual interconnections. The initial five lines preserved in manuscript P.2834 mention the names of a Buddhist monastery and a monk, Viṣṇavakrrārmī dvīlai nāgaina (i.e. ‘the dvaipiṭika Nāgaina of Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery’).Footnote 11 It is a curious coincidence that line 91 of manuscript P.2787 also makes reference to the monastery Vįṣṇavakrrārma sakhāra and narrates its founding cause. Evidently, both of the manuscripts refer to the same Buddhist monastery, the name of which could be reconstructed as Sanskrit Viṣṇuvikramārāma saṃghārāma.Footnote 12 Consequently, it is inferred that the five surviving lines at the beginning of manuscript P.2834 are closely related to P.2787. It appears that both manuscripts have repurposed the verso of a mutilated Chinese manuscript scroll in order to copy Khotanese text before undergoing secondary fragmentation, thus resulting in their current state.
Therefore, the Khotanese manuscripts P.2787 and P.2834 were originally part of a single manuscript scroll recording an authentic Buddhist dharma assembly held on the night of the Pravāraṇa day. Regrettably, the middle portion of the scroll subsequently became missing, resulting in its fragmentation into two separate parts. The primary textual content containing the dharma-preaching text is preserved in manuscript P.2787, while the surviving portion at the beginning of P.2834 comprises five lines of text that may structurally conform to a colophon.
The dharma-preaching text in P.2787 and P.2834
This article re-examines and reinterprets the Khotanese text of manuscript P.2787,Footnote 13 with a view to crystallising the relationship between its content and the Buddhist dharma assembly. The following is a translation of the relevant text passages (the numbers preceding quotations denote the line numbers in P.2787):Footnote 14
9–10: tta hvą̄ñara sa khū ṣṭā vaysña mahai ttū namauna gabhīra be’ysāṃ dą̄ pvāmanai
Do you speak so saying, ‘Now we may hear this revered profound dharma of the Buddhas.’
14–15: tta hvą̄ñara sa khū ṣṭā vaysña mahai ttye namāṃ gabhīra paramārtha bai’ysāṃ dā pvāme ke’ṇa’ ttu parāhi’ nāṃdū
Do you speak so saying, ‘If we now have undertaken this moral precept (śīla) to hear this revered profound supremely true dharma of the Buddhas.’
26–34: ī paiśą̄’ mara … bai’ysą̄ dāva hvą̄ñāmavīnai aurmaysdauna sauñą̄ma ṣṭai
Today in the evening here … will take place the rising of the sun of the sermon on the dharma of the Buddhas.Footnote 15
66–67: ī pai’śą̄’ mara āysñä gabhīrą paramārtha bai’ysāṃ dą̄ hvą̄ñāma ṣṭai
Today in the evening here there will be a preaching on the noble profound supremely true dharma of the Buddhas.
81–83: tta tta mī ṣi’ avamāva-bvaijsai’ bai’ysāṃ dā ṣṭai ca āṃ ttā hamīḍaka dharma-śravaṇīyāṃ hālaina ū ttyai prravą̄rṇajai ṣava vīra ūysdīśai hamai
Such then is this dharma of the Buddhas with good qualities beyond counting, which (is) for you dharma-listeners (all) together and (of which) there will be an exposition on this Pravāraṇā night.
98–100: baudhasattä jastä ttū tcau-padya brrāhmä pūña kūśalamūla pastai haṣkāṃdai vaña jsāṃ auṣkaujsī dāvīnai haura hūrą̄mai ūdaiśa ttyai prravą̄rṇajai ṣąva vīra āysña gabīra be’ysāṃ dā pastai ājaṣi’
Bodhisattva-king deigned to produce this fourfold brahma-merit root. Now indeed with a view to giving the eternal dharma-gift, on this Pravāraṇā night he deigned to desire the noble profound dharma of the Buddhas.
152–154:ttūvau aunāṃ pīrūya pūrva-yą̄ga + + + + + dharma-śravaṇīyāṃ aysmū ñānarthe ke’ṇa dada-masū āstañāmanai hvą̄ñą̄māṃ vaska ttą̄
This former pūrva-yoga of them, (and) for informing the mind of the dharma-listeners, so much we begin for the preachings for you.
The above passages clearly demonstrate that the Buddhist dharma assembly recorded herein occurred on the night of the Pravāraṇa day (prravą̄rṇajai ṣąva), with the themes of preaching and hearing the dharma pervading the entire manuscript P.2787. Consequently, the content of the entire scroll should be redivided into the following six sections:
1. gṛhasthas and dharma-listeners take refuge in the Three Jewels (tri-śaraṇa)and make vows (1–23)
2. ācāryas preach a dharma verse (śloka) (24–25)
3. ācāryas extol the dharma and expound the significance of the dharma-preaching (26–82)
4. Viśa’ Saṃgrāma built the Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery and desired the dharma (83–101)
5. ācāryas elucidate the Pravāraṇā (102–154)
6. Kaniṣkāvadāna (155–195)
In brief, in the initial stage of the Buddhist dharma assembly during the night of the Pravāraṇa day, householders (gṛhastha) and dharma-listeners take refuge in the Three Jewels and make vows. Then ācāryas preach a dharma verse about the fourfold brahma-merit (caturvidha brāhmapuṇya), extolling the dharma and expounding the significance of the dharma-preaching, narrating the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma’s motives for constructing Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery, thus elucidating the fourfold brahma-merit and Pravāraṇā. Finally, ācāryas preach the Kaniṣkāvadāna, explicating the former karma of Viśa’ Saṃgrāma. In other words, sections one to five may also be regarded as the prologue to the dharma-preaching at the dharma assembly. Therefore, the content of manuscript P.2787 should be renamed ‘Dharma-preaching text by Khotanese Buddhist monks at the dharma assembly on the night of the Pravāraṇa day’, or simply ‘Dharma-preaching text on the Pravāraṇa day’.
It is noteworthy that, apart from the five-line fragmentary text belonging to the dharma-preaching text at the beginning of manuscript P.2834, the scroll subsequently contains a partial copy of the Nandāvadāna (The tale of Nanda) (the end is incomplete, followed by an ample space left blank).Footnote 16 That is to say, the Nandāvadāna and Kaniṣkāvadāna were copied together in the same manuscript. Furthermore, it is evident that the handwriting is similar between the Nandāvadāna and Kaniṣkāvadāna in terms of palaeography. Given that P.2787 and P.2834 originally belonged to the same manuscript, there are two possible interpretations for this phenomenon. Firstly, it is evident that both the Nandāvadāna and Kaniṣkāvadāna belong to the category of avadāna literature and share the same theme of almsgiving. Therefore, it cannot be ruled out that the Nandāvadāna may also constitute part of the dharma-preaching during the dharma assembly. Secondly, the Nandāvadāna may have been appended at a later date and may not have been related to the dharma-preaching text. Due to the fragmentary nature of the two manuscripts, the two hypotheses must remain conjectural and should be tested in the future.
Dharma assembly: time, language, and ritual
As demonstrated in the preceding text, the dharma assembly occurred on the night of the Pravāraṇa day. The Pravāraṇa day marks the end of the three-month residence during the rainy season (varṣāvāsa), which is traditionally observed on either the fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month or the fifteenth day of the eighth lunar month.Footnote 17 Following the completion of the three-month residence and the performance of the Pravāraṇa ceremony, the seniority of the monastics is increased by one year. Consequently, the Pravāraṇa day is one of the most significant monastic festivals within the annual cycle, featuring almsgiving and dharma-preaching activities. Yi Jing’s 義浄 (635–713 CE) A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago 南海寄歸内法傳 [Nanhai jigui neifa zhuan], juan 2, recounts the elaborate ceremonies of the Pravāraṇa day:Footnote 18
The day on which the summer-retreat ends and the season (lit. ‘the year’) closes should be the Sui-yi (lit. ‘according to one’s wish’ or ‘indulgence’; Pravāraṇa), i.e. pointing out the faults of others, as one likes, according to the three points (i.e. what one has seen, what one has heard, and what one has suspected). Then follows confession and atoning for faults. A former translation of Pravāraṇa was Sse-sse.
On the night of the fourteenth day (the fifteenth day is the last day of the retreat), the assembly should invite a precentor to mount a high seat and recite a Buddhist Sūtra, when lay devotees as well as priests throng together like clouds or mist. They light lamps continually, and offer incense and flowers.
Both ‘Sui-yi’ and ‘Sse-sse (Zi-zi)’ are translations of the same Sanskrit term— Pravāraṇa. The core activities of the dharma assembly encompass the recitation of Buddhist scriptures and the exposition of Buddhist doctrine by preachers (dharmabhāṇaka), in which both monastic and secular communities gather to listen to the dharma throughout the entire night. Manuscript P.2787 comprises a record of the dharma preaching delivered by the Khotanese monks on the night of the Pravāraṇa day. Furthermore, there is convincing evidence implying that the dharma assembly is associated with Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery. Firstly, the fourth section of manuscript P.2787 narrates the reasons why the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma made offerings to the Three Jewels and built Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery, thereby elucidating the fourfold brahma-merit and Pravāraṇā. Secondly, the sixth section of manuscript P.2787 preaches the Kaniṣkāvadāna to explicate the former karma of Viśa’ Saṃgrāma. Coincidentally, the Kaniṣkāvadāna narrates the tale of the previous Dharma-rāja (righteous king), Kaniṣka, who constructed Buddhist stūpas and monasteries, serving as a parallel to the building of Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery by Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma in the current life. Furthermore, the initial five-line text of P.2834 mentions a monk named Nāgaina (or Nāgaa) from Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery. The aforementioned clues indicate that the construction of Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery was the pivotal incentive for the dharma assembly. Moreover, it is possible that dharmabhāṇakas of the dharma-preaching affiliate with the same monastery (i.e. Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery).
Another question concerns the language used by dharmabhāṇakas when preaching the dharma. The first three lines of the Kaniṣkāvadāna delineate the background of the tale, including the temporal and geographical settings and the protagonist, which were first written in Gostanī Sanskrit (i.e. the Sanskrit language as written using the Khotanese orthography) and subsequently translated into Khotanese. There are a few textual discrepancies between the two linguistic versions. Significantly, the introduction in Gostanī Sanskrit ends with the two words īttä vaiścaraṃ (i.e. iti vistaraḥ) to suggest that the subsequent content should be related in detail by dharmabhāṇakas, thereby indicating that the manuscript was used by story-telling monks. It is noteworthy that both the Gandhārī and Sanskrit avadāna anthologies unearthed from Central Asia employ the same term, vistaro or iti vistaraḥ, to indicate an abbreviation.Footnote 19 Meanwhile, the aforementioned verse in manuscript P.2787, lines 24–25, which concerns the fourfold brahma-merit cited by dharmabhāṇakas, is also in Gostanī Sanskrit. These observations suggest that both Khotanese and Sanskrit were used in a complementary manner by dharmabhāṇakas when engaged in dharma preaching. Sanskrit was partially employed to cite the verse and initiate the avadāna narrative, while Khotanese served as the primary medium for doctrinal exposition and story-telling.
Although the ‘Dharma-preaching text on the Pravāraṇa day’ preserved in manuscript P.2787 contains lacunae which obscure certain details pertaining to the dharma preaching, it crucially records the ritual protocols and procedures of the Khotanese dharma assembly. The first section of P.2787 delineates how the gṛhasthas and dharma-listeners take refuge in the Three Jewels and make devotional vows. It is suggested that these sequential rites—taking refuge in the Three Jewels, undertaking the Ten Virtuous Precepts, and making devotional vows—constitute the initial phase of the dharma assembly. Consequently, this section occupies the priority position in the ‘Dharma-preaching text’. The transcription and translation of the initial section of P.2787 are as follows:Footnote 20
6–9: ttaña pacīḍa ra gāṭhā dharma-śravaṇīya tta hvāñara sa bai’ysa ārva jsą̄manai dā ārva tsvą̄manai bīsaga ārava tsāmanai cū drraina raṃną̄na ārava tsvāṃdū ma na ttā drrąyvā mi’śtą̄ avāyvā ysatha na nāsą̄manai vīnau prraṇa’haunau
And in this way, do you gṛhasthas and dharma-listeners speak so saying, ‘We go to the Buddha for refuge, we go to the dharma for refuge, we go to the sangha for refuge. We have gone to the Three Jewels for refuge. May we not take birth in the three great evil existences without vows.’
9–15: tta hvą̄ñara sa khū ṣṭā vaysña mahai ttū namauna gabhīra be’ysāṃ dą̄ pvāmanai … dasāṃ maiśtā baśdāṃ’ jsa pathīsāṃ dasau ra maista śalai samādāyī varttāṃ drrai-padya ttaradararna tcą̄-padya bīśā’na drrai-padya aysmūna khū ttaFootnote 21 paḍāna hvāṃdū tta śe’na tta daina ūvai tta hvą̄ñara sa khū ṣṭā vaysña mahai ttye namāṃ gabhīra paramārtha bai’ysāṃ dā pvāme ke’ṇa’ ttu parāhi’ nāṃdū
Do you speak so saying, ‘If we now hear this revered profound dharma of the Buddhas…, we will abstain from the ten great evil deeds, we will practise the ten great adoptions of goodness, that is threefold with body, fourfold with tongue, threefold with thought. As we have spoken firstly, so secondly, and thirdly it is spoken.’ Do you speak so saying, ‘If we now have undertaken this moral precept to hear this revered profound supremely true dharma of the Buddhas.’
15–24: tta sabajī ttyāṃ pūña kūśala-mulyą̄Footnote 22 jsa khū ma ra satsaira tsą̄manai … be’śa sarvąsatta ūysnaura ysamaśadya be’ysa hamāṃdai tta pā hamīḍaka gą̄ṭhā dharma-śravaṇīya avīramāttama be’ysāna be’ysūśta bausta hamye hamaumanai
May it so succeed with these merit roots that we may not go about in the cycle of rebirth. … May all beings in the world become Buddhas, thus next may we be able to realise the supreme enlightenment of the Buddhas together with all gṛhasthas, dharma-listeners.’
Notably, the second person plural imperative (i.e. hvą̄ñara) is employed repeatedly in the diction of taking refuge in the Three Jewels and undertaking the Ten Virtuous Precepts, implying that gṛhasthas and dharma-listeners are required to complete these two rituals (i.e. taking refuge in the Three Jewels and undertaking the Ten Virtuous Precepts from the venerable ācāryas). Despite the significant disparities in the identities of these gṛhasthas and dharma-listeners in comparison to those of monks, the recurrent three-time utterance procedure bears a striking resemblance to the ordination formulae of monks.Footnote 23
Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma and Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery
Manuscripts P.2787 and P.2834 document the same monastery named Viṣṇavakrrārma. The preceding text has demonstrated that the building of Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery was the incentive for the dharma assembly. This prompts a further question: What reason or motive would the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma have had for building Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery? The pertinent clues to the inquiry are discreetly concealed within the fourth section of manuscript P.2787. The following is a transcription and translation of the relevant passage:Footnote 24
83–91: śai-kū miḍā jasta śrī vīśa’ <sa>grą̄ma vā rai pīrūyvā ysathvą̄ ttairṣṭadāṃ są̄mūhau’ gyastau bai’ysau pyātsä ṣṭānä garkha vaistharya prraṇihāna pastai baśti sa kaumvą̄ kṣī’rañvā janavūą̄’ ttye śākyamą̄na gyastä bai’ysa hīyi ṣā’ śāśa’ña vamą̄nīji bve’yi ñāpaca īye aysa vara prraṇihaunyau jsa rą̄ysą̄yiña raudau gūttaira vī ysatha ū<pa>patti dyāñīme kaumye agä jsä ṣā’ śą̄śa’ thūrsī ttakye ttakye agänai a padairū ttai prraṇihaunä jsa saiją̄me vī tsvāṃdi ū mara ranīṃje janave vīra ttū ūvāra raudāṃ byehi’ pastai ahä’vą̄ysye vaña ra jsą̄nä auṣkājsī dāvīnai ttaradara byehaume vaskä pūñīje ttīma pīrą̄ną̄me ūdaiśä ttū brrāṃhi’ pauña kūśalamūla kaiṇi ttū vįṣṇavakrrārma sakhāra kītha kärą̄nū vara mą̄ñadi pastai ūśrīvye
The Śai-kū (Sheng gong 聖公 ‘Holy Lord’),Footnote 25 the gracious Lord, the glorious Viśa’ Saṃgrāma king deigned in former births before present epiphanous Lord Buddhas to make heavy vast vows, saying, ‘To what lands (and) countries the doctrine of this Śākyamuni Lord Buddha, as the rays of the (Sun God) palace (vimāna) shall be known,Footnote 26 there may I, thanks to (my) vows, show birth (and) origin on a throne in a royal family; by whichever member this doctrine may be harmed, by that very member may I support it.’ So for him thereby his vows were fulfilled. And here in the Ratna-janapada (i.e. Da Bao Guo 大寶國 ‘Great Jewel Country’)Footnote 27 he deigned to bear that exalted kings’ state. Now too to reach the eternal Body of the Dharma (i.e. dharmakāya) with a view to plant merit seed for that brahma-merit root he deigned to erect this Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery, like a karāna and a gate in the city.Footnote 28
The above quotation demonstrates that the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma built Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery for the following causes or motives: fulfilling the vows made in his previous life, attaining the eternal Body of the Dharma, and cultivating the fourfold brahma-merit roots. It is widely accepted that Viśa’ Saṃgrāma, the patron of the construction of Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery, reigned from approximately 983 to 1006 CE.Footnote 29 That is to say, he was the last ruler of the Khotan kingdom prior to its fall to the Qarakhanid Khanate. Consequently, the building of Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery must be assigned to this period (i.e. 983–1006 CE.). It is unquestionably identifiable as the chronologically latest Buddhist temple in the Khotan kingdom, as attested by the extant historical textual evidence.
It is noteworthy that the appellation of Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery is somewhat peculiar. It is evident that the reconstructed Sanskrit form Viṣṇuvikramārāma can be divided into three constituent words: Viṣṇu, vikrama, and ārāma. The first word denotes the name of Viṣṇu, who is one of the principal deities in Hinduism. The specific layout of Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery remains obscure; however, the textual evidence in P.2787 indicates its division into multiple areas, including saṃghārāma, stūpa, and gandhakuṭī (the original refers to a chamber devoted to Buddha’s use). As attested in the following text, the construction of stūpa and gandhakuṭī are explicitly regarded as one of the merit roots:Footnote 30
95–100: sa brrāhmä tcą̄-padya pauña kūśalamūla ṣai’kä hamai cū sakhą̄rma ārñą̄na padīme ū prravaiyāṃ vaskä nvaśtä vīśtä ca ttye narą̄kṣī’va ṣṭą̄na parī vaskä haspīsīdä be’sa būspājä padīmīdä maittra āstanä tcaura aprramaṇä ją̄ye ū pai’ṣkaistye bīsagä hama-hauśte padīme ṣi’ ma tcą̄-padya brrą̄hmä pauña kūśalamūla ū baudhasattä jastä ttū tcau-padya brrāhmä pūña kūśalamūla pastai haṣkāṃdai vaña jsāṃ auṣkaujsī dāvīnai haura hūrą̄mai ūdaiśa ttyai prravą̄rṇajai ṣąva vīra āysña gabīra be’ysāṃ dā pastai ājaṣi
That is to say, (as for) the fourfold-brahma-merit root, this accrues for him who makes a Buddhist monastery (saṃghārāma), a hermitage, and provides ease for monks, who, being undisturbed, strive for his own deliverance, (and) make a stūpa and a gandhakuṭī. He meditates on the four infinitudes beginning with kindliness and he makes unanimity in the separated bhikṣusaṃgha. This is here the fourfold-brahma-merit root. And the Bodhisattva-king deigned to produce the fourfold-brahma-merit root. Now indeed with a view to giving the eternal dharma-gift, on this Pravāraṇā night he deigned to desire the noble profound dharma of the Buddhas.
The appellation baudhasattä jastä (Bodhisattva-king, Pusa tianzi 菩薩天子) is specifically attributed to the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma, who was patron of the construction of Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery. In another Dunhuang Chinese manuscript (P.3016v), the Khotanese king has been similarly designated as Pusa tianzi. Viśa’ Saṃgrāma deigned to produce the fourfold brahma-merit roots by constructing Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery, thereby indicating that the complex comprises essential architectures, such as saṃghārāma, stūpa, and gandhakuṭī.
The concept of brāhmapuṇya holds great significance for the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma. As elucidated in the above text of P.2787, lines 95–99, the fourfold brahma-merit roots are defined in detail, which corresponds precisely to the statements found in the Abhidharmanyāyānusāraśāstra, Abhidharmamahāvibhāṣāśāstra, and Abhidharmakośabhāṣya that there are four categories of individuals capable of cultivating brahma-merit roots:Footnote 31
sūtra uktaṃ catvāraḥ pudgalā brāhmaṇyaṃ puṇyaṃ prasavantīti
The sūtra says that four persons produce brahma-merit, brāhmapuṇya.
caturṇāṃ brāhmapuṇyatvaṃ kalpaṃ svargeṣu modanāt || 4.124 ||
Four possess brahma-merit, because they are happy in the heavens for a kalpa.
yāvatā puṇyena kalpaṃ svargeṣu modate idaṃ brāhmaṃ puṇyam brahmapurohitānāṃ kalpāyuṣkatvāt
The merit of such a measure that one is happy in heaven for a kalpa is the brahma-merit, for the lifespan of the Brahmapurohitas is a kalpa.
The aforementioned text merely states that fourfold individuals may produce brahma-merit, yet it does not elaborate on which four types these are. An exhaustive elucidation is provided in the commentary canon of Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, named Sphuṭārthā-Abhidharmakośavyākhyā and authored by Yaśomitra:Footnote 32
sūtra uktaṃ catvāraḥ pudgalāḥ brāhmaṃ puṇyaṃ prasavaṃti apratiṣṭhite pṛthivīpradeśe tathāgatasya śārīraṃ stūpaṃ pratiṣṭhāpayati ayaṃ prathamaḥ pudgalo brāhmaṃ puṇyaṃ prasavati cāturdeśe bhikṣusaṃghe ārāmaṃ niryātayati tatraiva cārāme vihāraṃ pratiṣṭhāpayati ayaṃ dvitīyaḥ pudgalo brāhmaṃ puṇyaṃ prasavati bhinnaṃ tathāgataśrāvakasaṃghaṃ pratisaṃdadhāti ayaṃ tṛtīyaḥ pudgalo brāhmaṃ puṇyaṃ prasavati maitrīsahagatena … viharati
The sūtra states that four types of individuals generate brahma-merit. The individual who constructs a stūpa for the relics of Tathāgata in a previously unestablished place, he is the first individual generating brahma-merit. The individual who donates an ārāma to the Sangha of the four directions and constructs a vihāra in ārāma, he is the second individual generating brahma-merit. The individual who reconciles a separated sangha, he is the third individual generating brahma-merit. The individual who dwells with the kindliness … [he is the fourth individual generating brahma-merit].
Both the Sanskrit literature and Khotanese dharma-preaching text emphasise that the fourfold acts (i.e. erecting shrines dedicated to the Tathāgatas; constructing monasteries for the sangha of the four directions; reconciling the separated sangha; and meditating on the four infinitudes) cultivate brahma-merit roots, thus demonstrating the close connection between the two traditions. It should be noted that, in the second section of the dharma-preaching text, lines 24–25, the Khotanese monks especially foreground and elucidate the significance of brāhmapuṇya by way of a Sanskrit verse:Footnote 33
Gostanī Sanskrit: brrāhmą cūttavīra-vīdha pauṇyą kalpa svarga prrimādyattai | asakṣaittram asapūauṇyi bą̄hyana bījana yathā bīja 30 ||.
Sanskrit (reconstructed version): brāhmaṃ caturvidhaṃ puṇyaṃ kalpaṃ svarge pramodyate | asakṣetram asapuṇyaṃ bāhyam bījaṃ yathā bījaṃ 30 ||.
The fourfold brahma-merit gives joy in heaven for a kalpa; a seed without merit is outside (the dharma) like a seed without a field.
The preceding Sanskrit śloka, comprising four pādas (i.e. with each pāda consisting of eight syllables), is quoted from an unnamed sūtra by the Khotanese monks. The first two pādas of the verse are almost identical to the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya (i.e. 4.124: caturṇāṃ brāhmapuṇyatvaṃ kalpaṃ svargeṣu modanāt), while the provenance of the last two remains anonymous.Footnote 34 The Sanskrit verse elucidates the meaning and significance of brāhmapuṇya, which refers to taking rebirth in the heaven of Brahmā (brahmaloka) for a kalpa.
Notably, the doctrine concerning the fourfold brahma-merit roots expounded in P.2787 and Abhidharmakośabhāṣya represents the Sarvāstivādin tradition, whereas the well-known Khotanese Buddhist text Book of Zambasta stipulates sixfold brahma-merit (i.e. kṣä’ padya brahmä puña),Footnote 35 thereby demonstrating that there are twofold teachings about the brahma-merit in Khotanese Buddhism.
The concept of brāhmapuṇya has been widely attested in Indian epigraphic sources since the Kushan Dynasty period, and it plays a significant role in the institution of Buddhist kingship, as is evinced by the reliquary inscription of the king of Apraca Indravarman (dating circa 5/6 CE or 15/16 CE),Footnote 36 the copperplate inscription of Helagupta (circa 64 or 74 CE),Footnote 37 and the Tummalagudem copperplate inscription of Vikramendravarman (hereafter EIAD 175, i.e. Early Inscriptions of Āndhradeśa, circa sixth century),Footnote 38 all of which allude to brāhmapuṇya in a similar context of donation. The reference to brāhmapuṇya in the EIAD 175 inscription is also within the context of the foundation of monasteries by the king:Footnote 39
vibudhabhavanapratisparddhiśobhāsa[m]udayānekamahāvihārapratiṣṭhāpanādhigatāna-ntabrāhmapuṇyasaṁbhārasya mahārājaśrīgovindavarmmaṇaḥ
The great king Śrī-Govindavarman, whose accumulation of boundless brahma-merit has been obtained through the foundation of many mahāvihāras that produced a brilliance rivalling with that of the residence of the gods.
Both the EIAD 175 inscription and the Khotanese dharma-preaching text attribute brāhmapuṇya to the act of donation by kings (i.e. foundation of a monastery), thereby highlighting the unique motivation and significance behind their almsgiving. The concept of brāhmapuṇya is not only a canonical doctrine but also an important element in the practice of Khotanese Buddhism, revealing the close connection between the canonical literature and actual practice in Khotanese Buddhism.
Perspective of cakravartin: almsgiving and kingship
The circulation of avadāna narratives in Khotan has deep historical roots. It is acknowledged that The Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish (Xian yu jing 賢愚經, T. 202) was based on the accounts by the monks Tanxue 曇學, Weide 威德, and others gathered during a Pañcavārṣika assembly (five-year assembly) in Khotan. Despite the absence of any Sanskrit fragments that correspond to The Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish in Khotan, other Sanskrit fragments of avadāna narratives have been identified, including Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna and Avadānaśataka.Footnote 40 Furthermore, a Khotanese manuscript fragment bearing the shelf-mark IOL Khot 198/2 (Samp.011), unearthed from the archaeological site Sampula in Khotan, mentions the name of a minister (āmāca) ‘Yaśa’. Consequently, both P. O. Skjærvø and Federico Dragoni have thus identified it as Aśokāvadāna.Footnote 41
The avadāna literature, which elucidates the consequences of good or evil actions between previous births and current life through edifying tales, is one of the highlights of Khotanese Buddhist texts found in Dunhuang Library Cave. The following avadānas, preserved in Dunhuang manuscripts, are well-known in Late Khotanese: Sudhanāvadāna, Aśokāvadāna, Kaniṣkāvadāna, Nandāvadāna, Rāmāyaṇa, and ‘Love story’.Footnote 42 Manuscripts P.2787 and P.2834 collectively contain two avadānas: Kaniṣkāvadāna and Nandāvadāna, representing the sole extant copies of these texts among the extant Khotanese manuscripts. This unique phenomenon provokes reflection on the motives and significance of preaching the Kaniṣkāvadāna in the dharma assembly.Footnote 43
One of the themes expounded in the dharma preaching during the night of the Pravāraṇa day is the fourfold brahma-merit roots which refer to taking rebirth in the heaven of Brahmā (brahmaloka). The motivation behind the actions of the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma, who bestowed gifts and deigned to construct Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery, was to produce fourfold brahma-merit roots, thus indicating that the dharma preaching delivered on the night of the Pravāraṇa day was an act of offering a dharma-gift by the ‘Bodhisattva-king’ Viśa’ Saṃgrāma. As was stated in the preceding text in manuscript P.2787, lines 99–100, ‘Now indeed with a view to giving the eternal dharma-gift, on this Pravāraṇā night he deigned to desire the noble profound dharma of the Buddhas.’Footnote 44
Therefore, it can be deduced that Viśa’ Saṃgrāma was most likely the patron of the dharma assembly held on the night of the Pravāraṇa day. Furthermore, the protagonist of the Kaniṣkāvadāna, who preached in the dharma assembly, is also depicted as a righteous king, thus revealing that a key purpose of dharma preaching is to eulogise kingship.
The incipit of the Khotanese Kaniṣkāvadāna copied in manuscript P.2787 remains intact, yet its end is damaged. The preserved text comprises two story episodes: (1) King Kaniṣka witnessed the four guardians of the world (lokapāla) incarnate as young boys engaged in the playful act of fashioning mud stūpas, and received the prophecy to construct a monastery together with a vast stūpa; and (2) The virtuous friend (kalyāṇamitra) Aśvaghoṣa of Kaniṣka made vows to realise enlightenment, whereupon a lump of clay that he casts miraculously transforms into a Buddha image.Footnote 45
The narrative concerning the construction of the dharmarājikā stūpa by Kaniṣka is also recorded in Fa Xian’s 法顯 (337–420 CE) A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms (Fo guo ji 佛國記, T. 2085), Yang Xuanzhi’s (楊衒之) Records of Buddhist Monasteries in Lo-yang (Luoyang qielan ji 洛陽伽藍記, T. 2092), Xuan Zang’s Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Da Tang xiyu ji 大唐西域記, T. 2087), and Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya (Genben shuo yiqie you bu pi nai ye 根本説一切有部毗奈耶, T. 1442, translated by Yi Jing義浄). The extant literature pertaining to Kaniṣka’s story exhibits variations in narrative details when compared to the Khotanese Kaniṣkāvadāna. However, all versions are characterised by the fundamental plot, which concerns the king Kaniṣka constructing the dharmarājikā stūpa. The following is the translation of the beginning of the Kaniṣkāvadāna in P.2787:Footnote 46
155–157 (Gostanī Sanskrit version): ttad yathānūśrų̄yąttai cūttara-śatta-varṣa paravarttai baudhyāṃ bągavau bāhūlaka-vaṣäye rrą̄ją̄bhūttą cadra kaṇaiskā naumä parasainyą̄vardhī būdhana bagavattā vyą̄krratta
Sanskrit (reconstructed version):Footnote 47 tad yathānuśrūyate catuḥśata-varṣa-parivarte bodhyāṃ bhagavān bāhlaka-viṣaye rājābhūc candra-kaniṣko nāma parasainyāvardhī buddhena bhagavatā vyākṛta
So it is handed down. Four hundred years had passed since the Bhagavant realised enlightenment. In the kingdom of Balkh there was a king by name Candra Kaniṣka, destroyer of his foes’ troop, foretold by the Buddha Bhagavant.
158–160 (Khotanese version): tta tta au vā pyūṣṭi hamyi hamä sa khū jasta bai’ysa paranairvye ttaña hadrra vya ssa salī parye ttana ką̄lna bāhulaka-vaṣayä ttahvārasthaima bala-cakrravarttāṃ rruṃdau gūttaira vī ysā śų̄re pūñūda bvā’mąyi ttairṣṭada jasta bai’ysa jsa vārye bala-cakrravartta jabvī’ya-rāja rre pana cadrra käṇaiska naumä
So it has been heard. When the deva Buddha entered parinirvāṇa, in the interval 100 years passed. At that time, in the kingdom of Balkh in Tocharistan there was born, in a family of bala-cakravartin kings, a bold, meritorious, intelligent bala-cakravartin king of Jambudvīpa named Candra Kaniṣka, foretold by the epiphanic deva Buddha.
Notably, the Sanskrit and Khotanese Kaniṣkāvadāna versions commence slightly differently. Both versions attribute the same region, Bāhulaka (i.e. Balkh), to the birthplace of King Kaniṣka, yet there is a discrepancy in terms of the reign of King Kaniṣka. It is particularly noteworthy that the Sanskrit version states that Kaniṣka was born 400 years after the enlightenment of Buddha, while the Khotanese version states that he was born 100 years after the Buddha’s parinirvāṇa. Undoubtedly, the former chronology is approximately consistent with the historical dating of Kaniṣka, whereas the later tallies with the historical dating of Aśoka. It is well-known that the kings of Khotan claimed descent from Aśoka, who is closely linked to the foundation legend of Khotan.Footnote 48 This may provide a plausible explanation for the discrepancy between the Sanskrit and Khotanese texts.
Especially, the Khotanese version emphasises Kaniṣka’s lineage as a descendant of bala-cakravartin, thus suggesting that he was not perceived as an ordinary sovereign but rather as a bala-cakravartin. Similarly, the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma is referred to as a cakravartin in the preceding text of manuscript P.2787:Footnote 49
61–64: marä ranījai janavai vīra śaina-kūna mįḍāṃ jästä śrī vīśą’ sagrą̄ma hīyi ṣā’ cakrravarttą̄na rāṃdą̄na śärā brrūñīyai harbīśaivā dāśvā dīśvūā’ gyastä bai’ysä tta tta ayīṣṭyādai khū tvā rannīja jänava dāna dīryai yūḍą īdä
May the cakravartin kings’ glory of śaina-kūna (i.e. Shen jun 神君 ‘Divine Sovereign’),Footnote 50 the gracious Lord, the glorious Viśa’ Saṃgrāma shine here over the Ratna-janapada. In all the ten regions the deva Buddhas may so bless him that he may be able to maintain this Ratna-janapada by the dharma.
145–146: kauma ṣai’ yai īyai cū ma garkhyāṃ vaisthāryau pūñāṃ kūśalamūlyāṃ pārajsye jsa bala-cakrrävarttą̄na śarā dāra byauda ī
Of whatever kind he might be who is here supported by the important extensive roots of (his) merits, may he be able to obtain the glory of the bala-cakravartin for long.
The aforementioned blessing invocations articulate the aspiration to attain the majesty of the cakravartin or bala-cakravartin as the object of prayer, thereby demonstrating the exalted characteristics of the title cakravartin in Khotan. Moreover, the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma is also regarded as the fifth lokapāla (guardian of the world):Footnote 51
50–52: pūhye lākapāla mą̄ñadū ysarnai bą̄ḍa ū ranījai janaivai vī āysdąrai śī-kū śrī vījītta sagrāma rāṃdą̄na rāṃda ūvāryai jastūñai bvaiysyai ttrąvargyai jsīña paba ūskhäjsāmai ūdaśą̄yä
with a view to raising the continuity of the noble, celestial, long, three-stagedFootnote 52 life of the guardian of this Golden and Jewel Country (Jin Yu Guo 金玉國),Footnote 53 similar to a fifth Lokapāla, the Śī-kū (Sheng gong 聖公), the glorious king of kings Vījītta Saṃgrāma.
Thus, it clearly reveals Viśa’ Saṃgrāma’s dual identities as both a cakravartin and a lokapāla in the Buddhist context. Therefore, given the congruence of symbolic personae between Viśa’ Saṃgrāma and Kaniṣka, it is no wonder that the Kaniṣkāvadāna was deliberately selected as the preaching text for the dharma assembly held on the night of the Pravāraṇa day.
During the tenth century, the Khotan kingdom was successively ruled by at least four kings, chronologically sequenced as follows: Viśa’ Saṃbhava, Viśa’ Śūra, Viśa’ Dharma, and Viśa’ Saṃgrāma. The cakravartin or bala-cakravartin is one of the titles of Khotanese kings found in the Khotanese texts from Dunhuang Library Cave.Footnote 54 This article collates the royal titles of the Khotanese kings associated with the imagery of Dharma-rāja, as found in the Khotanese manuscripts from Dunhuang, which are listed in Table 1.
Khotanese kings and their royal title in the Dunhuang Khotanese manuscripts
Table 1 Long description
Columns list Khotanese king, royal title, and manuscript signature. Visa Sambhava has the title, baudhasatta gyasta, in the Stael-Holstein roll. Visa Sura appears with the title, hedava cakrravaratta rrada, in P.4099, and also with titles, cakavartta sai tcuna in IOL Khot 65 to 74 Ch.00274, da raysanamdi baudhasattu in IOL Khot S.47 Ch.i.0021b.a, and cakrravartta in IOL Khot S.47 Ch.i.0021b.b. Visa Dharma is linked to the titles, bhalacakrravartta-raja, baudasattu rre, and baudasatva ramda, in IOL Khot S.21 Ch.i.0021a.a. Visa Samgrama is linked to the titles, cakrravarttana ramda and baudhasatta jasta, in P.2787. One row lists the king as unspecified, with the titles, cakravartta raudauna rauda and balacakarrivartta cimga rrumdana rrumda, and manuscript signatures P.2739, P.2958, and IOL Khot S.22.
Table 1 demonstrates that all tenth-century Khotanese kings bore the title cakravartin or bala-cakravartin apart from Viśa’ Saṃbhava. Moreover, the Khotan royal family is designated as the cakravartin lineage in another Khotanese manuscript (P.2896), thus suggesting that the epithet cakravartin or bala-cakravartin had become the symbolic designation of the Khotan royal family in the tenth century.
Furthermore, another epithet—‘Bodhisattva-king’—was likewise inherited by the Khotanese kings during the tenth century. Viśa’ Saṃbhava was the first Khotanese king designated as ‘Bodhisattva-king’ in both a Khotanese manuscript (the Staël-Holstein roll, line 40) and a Chinese manuscript (P.3016v, lines 27–28). In a similar manner, the military commissioner of Guiyi army addressed Viśa’ Saṃbhava as ‘Bodhisattva-king’ (Tib. byang chu sem pa’ yu then gyi she zhin then ce) in an official Tibetan letter (P.t.1120v). Since the reign of Viśa’ Śūra, the dual epithets of ‘Bodhisattva-king’ and cakravartin have been concurrently adopted by successive Khotanese kings.
The appellation cakravartin undoubtedly originated in India, while the precise origin of the epithet ‘Bodhisattva-king’ remains obscure. There appears to be a correlation with the Tibetan culture, wherein the Tibetan ruler (Tib. btsan po) was portrayed as the incarnation of Bodhisattva in the Tibetan literature.Footnote 55 The employment of the dual epithets of ‘Bodhisattva-king’ and cakravartin serves to highlight the symbolic image of the Khotanese king as a divine king who is devoted to protecting the dharma. Re-examining Khotanese manuscript P.2787 from this standpoint will facilitate a more profound comprehension of the significance of the Kaniṣkāvadāna preached during the dharma assembly. The Kaniṣkāvadāna elucidates the former karma of the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma’s temple-building and donation, connecting the meritorious acts of the two bala-cakravartin kings, Kaniṣka in the previous birth and Viśa’ Saṃgrāma in the current life, thereby highlighting the Khotanese king’s image as a dharma-protecting cakravartin king.
Conclusion
The theme and content of the entire Khotanese manuscript P.2787 are both correlated to the dharma assembly held on the night of the Pravāraṇa day. It is therefore recommended that the Khotanese text should be entitled ‘Dharma-preaching text by Khotanese Buddhist monks at the dharma assembly on the night of the Pravāraṇa day’, or simply ‘Dharma-preaching text on the Pravāraṇa day’. The Pravāraṇa day, which marks the conclusion of the summer-retreat, is a significant festival for both monastics and laypeople. It is customary for these faithful devotees to congregate at the dharma assembly to hear the dharma preached by monks throughout the entire night. The ‘Dharma-preaching text on the Pravāraṇa day’ reveals the ritual procedures and preaching language employed by Khotanese monks in the dharma assembly.
The construction of Viṣṇavakrrārma Monastery by the Khotanese king Viśa’ Saṃgrāma was the primary incentive and impetus for the dharma assembly, thereby enabling Viśa’ Saṃgrāma to confess his sins before the Three Jewels. Furthermore, one of the main objectives of the dharma assembly was to laud the fourfold brahma-merit accumulated by Viśa’ Saṃgrāma. The dharma-preaching text foregrounds the four kinds of brahma-merit accumulated by Viśa’ Saṃgrāma, which resonates with the incorporation of the Kaniṣkāvadāna.
Viśa’ Saṃgrāma served as the patron of the dharma assembly, thereby exerting an influence on the thematic and content selection of the dharma preaching. The Khotanese dharmabhāṇakas deliberately selected the Kaniṣkāvadāna to elucidate the former karma of Viśa’ Saṃgrāma’s temple-building, intertwining the previous and current lives of the two bala-cakravartin kings: Kaniṣka and Viśa’ Saṃgrāma, thereby highlighting the Khotanese king’s image as a dharma-protecting cakravartin king.
Acknowledgements
This article is a revised version of my article in Chinese to be published in The World Religious Culture. I am indebted to Professor Duan Qing for initiating me into the study of Khotan Saka, to Professor Rong Xinjiang for permitting my participation in the seminar on Dunhuang Chinese Manuscripts, and to Professor Zhu Yuqi for his helpful comments on this article in Chinese. I also extend my sincere gratitude to Fan Jingjing and Chen Ruixuan for their suggestions. The research for this article was funded by the projects ‘The Collation and Study of Khotanese Buddhist Texts from Dunhuang’ (Grant no. 2025-FJS-ZD-3) and ‘Interpretation and Study of Khotanese Manuscripts Unearthed from the Dunhuang Library Cave and the Hotan Region’ (Grant no. 20VJXT013).
Conflicts of interest
None.
