RESEARCH AT CUELLO

In 1979, research on the Preclassic-period ceramics from Cuello, Belize (Figure 1), began in a project directed by Norman Hammond (1975, 1976, 1978, 1991) with the establishment of an independent typology for the site for chronological assessments (Table 3). This work was made easier by the earlier, excellent analysis by Duncan Pring (1977) but hampered in part by the fact that only a few sites at that time had recorded similar early Middle Preclassic pottery.

The ceramic chronology of Cuello, Belize

Map of northern Belize showing the location of the site of Cuello.

Although the surface preservation of material was unusually excellent throughout all phases, it soon became clear that, as was the case at Tikal, type/variety classification had limited utility beyond chronological inference. In fact, surface finishes from the Early Middle to the Middle Preclassic period remained so consistent that differences in vessel shape and lip and rim treatments were used to differentiate between Swasey and the subsequent Bladen ceramics (Kosakowsky 1983, 1987; Kosakowsky and Pring 1998).

Using Culbert's work with vessel-shape classes at Tikal in conjunction with the examination of kinds of deposits as a model for looking at the Cuello pottery, I attempted to analyze the distribution of vessel-shape classes within different types of archaeological deposits (Kosakowsky 1983). These deposits were first classified as follows: (1) private locations—that is, the interior spaces of small household structures and any middens associated with those structures; (2) public spaces, including patio floors and refuse associated with larger ceremonial structures—that is, the pyramid; and (3) special deposits such as chultunes, caches, and burials. Vessel-shape classes for Cuello were determined to include wide-mouth jars, narrow-mouth jars, bottles, and a variety of bowl and dish forms, depending on time period, that probably served multiple functions such as cooking and serving, as well as for mortuary and cache assemblages (Kosakowsky 1983).

During the early Middle Preclassic Swasey and Bladen Complexes at Cuello there is little difference in the frequency distributions of vessel shapes between public and private contexts (Tables 4 and 5), and the percentage of unslipped wide-mouth jars inside structures is slightly higher than that outside structures (in Swasey 7.8% vs. 0%; in Bladen, 2.9% vs. 1.7%). The rest of the shape distributions are fairly similar. Because large, unslipped wide-mouth jars were probably used for storage of both food and water, this distribution is not surprising. In addition, the use of interior and exterior space for similar domestic activities in the early Middle Preclassic no doubt would explain the similar distribution of vessel shapes (Kosakowsky 1983).

Frequency distributions of Swasey vessel-shape classes in private and public contexts (rim sherds only; n = 322)

Frequency distributions of Bladen vessel-shape classes in private and public contexts (rim sherds only; n = 1,377)

In the Middle Preclassic Lopez-Mamom Complex, the pattern seems to shift somewhat strikingly (Table 6), with the greatest percentage of unslipped wide-mouth jars in the outdoor public spaces (13.5% vs. 1.3% indoors), implying perhaps that outdoor space in the Middle Preclassic was used as an extension of indoor space. In addition, the aesthetic preference in the Middle Preclassic for outcurving dishes, a prominent feature of all Lowland Maya sites with Mamom occupation, further complicates interpretations concerning the prehistoric behavior associated with the ceramics (Kosakowsky 1983).

Frequency distributions of Lopez-Mamom vessel-shape classes in private and public contexts (rim sherds only; n = 225)

For the Middle Preclassic period at Cuello, small sample sizes precluded comparisons across structures at the site, but Late Preclassic Cocos Chicanel samples were large enough to examine patterns of vessel-shape distribution in both public and private spaces and across structures. During the middle facet of the Late Preclassic, two coeval structures, f. 160 on the south side of a patio and f. 260 on the north end of the patio (Gerhardt 1988), contained strikingly different vessel-shape distributions (Table 7). Structure f. 160 contained a disproportionate number of bowls and dishes relative to jar forms, and f. 260 contained an unusually large number of wide-mouth and narrow-mouth jars. A more appropriate inference based on these ceramic shape distributions is to view the patio group as a unit, rather than as separate households or activity loci, with the northern structure used for food storage and the southern building for food preparation and serving. The southern building had a masonry substructure and hearth, while the northern, the larger of the two, was constructed of timber and did not contain a hearth, lending further credence to this interpretation.

Frequency distributions of Cocos Chicanel vessel-shape classes in f. 160 and f. 260 (rim sherds only; n = 128)

Special contexts such as caches, burials, and chultunes throughout Cuello's occupation history provide further evidence for drawing inferences about the prehistoric behavior associated with ceramics. Analyses of vessel shapes used in caches and burials have shown that there was no specialized set of mortuary vessels; the same frequency distributions are found in these contexts as in midden and fill deposits from the site, with the exception of unslipped wide-mouth jars, which never appear in mortuary or cache contexts (Kosakowsky 1983).

The ceramics found in the three Cuello chultunes tell a slightly different story (Kosakowsky 1983; Kosakowsky and Pring 1998). The two Late Preclassic chultunes contain ceramics whose vessel shapes overlap in frequency distributions with all other contexts. However, the Middle Preclassic Bladen chultun, f. 361, contained an unusual set of ceramic types not found previously at Cuello and a larger-than-normal percentage of small bowls and thin-walled cups. The stratigraphic evidence from this chultun suggested a single episode of dumping, and a study of the lithics from this feature by Rebecca McSwain (personal communication, 1994) identified a statistically higher incidence of burned lithic material, suggesting the possibility of ritual burning. Faunal remains were restricted, with large concentrations of deer, and Norman Hammond, Amanda Clarke, and Sara Donaghey (1995) have posited that the refuse in this chultun may have resulted from the ceremonial consumption of chicha related to an episode of feasting. The ceramics show little or no use wear, and the presence of relatively restricted vessel shapes of small bowls and cups supports the serving and consumption of liquids. These kinds of inferences are critical to our understanding of the development of such societal behaviors as ritual and ceremonialism, often reflected in restricted function-pottery and in social ranking and differentiation. Answering questions concerning prehistoric social variation based on ceramic evidence has been facilitated by the examination of vessel shapes rather than types.

FINAL COMMENTS

The ceramic research carried out at Cuello and my subsequent work at many other sites in northern Belize have been influenced strongly by Culbert's contributions to the study of Maya ceramics. Culbert's (1993) work on the Tikal ceramic sequence and the establishment of a typology, providing chronological comparability across sites in the Maya Lowlands, could easily stand alone as a major contribution to our corpus of knowledge about Tikal and the ancient Maya. However, it is his systematized modal analysis and concentration on vessel-shape classes, in conjunction with his understanding of the importance of deposit types and site-formation processes, that have truly revolutionized what ceramics can tell us about prehistoric behavior. It is this kind of careful attention to detail, such as differential use of ceramics by different segments of a population, that ultimately will have the potential to inform on social variation among the ancient Maya.

RESUMEN

Los análisis tradicionales de la cerámica de los Maya de las tierra bajas en sitios arqueológicos se han centrado en tipologías descriptivas para definir las cronologías de los sitios y de las regiones. Sin embargo, el trabajo de T. Patrick Culbert (1993) sobre la cerámica de Tikal utilizó un sistema analítico de dos niveles: formas de las vasijas y clases de formas de las vasijas. Su análisis y concentración modales sistematizados en clases de formas de las vasijas, conjuntamente con un foco en la importancia de los tipos del depósito y de los procesos de la formación del sitio revolucionaron lo que puede decirnos la cerámica sobre el comportamiento prehistórico de los Maya. Este mismo método fue aplicado a la investigación sobre la cerámica de Cuello presentada aquí para ganar una comprensión mejor del comportamiento asociado al uso de la cerámica durante el Preclásico en este sitio norteño de Belice.