To my knowledge this is the first major book in English on Sino–Ethiopian relations and, therefore, a most comprehensive treatment of its subject-matter. Presented in the book are several details so far available only scattered in space and time. To be the first person to write any book on any subject is no mean feat. The author deserves praise for it, and the book critical scrutiny.
Chapter 1 explores how Sino–Ethiopian relations during the reign of Haile Selassie, in particular after Africa's decolonisation, reflected the changing nature of Ethio-American relations. Chapter 2 argues that the two sides, China and Ethiopia, were attracted to one another for diplomatic, security and economic reasons. Chapter 3 provides an overview of the economic relations between China and Ethiopia. Chapter 4 focuses on China's strategic interest in Ethiopia and broadens the analysis to include the Horn of Africa.
Chapter 5 examines Sino–Ethiopian relations in terms of what scholars of international relations would call individual-level and system-level variables; it then synthesises the analysis by bringing back in the Ethiopian state – a unit-level variable. Chapter 6 – the last chapter – is a synopsis of the major arguments in the book.
In less than 200 pages Aaron Tesfaye thus offers one coherent perspective on Sino–Ethiopian relations and concludes with a generally optimistic assessment of the long-term impact of the bilateral relations on Ethiopia, presumably (I am simplifying his arguments here) because (a) China has good intentions, (b) Ethiopia's leaders pursue rational policy, and (c) China follows the policy of non-interference in the domestic affairs of Ethiopia (Chapters 5 and 6). I take issue with these premises.
A claim about the intentions of others is always a guesswork to some extent (114–15). It also overestimates the extent to which individuals or groups could influence outcomes. To the extent that China's intentions are ‘good’, indeed its role in Ethiopia could be regarded as positively agentic. But since all human actions can be described as agentic in some sense we should qualify the concept for it to have any meaning. One way of doing so is to limit its applicability only to those actions that are directed at transforming the existing structure. Once we do so, we will see that China is reproducing the structure of dependency in Ethiopia by perpetuating an unequal and asymmetric economic relationship (71). Even if the leaders in the two countries intend to change the structure of the Ethiopian economy, adding reflexivity to their intention and enhancing their agency, the intention remains only the necessary condition for the effect to occur, until agency as power, the power to control outcome, takes over from the concept of agency as intention. Ethiopia's agency is limited for this reason.
A related claim that is sometimes taken as self-evident truth but must not be, is that China does not interfere in the domestic politics of other countries (Chapter 5). Indeed, recent studies have demonstrated otherwise. China, too, interferes in the domestic affairs of Ethiopia, however different its forms and effects. And China's natural impulse towards interference in general is likely to become stronger as its power and interest expand.
The structure of the book does not seem to follow the conventional logic. This is reflected, for instance, in the great deal of chronological and thematic overlap between different chapters. However, the fact that each chapter closes with clear summary of what has been discussed in it, easily makes up for this minor structural defect. The book appears to be free from (typographical) errors. This, too, must be pointed out since, after the figure of 100,000 million as the population of Ethiopia jumped at the reviewer, on page 1 of the book, he was fearfully expecting more errors!
The list of books that deal with Sino-African relations at the bilateral level is growing, thankfully. This book is a significant addition.
