Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton, January 6, 2011Footnote 1
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. It is a great pleasure once again to be hosting my colleague and counterpart, Foreign Minister Maehara. Mr. Minister, I am looking forward to the 2+2 meeting with Secretary Gates and your Minister of Defense in the coming months, and I am delighted that we will host Prime Minister Kan on his official visit to the United States this spring.
The U.S.-Japan alliance continues to underwrite peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region—and it continues to drive regional economic growth and dynamism. Since the end of the Second World War, our relationship has evolved to address the most pressing regional and global challenges.
As we begin the second half-century of our alliance, we also are beginning a new era in our strategic cooperation. Over the course of this year, and in preparation for the summit between President Obama and Prime Minister Kan, we endeavor to strengthen all of the dimensions of our alliance to better seize the opportunities and confront the challenges of the 21st century.
This begins with deepening our bilateral security alliance, but it by no means ends there. The United States and Japan will also enhance cooperation on the full range of global and strategic issues, from nuclear proliferation to maritime security, and from global economic recovery and growth to energy security and climate change.
These efforts are not only necessary but mutually reinforcing and will ensure the alliance remains what it has been for 50 years: the cornerstone of our strategic engagement in Asia.
Curbing the spread of nuclear weapons will continue to be a prominent feature of our strategic cooperation. North Korea's unprovoked attack on the island of Yeonpyeong and the recent revelation of its uranium enrichment program highlight the fragility of peace in Northeast Asia and the ongoing threat to regional security. We affirmed the need for North Korea to take meaningful steps to engage the Republic of Korea, restart the Six-Party Talks, and fulfill its commitments under the September 19, 2005 Joint Statement. We also agreed on finding more opportunities to hold trilateral meetings with South Korea, as we did last December.
Minister Maehara and I also discussed Iran. We underscored the resolve of the international community to persuade Iran to abide by its international obligations, participate in the negotiations process with seriousness, and address forthrightly the international community's concerns over its nuclear ambitions.
We both reiterated our commitment to the dual-track approach of pursuing both negotiations and pressure, and we agreed on the importance of the pressure track, to achieve these objectives. The United States welcomes the steps that Japan has taken in this regard.
The joint efforts between our two countries extend well beyond nuclear nonproliferation—and we've continued to expand the areas in which we're cooperating. The Minister and I reviewed our efforts in Afghanistan, where our nations remain the two largest contributors to reconstruction. We deeply appreciate Japan's contributions to promoting peace and stability in Afghanistan.
We also discussed our views on the Middle East peace process, and mutual steps to enhance the capacity of the Palestinian Authority.
In Southeast Asia, we will seek more opportunities to enhance cooperation by helping the people of the Lower Mekong region build up their capacity to deal with disasters, pandemics, and development needs. In the Pacific Islands, we are identifying new ways to help farmers and others respond to the effects of climate change. With China and India, we seek to work together to forge greater energy security as their economies continue to grow. And both Foreign Minister Maehara and I reiterated the importance of having strong and productive bilateral relationships with China.
I also look forward to seeing the Minister in July at the ASEAN Regional Forum and enhancing our consultations on the East Asia Summit.
We are taking steps to deepen our bilateral engagement on economic policy, to set a path toward more economic growth and job creation in the years ahead. Our joint efforts in multilateral fora such as the G-20 are also critical. And, as you know, the United States will be hosting APEC in 2011, so we are working closely with Japan to build off their chairmanship and efforts in 2010 to achieve further substantive progress on shaping and accelerating regional economic integration.
Beyond economic and strategic issues, we also discussed a bilateral matter that is very important to the United States—the issue of international child abduction.
Next week, senior officials from the U.S. Government will meet with American parents whose children were wrongfully, and in some cases illegally, taken to Japan. I encouraged Minister Maehara and the Government of Japan to work toward ratification of the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction.
Finally, we discussed an issue that is particularly important to people in both countries and throughout the region: The Foreign Minister and I agreed that our defense posture must continue to evolve in order to deal with the emerging strategic environment. We reiterated our firm intention to continue to implement existing agreements on base realignment issues, including the replacement facility for Futenma.
The goal of our two governments remains unchanged: Both countries want arrangements that are operationally viable and politically sustainable. That means the United States will reduce the impact of our bases on their host communities while, at the same time, maintaining the capabilities that we need to meet our commitment to defend the Japanese people and the security of the region. We look forward to working with the Government of Japan to move this important process forward.
And I might also add: this is an example of how effective cooperation in our bilateral relationship reinforces our cooperation on regional and global issues. By enabling our regional security architecture to evolve, we are better able to deal with emerging strategic challenges.
Foreign Minister Maehara, I look forward to continuing to work with you on both these tracks, so we can maintain stability, security, and prosperity for the region and continue to deepen our ties and enhance the lives of the people of our countries.
Thank you.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of Defense Gates, January 14, 2011Footnote 2
Secretary Robert Gates delivered these remarks at Kelo University in Tokyo, Japan
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Secretary Gates. This is my third visit to Japan as secretary of defense and my fourth trip to Asia over the past eight months. It is a privilege to be the latest in a series of U.S. senior leaders who have visited Japan over the past 12 months, including President Obama, Secretary of State Clinton, Treasury Secretary Geithner, Commerce Secretary Locke, and Energy Secretary Chu.
This past year, we marked the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan, as well as the 150th anniversary of the first Japanese diplomatic mission to the United States. Notably, one of the younger members of that first Japanese delegation was Fukuzawa Yukichi, the founder of this university. As you know, Fukuzawa drew on his experience and subsequent visits to the United States to become Japan's preeminent expert on the institutions and values of American democracy, and to shape this great institution of learning.
Writing more than a century ago, Fukuzawa saw extraordinary promise in the future bilateral relationship between Japan and the United States. This promise was tragically interrupted by war, but fulfilled 50 years ago when our two nations forged a partnership that has fostered stability, prosperity, and growing political freedom in Asia for most of the last half century.
Ours is an alliance based not just on economic and military necessity, but on shared values with respect to how governments should treat their own people and deal with other nations in the conduct of international affairs; a belief in democratic ideals and the pursuit of peace and prosperity through international norms and organizations, rather than through militarism and coercion.
I think it is important to remember those basic truths, indeed the wide, deep and rich array of values and interests that bind our two countries together, especially since news headlines about our alliance are often dominated by difficult issues such as host nation support, the Futenma relocation, and funding for Guam.
So what I'd like to do this morning, before taking your questions, is to provide some strategic context to the U.S.-Japan defense partnership.
First, I want to discuss the complex array of regional security challenges we face together, and the benefits of addressing those challenges between and among nations of shared interests. And second, I want to explain the ways the U.S.-Japan defense relationship—partnership must adapt to meet those challenges, to include modernizing the alliance's military capabilities and basing arrangements.
Over the course of its history, the U.S.Japan alliance has succeeded at its original core purpose: to deter military aggression and provide an umbrella of security under which Japan—and the region—can prosper. Today, our alliance is growing deeper and broader as we address a range of security challenges in Asia. Some, like North Korea, piracy or natural disasters, have been around for decades, centuries, or since the beginning of time. Others, such as global terrorist networks, cyberattacks, and nuclear proliferation are of more recent vintage. What these issues have in common is that they all require multiple nations working together, and they also almost always require leadership and involvement by key regional players such as the U.S. and Japan.
In turn, we express our shared values by increasing our alliance's capacity to provide humanitarian aid and disaster relief, take part in peacekeeping operations, protect the global commons, and promote cooperation and build trust through strengthening regional institutions.
Everyone gathered here knows the crippling devastation that can be caused by natural disasters, and the U.S. and Japan, along with our partners in the region, recognize that responding to these crises is a security imperative. In recent years, U.S. and Japanese forces delivered aid to remote earthquake-stricken regions in Indonesia, and U.S. aircraft based in Japan helped deliver assistance to typhoon victims in Burma. We worked together in response to the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, earthquakes in Java, Sumatra, and Haiti, and most recently following the floods in Pakistan. These efforts have demonstrated the forward deployment of U.S. forces on Japan is of real and life-saving value. They also provide new opportunities for the U.S. and Japanese forces to operate together by conducting joint exercises and missions.
Furthermore, U.S. and Japanese troops have also been working on the global stage to confront the threat of failed or failing states. Japanese peacekeepers have operated around the world, including the Golan Heights and East Timor and assisted with reconstruction in Iraq. In Afghanistan, Japan represents the second largest financial donor, making substantive contributions to the international effort by funding salaries of the Afghan National Police and helping the Afghan government integrate former insurgents.
Furthermore, Japan and the United States also continue to cooperate closely to ensure the maritime commons are safe and secure for commercial traffic. Our maritime forces work hand-in-glove in the Western Pacific as well as in other vital sea passages such as the Strait of Malacca between Malaysia and Indonesia, where more than a third of the world's oil and trade shipments pass through every year. Around the Horn of Africa, Japan has deployed surface ships and patrol aircraft that operate alongside those from all over the world, drawn by the common goal to counter piracy in vital sea lanes.
Participating in these activities thrusts Japan's military into a relatively new and at times sensitive role as an exporter of security. This is a far cry from the situation of even two decades ago when, as I remember well as a senior national security official, Japan was criticized for so-called checkbook diplomacy—sending money but not troops—to help the anti-Saddam coalition during the First Gulf War.
By showing more willingness to send self-defense forces abroad under international auspices—consistent with your constitution—Japan is taking its rightful place alongside the world's other great democracies. That is part of the rationale for Japan's becoming a permanent member of a reformed United Nations Security Council.
And since these challenges cannot be tackled through bilateral action alone, we must use the strong U.S.-Japanese partnership as a platform to do more to strengthen multilateral institutions—regional arrangements that must be inclusive, transparent, and focused on results.
Ours is an alliance based not just on economic and military necessity, but on shared values with respect to how governments should treat their own people and deal with other nations in the conduct of international affairs; a belief in democratic ideals and the pursuit of peace and prosperity through international norms and organizations, rather than through militarism and coercion.
Just a few months ago, I attended the historic first meeting of the ASEAN Plus Eight Defense Ministers Meeting in Hanoi, and I'm encouraged by Japan's decision to co-chair the Military Medicine Working Group. And as a proud Pacific nation, the United States will take over the chairmanship of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum this year, following Japan's successful tenure.
Working through regional and international forums puts our alliance in the best position to confront some of Asia's toughest security challenges. As we've been reminded once again in recent weeks, none has proved to be more vexing and enduring than North Korea.
Despite the hopes and best efforts of the South Korean government, the U.S. and our allies and the international community, the character and priorities of the North Korean regime sadly have not changed. North Korea's ability to launch another conventional ground invasion is much degraded from even a decade ago, but in other respects it has grown more lethal and more destabilizing.
Today, it is North Korea's pursuit of nuclear weapons and the proliferation of nuclear know-how and ballistic missile equipment that have focused our attention, developments that threaten not just the peninsula, but the Pacific Rim and international stability as well.
In response to a series of provocations—the most recent being the sinking of the Cheonan and North Korea's lethal shelling of a South Korean island—Japan has stood shoulder to shoulder with the Republic of Korea and the United States. Our three countries continue to deepen our ties through the Defense Trilateral Talks, the kind of multilateral engagement among America's long-standing allies that the U.S. would like to see strengthened and expanded over time.
When and if North Korea's behavior gives us any reasons to believe that negotiations can be conducted productively and in good faith, we will work with Japan, South Korea, Russia, and China to resume engagement dialogue with North Korea through the six party talks.
The first step in the process should be North-South engagement. But to be clear, the North must also take concrete steps to honor its international obligations and comply with U.N. Security Council Resolutions.
Any progress towards defusing the crisis on the Korean Peninsula must include the active support of the People's Republic of China, where, as you probably know, I just finished an official visit. China has been another important player whose economic growth has fueled prosperity in this part of the world, but questions about its intentions and opaque military modernization program have been a source of concern to its neighbors.
Questions about China's growing role in the region manifest themselves in territorial disputes, most recently in the incident in September near the Senkaku Islands, an incident that served as a reminder of the importance of America's and Japan's treaty obligations to one another. The U.S. position on maritime security remains clear: we have a national interest in freedom of navigation, in unimpeded economic development and commerce, and in respect for international law. We also believe that customary international law, as reflected in the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea, provides clear guidance on the appropriate use of the maritime domain, and rights of access to it.
Nonetheless, I disagree with those who portray China as an inevitable strategic adversary of the United States. We welcome a China that plays a constructive role on the world stage. In fact, the goal of my visit was to improve our military-to-military relationship and outline areas of common interest. It is precisely because we have questions about China's military—just as they might have similar questions about the United States—that I believe a healthy dialogue is needed.
Last fall, President Obama and President Hu Jin Tao made a commitment to advance sustained and reliable defense ties, not a relationship repeatedly interrupted and subject to the vagaries of political weather.
On a personal note, one of the things I learned from my experience dealing with the Soviet Union during my earlier time in government was the importance of maintaining a strategic dialogue and open lines of communication. Even if specific agreements did not result—on nuclear weapons or anything else—this dialogue helped us understand each other better and lessen the odds of misunderstandings and miscalculation. The Cold War is mercifully long over and the circumstances with China today are vastly different—but the importance of maintaining dialogue is as important today.
For the last few minutes I've discussed some of the most pressing security challenges along with the most fruitful areas of regional cooperation facing the U.S. and Japan in Asia. This environment, in terms of threats and opportunities, is markedly different than the conditions that led to the forging of the U.S.-Japanese defense partnership in the context of a rivalry between two global superpowers.
But on account of the scope, complexity and lethality of these challenges, I would argue that our alliance is more necessary, more relevant, and more important than ever. And maintaining the vitality and credibility of the alliance requires modernizing our force posture and other defense arrangements to better reflect the threats and military requirements of this century.
For example, North Korea's ballistic missiles, along with the proliferation of these weapons to other countries, require a more effective alliance missile defense capability. The U.S.-Japan partnership in missile defense is already one of the most advanced of its kind in the world. It was American and Japanese AEGIS ships that together monitored the North Korean missile launches of 2006 and 2008.
This partnership, which relies on mutual support, cutting-edge technology, and information sharing in many ways reflect our alliance at its best. The U.S. and Japan have nearly completed the joint development of a new advanced interceptor, a system that represents a qualitative improvement in our ability to thwart any North Korean missile attack. The co-location of our air and missile-defense commands at Yokota and the associated opportunities for information sharing, joint training, and coordination in this area provides enormous value to both countries.
As I alluded to earlier, advances by the Chinese military in cyber and anti-satellite warfare pose a potential challenge to the ability of our forces to operate and communicate in this part of the Pacific. Cyber-attacks can also come from any direction and from a variety of sources—state, non-state, or a combination thereof—in ways that could inflict enormous damage to advanced, networked militaries and societies. Fortunately, the U.S. and Japan maintain a qualitative edge in satellite and computer technology, an advantage we are putting to good use in developing ways to counter threats to the cyber and space domains.
Just last month, the government of Japan took another step forward in the evolution of the alliance by releasing its “National Defense Program Guidelines”—a document that lays out a vision for Japan's defense posture. These guidelines envision a more mobile and deployable force structure; enhanced intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities; and a shift in focus to Japan's southwest islands.
These new guidelines provide an opportunity for even deeper cooperation between our two countries and the emphasis on your southwestern islands underscores the importance of our alliance force posture.
And this is a key point. Because even as the alliance continues to evolve in strategy, posture and military capabilities to deal with this century's security challenges, a critical component will remain the forward presence of U.S. military forces in Japan. Without such a presence North Korea's military provocations could be even more outrageous or worse. China might behave more assertively towards its neighbors. It would take longer to evacuate civilians affected by conflict or natural disasters in the region. It would be more difficult and costly to conduct robust joint exercises, such as the recent Keen Sword exercise, that hone the U.S. and Japanese militaries’ ability to operate and, if necessary, fight together. And without the forward presence of U.S. forces in Japan, there would be less information sharing and coordination and we would know less about regional threats and the military capabilities of our potential adversaries.
Given its importance to our alliance, we are pleased to have come to an agreement on host nation support, Japan's contribution to the financial cost of our shared defense efforts. This support is a tangible sign of Japan's commitment to our security relationship and it enables the U.S. to continue deploying our most advanced military capabilities in your defense. We are committed in return to using these funds efficiently, effectively, and transparently. As part of our Green Alliance agenda, we will together explore ways to make the U.S. military presence more environmentally friendly.
The Realignment Roadmap issued five years ago was designed to modernize our presence by updating U.S. basing arrangements the most significant being the relocation of the Air Station Futenma. Communities that host our bases make critical contributions to Japan's security and peace in the region, but we are constantly seeking ways to reduce the impact the U.S. military activity imposes on the local populations.
The Futenma relocation plan will return land and facilities to the Okinawan people, move thousands of U.S. troops and their dependents out of the most densely populated southern part of the island, and move the air station to the less populated north. As a result, after the relocation is completed, the average citizen of Okinawa will see and hear far fewer U.S. troops and aircraft than they do today.
Finally, as our alliance grows and deepens further still, it will be important for Japan to take on even greater regional and global leadership roles that reflects its political, economic and military capacity. In the United States we are engaged in a robust debate about the size, composition and cost of our military. Even as President Obama has committed the U.S. to a strategy of engagement and cooperation with special emphasis on Asia, we will continue to maintain the military strength necessary to protect our interests, defend our allies, and deter potential adversaries from acts of aggression and intimidation. To do this we need a committed and capable security partner in Japan.
I would close by noting that the world has changed to a truly remarkable extent since our partnership was first forged. Just as no one in 1960 could have predicted the need for cyber-security or the challenges of a truly global economic order, we can't know with certainty what next threats and opportunities our nations will face.
Shortly after it was signed at the White House, President Dwight Eisenhower hailed the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security as the fulfillment of a goal to establish an indestructible partnership between our two countries. I would say that over the last 50 years we have been faithful to that vision. And whatever the next 50 years hold, I'm certain that our alliance will remain an indestructible force for stability, a pathway for promoting our shared values, and a foundation upon which to build an ever-more interconnected and peaceful international order.
Q. Thank you for today's opportunity. My name is Katsuya Nagano from the Faculty of Law. Since you mentioned about outlining common interests and sustaining and constructing the relationship with China, I would like to ask you how you are looking at the current situation of China's civilian control over its army. And I ask this question because if truly the civilian leaders, including President Hu, had no prior intel on the test flights of the stealth fighters, then doesn't that represent the opaqueness and the prominence of China's military, even within its own country, as it is to the world? Would you remind sharing your perspective?
Secretary Gates. This is an area where over the last several years we have seen some signs of—I guess I would call it a disconnect between the military and the civilian leadership. We think that the civilian leadership was not aware of the aggressive approach by Chinese ships to the U.S.'s Navy ship Impeccable two or three years ago. We think that—our information is that the civilian leadership may not have known about the anti-satellite test that was conducted about three years ago. And as I indicated yesterday, there were pretty clear indications that they were unaware of the flight test of the F-35—of the J-20, rather.
I think that part of this, based on my experience, very long experience in government, is—can be explained by bureaucratic mistakes. There have been more than a few occasions when the United States military was conducting an exercise or carrying out an activity, and not sensitive to the fact that a foreign visitor might be in Washington at the same time. But on the whole, I do think that this is something that is a worry.
And one of the reasons why I have pressed so hard for there to be a deeper, senior-level civilian-military dialogue with both civilian and military representatives from both sides, from both countries is that we have no forum right now on security issues or military issues that includes senior civilians and military. And I think that, one of the questions I was asked by the Chinese is, how do you differentiate this from all of the other mechanisms for dialogue in the military-to-military arena? And my argument back was this would be—this is—this would be the only one where senior civilians and military are sitting together. And I think that has great benefit.
And I think that—you know, I don't—I don't question the party's control of the PLA military or of the PLA. I have no doubts about the fact that President Hu Jintao is in command and in charge. But I just know from our own system at times there are disconnects between military information flowing to our civilian leaders. Frankly, this has been one of the benefits over the decades for the United States of the National Security Council and the National Security Council staff, where the civilian and military sides of the government are brought together routinely and where information about military operations is shared in detail not just with the White House, but also with the State Department. So we are tied closely together.
So I think there are opportunities in this dialogue to advance that kind of civilian-military cooperation. And I think it would also enhance military-to-military relationships.
Remarks by President Obama, March 11, 2011Footnote 3
President Obama. Good morning, everybody. Before I begin, I want to say a few words about the terrible earthquake and tsunami that struck Japan earlier today.
First and foremost, our thoughts and our prayers are with the people of Japan. This is a potentially catastrophic disaster and the images of destruction and flooding coming out of Japan are simply heartbreaking. Japan is, of course, one of our strongest and closest allies, and this morning I spoke with Prime Minister Kan. On behalf of the American people, I conveyed our deepest condolences, especially to the victims and their families, and I offered our Japanese friends whatever assistance is needed.
We currently have an aircraft carrier in Japan, and another is on its way. We also have a ship en route to the Marianas Islands to assist as needed. The Defense Department is working to account for all our military personnel in Japan. U.S. Embassy personnel in Tokyo have moved to an offsite location. And the State Department is working to account for and assist any and all American citizens who are in the country.
Tsunami warnings have been issued across the Pacific, and we've already seen initial waves from the tsunami come ashore on Guam and other U.S. territories, in Alaska and Hawaii, as well as on—along the West Coast. Here in the United States, there hasn't been any major damage so far. But we're taking this very seriously, and we are monitoring the situation very closely. FEMA is fully activated and is coordinating with state and local officials to support these regions as necessary. And let me just stress that if people are told to evacuate, do as you are told.
Today's events remind us of just how fragile life can be. Our hearts go out to our friends in Japan and across the region and we're going to stand with them as they recover and rebuild from this tragedy.
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. I'm Toshi Ogata with Asahi Shimbun, a Japanese newspaper. I have two questions on the tragedy in Japan. You already touched on the issue in your opening statement. I'd like to ask about your personal feeling on the situation. You went to Japan last year; you went to Kamakura. Now a tsunami hit the coast of Japan and waves washed away cars and houses, and Japanese people are devastated. I just want to ask about your personal thoughts and feelings on that. And secondly, you also touched on the possibility of assistance from the United States to Japan. And the Japanese government publicly said that Japan asked for help from U.S. forces in Japan. Are you ready to provide those assistance?
President Obama. The answer to your second question is yes. And so I already told Prime Minister Kan that we will provide whatever assistance that they need. My understanding is that the main assistance that we're going to be able to provide them is life capacity, the ability for us to I think help in the cleanup.
Obviously, when you have a tsunami like this as well as an earthquake, you have huge disruptions both in the infrastructure—you have boats and houses and cars that are washed into main thoroughfares, and that requires heavy equipment. And so, any assistance that we can provide, we will be providing.
I'm heartbroken by this tragedy. I think when you see what's happening in Japan you are reminded that for all our differences in culture or language or religion, that ultimately humanity is one. And when we face these kinds of natural disasters, whether it's in New Zealand or Haiti or Japan, then you think about your own family and you think how would you feel if you lost a loved one, or if your entire lifesavings were gone because of the devastation.
And the Japanese people are such close friends of ours, and I have such a close personal friendship and connection to the Japanese people—in part because I grew up in Hawaii where I was very familiar with Japanese culture—that that just makes our concerns that much more acute.
But I am very confident, though, obviously, that the Japanese people are so resourceful, Japan is such a powerful economy and such an advanced economy technologically, that Japan will successfully rebuild. And it has experience dealing with natural disasters. It has dealt with them before and will deal with them again. And Japan, I'm sure, will come back stronger than ever—hopefully with our help.
Thank you very much, everybody.
Statement by USAID Administrator Dr. Shah, March 11, 2011Footnote 4
In response to the earthquake and Tsunami in Japan, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is dispatching a Disaster Assistance Response Team (DART) and has mobilized its partners, the Fairfax County Urban Search and Rescue (USAR) Team and the Los Angeles County Search and Rescue Team. Each USAR team will be composed of approximately 72 personnel, search and rescue canines and approximately 75 tons of rescue equipment.
The USAR teams will be accompanied by USAID disaster experts who will assist with assessments of the situation.
“On behalf of the American people, I wish to convey our sympathy, thoughts and prayers to the people of Japan who have been affected by this devastating earthquake and tsunami,” said USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah. “We are working with the government of Japan to provide any assistance needed in the rescue effort as quickly as possible.” USAID will continue to provide additional support as needed.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Japanese Foreign Minister Matsumoto March 15, 2011Footnote 5
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Takeaki Matsumoto delivered these remarks in Paris, France
Q. Mr. Foreign Minister, what's the greatest need from the international community?
Foreign Minister Matsumoto. We have been already receiving a lot of assistance from the international community, but we would like to (inaudible). I much appreciate the United States Government for their assistance and also their encouragement.
Secretary Clinton. And I want to, on behalf of the United States, express both our condolence and our solidarity with the government and people of Japan. Japan is always a very generous donor to any disaster anywhere in the world, and today, the world comes together to support Japan in its hour of need. And the minister and I will be discussing a lot of the specifics that we are working on together.
Remarks by President Obama, March 17, 2011Footnote 6
President Obama. Good afternoon, everyone. Over the last several days, the American people have been both heartbroken and deeply concerned about the developments in Japan.
We've seen an earthquake and tsunami render unimaginable—an unimaginable toll of death and destruction on one of our closest friends and allies in the world. And we've seen this powerful natural disaster cause even more catastrophe through its impact on nuclear reactors that bring peaceful energy to the people of Japan.
Today, I wanted to update the American people on what we know about the situation in Japan, what we're doing to support American citizens and the safety of our own nuclear energy, and how we are helping the Japanese people contain the damage, recover and rebuild.
First, we are bringing all available resources to bear to closely monitor the situation, and to protect American citizens who may be in harm's way. Even as Japanese responders continue to do heroic work, we know that the damage to the nuclear reactors in Fukushima Daiichi plant poses a substantial risk to people who are nearby. That is why yesterday, we called for an evacuation of American citizens who are within 50 miles of the plant. This decision was based upon a careful scientific evaluation and the guidelines that we would use to keep our citizens safe here in the United States, or anywhere in the world.
Beyond this 50-mile radius, the risks do not currently call for an evacuation. But we do have a responsibility to take prudent and precautionary measures to educate those Americans who may be endangered by exposure to radiation if the situation deteriorates. That's why last night I authorized the voluntary departures of family members and dependents of U.S. officials working in northeastern Japan.
All U.S. citizens in Japan should continue to carefully monitor the situation and follow the guidance of the U.S. and Japanese governments. And those who are seeking assistance should contact our embassy and consulates, which continue to be open and operational.
Second, I know that many Americans are also worried about the potential risks to the United States. So I want to be very clear: We do not expect harmful levels of radiation to reach the United States, whether it's the West Coast, Hawaii, Alaska, or U.S. territories in the Pacific. Let me repeat that: We do not expect harmful levels of radiation to reach the West Coast, Hawaii, Alaska, or U.S. territories in the Pacific. That is the judgment of our Nuclear Regulatory Commission and many other experts.
Furthermore, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and public health experts do not recommend that people in the United States take precautionary measures beyond staying informed. And going forward, we will continue to keep the American people fully updated—because I believe that you must know what I know as President
Here at home, nuclear power is also an important part of our own energy future, along with renewable sources like wind ***[and] solar, natural gas and clean coal. Our nuclear power plants have undergone exhaustive study, and have been declared safe for any number of extreme contingencies. But when we see a crisis like the one in Japan, we have a responsibility to learn from this event, and to draw from those lessons to ensure the safety and security of our people.
That's why I've asked the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to do a comprehensive review of the safety of our domestic nuclear plants in light of the natural disaster that unfolded in Japan.
Finally, we are working aggressively to support our Japanese ally at this time of extraordinary challenge. Search and rescue teams are on the ground in Japan to help the recovery effort. A disaster assistance and response team is working to confront the aftermath of the earthquake and tsunami. The U.S. military, which has helped to ensure the security of Japan for decades, is working around the clock.
To date, we've flown hundreds of missions to support the recovery efforts, and distributed thousands of pounds of food and water to the Japanese people. We've also deployed some of our leading experts to help contain the damage at Japan's nuclear reactors. We're sharing with them expertise, equipment, and technology so that the courageous responders on the scene have the benefit of American teamwork and support.
And the American people have also opened up their hearts. Many have given generously to support the ongoing relief efforts. The Red Cross is providing assistance to help meet the immediate needs of those who've been displaced. And I would encourage anybody who wants to lend a hand to go to usaid.gov to learn more—that's usaid.gov—to find out how you can be helpful.
As I told Prime Minister Kan last night, and reaffirmed at the Japanese embassy here in Washington today, the Japanese people are not alone in this time of great trial and sorrow. Across the Pacific, they will find a hand of support extended from the United States as they get back on their feet. After all, we have an alliance that was forged more than a half century ago, and strengthened by shared interests and democratic values. Our people share ties of family, ties of culture, and ties of commerce. Our troops have served to protect Japan's shores, and our citizens have found opportunity and friendship in Japan's cities and towns.
Above all, I am confident that Japan will recover and rebuild because of the strength and spirit of the Japanese people. Over the last few days, they've opened up their homes to one another. They've shared scarce resources of food and water. They've organized shelters, provided free medical care, and looked out for their most vulnerable citizens. One man put it simply: “It's a Japanese thing. When hard times hit, we have to help each other.”
In these hard times, there remains, nevertheless, hope for the future. In one small town that had been flattened by the tsunami, emergency workers rescued a four-month-old baby who had been swept out of her parents’ arms and stranded for days among the debris. No one can say for certain just how she survived the water and the wreckage around her. There is a mystery in the course of human events.
But in the midst of economic recovery and global upheaval, disasters like this remind us of the common humanity that we share. We see it in the responders who are risking their lives at Fukushima. We show it through the help that has poured into Japan from 70 countries. And we hear it in the cries of a child, miraculously pulled from the rubble.
In the coming days, we will continue to do everything we can to ensure the safety of American citizens and the security of our sources of energy. And we will stand with the people of Japan as they contain this crisis, recover from this hardship, and rebuild their great nation.
Thanks very much.
Press Release from the Department of the Treasury, March 17, 2011Footnote 7
We, the G-7 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors, discussed the recent dramatic events in Japan and were briefed by our Japanese colleagues on the current situation and the economic and financial response put in place by the authorities.
We express our solidarity with the Japanese people in these difficult times, our readiness to provide any needed cooperation and our confidence in the resilience of the Japanese economy and financial sector.
In response to recent movements in the exchange rate of the yen associated with the tragic events in Japan, and at the request of the Japanese authorities, the authorities of the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and the European Central Bank will join with Japan, on March 18, 2011, in concerted intervention in exchange markets. As we have long stated, excess volatility and disorderly movements in exchange rates have adverse implications for economic and financial stability. We will monitor exchange markets closely and will cooperate as appropriate.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Japanese Ambassador to the United States Fujisaki March 22, 2011Footnote 8
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Ambassador Ichiro Fujisaki delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Well, it is with a very heavy heart that I come to pay my respects to the people of Japan who have endured so much in the last weeks. This has been an unprecedented disaster, but it has provoked an unprecedented show of resilience by the Japanese people and a pledge of cooperation and friendship from the American people. We will be with Japan and the people of Japan as you recover and rebuild, and we will stand with you in the months and years ahead.
And I can only express my very deep sympathy to all who have lost family members, loved ones, friends and colleagues, and can only hope that the extraordinary spirit of the Japanese people will be evidenced in every way possible to bring comfort and support to those in need. And we will be there to support you at this time. Thank you.
Ambassador Fujisaki. And Madam Secretary, just one word. Your rescue team, your forces, and your government officials have been working day and night with us, and your people, your NGOs—Red Cross and companies—extending their support to us. And this means a lot to the Japanese people, encouragement to us in such a difficult time, and as you have said, to be standing with us in this very difficult moment, we really do appreciate your friendship and solidarity, and we will never forget it. Thank you very much.
Secretary Clinton. Ambassador, it's our honor to stand with Japan. Japan's generosity to people around the world is so well known. In the midst of disasters large and small, we see the assistance that comes from the government and people of Japan. And there has been an outpouring of support now in your time of need, and it is a great symbol of our friendship, partnership, and alliance that the United States is with you and will be there. Once we get through the immediate repercussions of this double disaster, we will continue to work with you. And we have no doubt that Japan will demonstrate a great commitment to an even better future.
Ambassador Fujisaki. Yes. We will overcome this and we will come back stronger, but thank you very much for standing with us.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much.
Ambassador Fujisaki. Thank you very much.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you, Ambassador.
Excerpts of Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton in an interview with Kaho Izumitani of NHK, March 22, 2011Footnote 9
Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC
Q. On the Fukushima Daiichi plant, the ongoing situation, although it is still very concerning and it seems there is mounting frustration somewhat on the U.S. side, given the announcement advising U.S. citizens to stay 50 miles away from the nuclear plant, it seems there's a skepticism as well as frustration. Does the U.S. Government see any problems with how TEPCO and the Japanese Government are handling the situation? What more would you like to see done or would you like to see be done differently?
Secretary Clinton. Well, first let me make the point that because nothing like this has ever happened before, any of the advice or suggestions that the United States or others have made should be seen in light of our effort to try to be helpful. There is no book you can pull down from the shelf which says you have a 9.0 earthquake, a horrible tsunami, what do you do next at your nuclear reactors. And we have provided the best expert advice we know of and we've sent nuclear experts to Japan working side-by-side with your government and private sector officials.
And I think everyone is pursuing the same goal. We may have slightly different views about how to measure the danger or measure the impact, but those are not really in any way undermining the ongoing work that we're doing together. And it is such an overwhelming task to try to figure out how to handle what's going on in the reactors. So the United States has applied some of what we would do under a comparable situation, but we've never been in a comparable situation. So we're doing the best we can to offer you our expert advice, but of course, we support you in what you are doing.
Q. When you look at the U.S.-Japanese alliance, the relationship, on the Japanese side Foreign Minister Maehara resigned, and on the State Department, Mr. Maher has been replaced after the speech on Okinawa. Now, given the double disaster, the Japanese Government will probably have to concentrate on the recovery and rebuilding. Do you think this will have any effect on the alliance? Specifically, how does this reshuffling affect the prospect of the 2+2, the Okinawa base relocation issue, and Prime Minister Kan's visit to the United States?
Secretary Clinton. Well, first I think that this unprecedented disaster has produced unprecedented cooperation between our two countries. In fact, our alliance, which was already strong and enduring, has become even more so. And there is going to be a lot of work ahead of us as we support you in your recovery and rebuilding efforts.
I do not think it will in any substantive way impact on all the other areas of cooperation and work that we are doing together. It may, of course, understandably, interject some delay because the first and most important responsibility that any official in your government has is to tend to the security and the needs of the Japanese people.
But in meeting with the new foreign minister, in all of the conversations that President Obama has had with Prime Minister Kan, that others of our officials have had with their counterparts, we are committed to pursuing our relationship on every level. But we too will highlight the cooperation between us in response to your needs, because I think that's what we would do as your friend and partner and ally.
