Discussions surrounding demographic and familial transformation in contemporary China are frequently characterized by a series of linear and deterministic trajectories. These narratives typically chart a unidirectional course from population growth to decline, from a youthful to an aged society, and within the family unit, from multi-generational Confucian households to nuclear, individualistic arrangements. This set of transitions is then commonly presented as a precursor to negative socioeconomic consequences, threatening both macroeconomic vitality and micro-level social stability. The consequent policy prescriptions often mirror this linear logic, focusing on pronatalist measures to boost fertility, adjustments to the retirement age and pension systems, and cultural campaigns to reinforce traditional family values. While these trends are undeniably present, such a portrayal risks becoming a caricature, obscuring the far more complex, multi-dimensional and overlapping realities of family and population change in China.
In his timely and insightful book, Family Change and Family Policies in Contemporary China: Traditions and Transcendence, Hu Zhan masterfully moves beyond these simplistic depictions. The work offers a nuanced exploration of the intricate interplay between evolving family structures, demographic shifts, and the development of family policies across the life course. The subtitle, Traditions and Transcendence, serves as a leitmotif throughout the volume, skilfully weaving together the persistent themes of continuity and change. The overarching policy objective – constructing a coordinated elderly care system within a context of transforming families – is consistently framed by the need to uphold the cherished Chinese tradition of strong familial bonds. The book is commendably well written, employing clear, accessible language free from unnecessary jargon, and richly supplemented with well-designed figures and tables that effectively guide the reader through complex data.
The book is logically structured, beginning with a macro-level analysis before delving into specific, localized case studies and concluding with theoretical and policy-oriented reflections. Chapters two and three provide a comprehensive overview of shifting trends in family households and the living arrangements of the elderly. Primarily drawing on census data up to 2010, these chapters are particularly valuable for their discussion of newly emerging and evolving family forms. The analysis extends beyond the conventional focus on the nuclear family to explore the proliferation of dual-income-no-kid (DINK) or single-person households and, crucially, the changing composition and regional variations of three-generational households. Chapter three, focusing on ageing, transcends a basic demographic account by demonstrating the remarkable heterogeneity in the living arrangements of older persons in China. This granularity, which may surprise readers less familiar with the Chinese context, is effectively linked to emerging patterns of demand, such as the growing need for nursing home beds and specialized care services.
However, a limitation of these foundational chapters is their primary reliance on data from the 2010 census and earlier waves. Given the rapid pace of socioeconomic transformation in China over the subsequent 16 years, substantial changes at both the macro and micro levels are inevitable. Shifts are likely to have occurred in population distribution, family structure, and, perhaps most importantly, individual and societal attitudes. Consequently, an updated edition or subsequent analysis that incorporates data from the most recent census round would be immensely valuable, offering a more current picture of these dynamic trends and allowing for a robust comparison over time.
While chapters two and three paint the national picture, chapters four and five utilize survey data and interviews to focus specifically on the circumstances of Shanghai. This geographical focus allows for a detailed examination of the family life of young people, intergenerational relations, and the demand for and supply of home-based services. These chapters cover a wide array of attitudinal and behavioural factors that underpin demographic changes. They include a crucial discussion on fertility preferences, the gendered division of childcare, and the significant involvement of grandparents in caregiving. Perhaps most notably, the book offers one of the most comprehensive assessments of domestic work and caregiving within families to date, shedding light on the often-invisible labour that sustains households. The strength of this approach lies in its depth – both in terms of exploring nuanced household dynamics and in its focused geographical lens. A logical next step for this research agenda would be to systematically compare the circumstances in Shanghai, which as a global metropolis is in many ways an outlier, with other regions of China, using the wealth of available survey data to illuminate intra-national diversity.
The final two chapters, six and seven, constitute a coherent and compelling set of theoretical reflections and policy recommendations. Returning to the book’s central theme, Chapter six explicitly frames family policy as an integral component of social policy. The author argues for a holistic perspective that transcends the typical two-dimensional approaches. The recommendations are both comprehensive and forward-looking. They advocate for strengthening the top-level design of family policy, guiding the evolution of modern family ethics in a way that complements rather than contradicts tradition, and building supportive ecosystems for the sustainable development of modern families. The emphasis throughout is on viewing the family as a holistic entity. This vision is operationalized through calls for developing inclusive family policies that support low-income households, bolstering the family service industry, and investing in community construction and social organizations. These final chapters represent one of the most articulate and coherent elucidations of a Chinese vision for family policy currently available. This perspective could be further enriched by a more systematic comparative approach, situating China’s experience within regional and global discussions of social policy. Identifying both convergences and divergences with other societies would help clarify what China can learn from international models and, importantly, what unique insights the Chinese experience can offer to the global conversation.
In conclusion, Family Change and Family Policies in Contemporary China is essential reading for scholars, policymakers and students across the fields of demography, sociology, social policy and Chinese studies. Hu Zhan successfully dismantles the simplistic, linear narratives that often dominate public discourse, replacing them with a sophisticated and multi-layered account of family transformation. By presenting an array of quantitative data from different sources, and combining macro-level trends with focused local case studies, the book illuminates the profound complexities at the heart of China’s demographic and familial evolution. It is a vital resource for anyone seeking to understand not only the changes occurring within Chinese families and the population but also the crucial role of well-designed, holistic family policy in shaping the nation’s future social fabric.
