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Notes from the Editor

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 February 2004

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Although my most recent annual editorial report was published in the January issue of PS: Political Science & Politics, it seems unsafe to assume that everyone who may be interested in how things are going at the APSR will have ventured into the nether regions of PS and there chanced upon my report. Therefore, I summarize here its most salient points.

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Type
Editorial
Information
American Political Science Review , Volume 98 , Issue 1 , February 2004 , pp. iii - ix
Copyright
© 2004 by the American Political Science Association

Submissions. During 2001–2, my first year as editor of the APSR, we experienced an extraordinary surge in submissions—a rise of either 44% or 56%, depending on how submissions are counted, in a single year. As we entered Year 2, we didn't know whether that greatly enhanced manuscript flow would prove to be a one-year “spike” or would become the new norm. As it turned out, submissions showed no sign of abating during 2002–3. Indeed, they rose again, though by “only” about 8% over 2001–2. Obviously, then, the dramatic increase in submissions that we had experienced the year before wasn't a one-time occurrence. A reversion to lower submission levels would have been disappointing, but a continuation of such explosive growth would have been too much of a good thing. So I interpret the submission trend as good news.

Turnaround. Our review process continued to move at a good pace. The median elapsed time from the day we received a paper until the day I signed the decision letter to the author was 39 working days. Only rarely (certainly less than 5% of the time) did the process drag on for a period that could fairly be considered problematic.

Intellectual diversity. One of my major goals as editor has been to attract a greater variety of submissions, so that the APSR's pages are open in fact as well as in form to work representing the substantive and analytical diversity of our discipline. In this regard, what has happened can be seen from either a “half empty” or a “half full” perspective. As indicated by the relative stability of the distribution of submissions across analytical approaches and substantive fields, progress has been slow. On the other hand, consider, as a case in point, papers reporting “small-N” analyses. From 1995 through 2000, such papers accounted, on average, for just 2% of APSR submissions. In 2002–3, they constituted 5%. That probably doesn't sound like much of a change, but bear in mind that the number of submissions was much larger in 2002–3 than it had been in earlier years, so “small-N” submissions became, in effect, a larger proportion of a much larger pie. In raw numbers, whereas the APSR received, on average, only about a half-dozen “small-N” submissions per year during the 1995–2000 period, in 2002–3 we received two dozen. In terms of the likelihood that “small-N” papers would actually be published in the APSR (and they were), that is a difference that matters. More generally, given our very substantial increase in submissions across approaches and fields, we have actually made considerable progress in attracting papers that represent approaches and/or fields previously under-represented in terms of submission to, and publication in, the APSR.

Rejection rates. Of every 100 first-round decisions that I made during 2002–3, 88 were rejections based on the recommendations of reviewers and, of course, my own assessment. Two of every 100 first-round decisions took the form of notifying the author that I was unwilling to open the review process because the authorship of the paper had not been rendered sufficiently anonymous, because the paper far exceeded our length limit, or because its formatting was wildly at variance with our guidelines; in every such instance, I invited the author to fix the problem and submit a corrected version of the paper, and that invitation invariably was accepted. Less than one out of every 100 decision letters informed the author that in my judgment the paper was so inappropriate for the APSR that no purpose would be served by sending it out for review; for the 671 submissions we received, I wrote only five such letters. The remaining eight of every 100 of my first-round decisions were “positive,” in the sense of inviting the author to revise the paper for further consideration, accepting it subject to some final conditions, or accepting it unconditionally. Obviously, I spent a great deal of my time conveying bad news to authors.

I continued to make sparing use of “revise and resubmit” invitations and to resist the temptation to pile one such invitation on top of another. I never offered a second “revise and resubmit” invitation, and it was not at all common for me to reject a revised resubmission. Of all the revised resubmissions on which we completed the review process during 2002–3, more than 85% were accepted.

Compared to the distribution of submissions, the distribution of accepted papers underrepresented purely quantitative submissions while overrepresenting interpretive/conceptual ones, and it underrepresented American politics submissions while overrepresenting international relations and normative theory ones. I have no ready explanation for this pattern, but I do caution against attributing it to editorial bias against quantitative work or research on American politics—for those are precisely the categories into which most of my own work falls. Rather, I tend to regard these as one-time blips that are unlikely to recur in years to come.

IN THIS ISSUE

That brings me to the current issue, the first one to appear during 2004. We do not publish “theme” issues. Occasionally, though, several of the articles that appear in a given issue prove, more or less serendipitously, to speak to the same broad theme. This is such an occasion. I hope it is not unduly procrustean to suggest that cooperation is a prominent focus of the articles in this issue (and hence the theme of this issue's cover graphic as well), for a recurrent theme of these articles is the acting out of shared values, goals, and policies through rules, procedures, and institutions.

Cooperation is a vital element of human endeavors that involve more than one person—necessary to forming sustainable societies, choosing leaders, sustaining good citizenship, and maintaining peaceful relations with other societies. It involves more than the absence of overt conflict, which could be a product of coercion or lack of opportunity. Rather, it involves a desire to get along with others. In contrast to views of human nature that emphasize competitive and aggressive instincts, John Orbell, Tomonori Morikawa, Jason Hartwig, James Hanley, and Nicholas Allen think that getting along with others may, in effect, have been bred into us. In “‘Machiavellian’ Intelligence as a Basis for the Evolution of Cooperative Dispositions,” Orbell and his colleagues suggest that cooperative traits may be selected for in evolutionary processes based on certain cognitive mechanisms. These mechanisms underlie “Machiavellian intelligence”—the capacity to negotiate complex, competitive social environments. A fascinating simulation analysis shows how this capacity can provide an evolutionary foundation predisposing later generations to act cooperatively in ostensibly competitive settings. This evolutionary account reconciles payoff structures that seem to discourage cooperation, on the one hand, and empirical findings that indicate widespread cooperation, on the other.

Next comes an extreme case of the need for cooperation in moving a country from civil war to domestic tranquility. Political thinkers from Hobbes and Machiavelli to Huntington have deemed an authoritarian transition to be a necessary stage in the transformation from civil war to democracy. In “The Paradox of ‘Warlord’ Democracy: A Theoretical Investigation,” though, Leonard Wantchekon argues that popular government can arise more or less directly from the chaos of civil war if the warring factions depend on the citizenry for economic growth, permit elections to arbitrate the new balance of power, and defer to a neutral third party to oversee the transition. Wantchekon's multi-faceted analysis should help readers understand why, among other things, countries like El Salvador and Mozambique have been able to create new democracies, while the Sierra Leones of the world still find themselves mired in conflict.

Cooperation can be especially difficult if the parties in question cannot readily identify common grounds or find a joint stake in mutually beneficial outcomes. In an age of global immigration into formerly homogeneous European societies, Paul M. Sniderman, Louk Hagendoorn, and Markus Prior investigate the factors that provoke animosity toward ethnic minorities. Such animosities have manifested themselves in popular support for nativist political parties and policies on immigration, jobs, and crime. In “Predisposing Factors and Situational Triggers: Exclusionary Reactions to Immigrant Minorities,” Sniderman and his associates use an experimental component embedded within an otherwise-conventional opinion survey to explore the impacts of economic hardship, fear of crime, and inter-cultural differences on tension between native-born Dutch and newly arrived immigrant groups. Although this study focuses on the Netherlands, its findings seem broadly applicable to other settings where once-homogeneous populations are becoming more diversified and multicultural.

As joint endeavors in which citizens collectively choose their leaders, elections are prime political mechanisms of cooperative behavior. Three articles in this issue focus on electoral politics from various analytical perspectives. In an analysis that combines empirical, normative, and prescriptive elements, Dennis F. Thompson considers the oft-overlooked matter of timing. In “Election Time: Normative Implications of Temporal Properties of the Election Process in the United States,” Thompson highlights three characteristics of the timing of American elections that promote popular sovereignty: elections occur at regular intervals (periodicity), voters cast their ballots at the same time (simultaneity), and the outcome conclusively determines who will govern until the next election (finality). Thompson then uses these properties as standards to assess various electoral institutions. Do partisan redistricting, the use of absentee ballots, or the regulation of campaign-related spending enhance or detract from the democratic character of elections? Thompson's answers to these questions seem certain to lead readers to rethink the relationship between America's civic values and its public practices.

Continuing this focus on elections as an integral component of democratic governance, Matt A. Barreto, Gary M. Segura, and Nathan D. Woods investigate the impact of minority-majority districts. The issue motivating “The Mobilizing Effect of Majority-Minority Districts on Latino Turnout” is whether majority-minority districts, while enhancing the representation of minorities, also depress minority turnout. The idea here is that majority-minority districts may produce uncompetitive districts in which the motivation to vote wanes and may also produce political disenchantment when representation gains fail to pay off in terms of policy. If majority-minority districts actually undermine minority turnout, then minority influence on the outcome of “up-ballot” contests would be affected deleteriously. Focusing on turnout in five Southern California counties, Barreto and his colleagues show that Latinos who live in majority-minority districts are actually more likely to vote than Latinos who live elsewhere, especially as the number of embedded layers of majority-minority districts increase. This study makes a significant contribution to our understanding of this politically volatile set of issues by focusing on non-African American minority voters, and in so doing provides a firmer empirical base for policy advocates and policy makers to take into account when Congress considers reauthorizing the Voting Rights Act in 2007.

A common criticism of formal modeling is that much of it betrays little immersion in the “real world” of politics and, correspondingly, that notwithstanding their internal rigor, it is often difficult even to imagine how such models might be applied empirically or tested. Encouragingly, though, more and more attention is being devoted to empirical applications and tests of formal models. A case in point is Enriqueta Aragones and Thomas R. Palfrey's experimental analysis of how candidate quality affects election outcomes. In “The Effect of Candidate Quality on Electoral Equilibrium: An Experimental Study,” Aragones and Palfrey put their prior theoretical work to the test, and in so doing provide evidence for the striking proposition that the indirect equilibrium effects of candidate quality may be more important in determining candidates' policy positions than in producing more votes for a particular candidate.

We then turn to a panel of great political thinkers for enlightenment about how individuals do and should cooperate with others. According to Aristotle, one is a citizen when one acts as a citizen. One's status as free or slave does not depend on birth, accident, decree, or force, and is not immutable. Rather, it stems from the active and regular use of reason to make choices. Such a deliberative, active political life is the key to what Jill Frank, in “Citizens, Slaves, and Foreigners: Aristotle on Human Nature,” deems necessary to avoid the Scylla (slavery) and Charybdis (despotism) of living in a free democracy. Rethinking several assumptions about the relationship between nature and politics, Frank interprets Aristotle as holding that political institutions and norms can produce people accustomed to, and fit for, either freedom and democracy, on the one hand, or slavery and despotism, on the other. This admonition reminds modern-day democrats to be vigilant for outside threats to a vigorous and reasoned democracy, and for the internal lethargy that can undermine it.

The idea of action also runs through Laurence D. Cooper's “Between Eros and the Will to Power: Rousseau and ‘The Desire to Extend Our Being.’” According to Rousseau, the fundamental desire of, and highest good for, humans is to feel existence as much as possible. Cooper identifies this under-noticed concept of desire as central to Rousseau's moral and political philosophy. Rousseau's relevance to the ongoing debate between liberals and communitarians makes Cooper's analysis important reading for more than the relatively narrow circle of Rousseau scholars or even the broader community of political theorists.

Cooperation of a different sort than considered in the other articles in this issue is Thomas Heilke's concern in “Realism, Narrative, and Happenstance: Thucydides' Tale of Brasidas.” Heilke's point of departure is the frequently frustrating quest of scholars of international relations to develop law-like axioms and structural theories from which practically useful policy prescriptions can be generated. The key, Heilke holds, to bridging the gap and reconciling these two often-contradictory aspirations lies in constructive use of narrative. Taking his cue from Hobbes that “the narration itself doth secretly instruct the reader, and more effectually than can possibly be done by precept,” Heilke uses the Spartan general Brasidas to illustrate not just how a practitioner was affected by “vaguely defined forces,” but also how “speech and actions” of individuals come into play in a “complex contextual interaction of luck and excellence.”

Like individuals, institutions and governments must find ways to reach common goals with one another. How do they do it? In an analysis that is sure to raise eyebrows, authors Pauline Jones Luong and Erika Weinthal counterpose the contractarian view, fathered by Hobbes and more recently championed by rational choice advocates, and a coercion-based perspective that depicts strong leaders and force as the engine of change. In “Contra Coercion: Russian Tax Reform, Exogenous Shocks and Negotiated Institutional Change,” Jones Luong and Weinthal argue that Russia's new tax regime was the product of a new social contract between its largest businesses and the central government. The economic crisis that began in 1998 and crippled the Russian economy led both groups to recognize a mutuality of interests and thus to negotiate an agreement that addressed the government's needs for greater revenue streams and business' needs for tax reasonableness, simplicity, transparency and regularity. The negotiations were not “captured” by any group, nor were the outcomes dictated by a coercive leader or by concerns for international aid and investment. Rather, goaded by their earlier failures and a desire for economic recovery, bolstered on either side by the confidence-building acts, Russia's major oil concerns and its political leaders cooperated to achieve key goals.

Some similar themes recur in Christina L. Davis's “International Institutions and Issue Linkage: Building Support for Agricultural Trade Liberalization.” Why do international trade negotiations turn out the way they do? Interests and power, the usual suspects, tell only part of the story, and Davis argues that much of the action lies in the agenda, rules, and procedures that structure the negotiation. Linking agricultural and industrial issues in a supportive institutional environment, Davis finds, can effectively surmount domestic political opposition. Though specifically focused on international trade, Davis's analysis should be of interest to political scientists interested in preference aggregation, agenda setting, and the relationship between institutions and policy outcomes. For issues ranging from the price of wheat to the size of the federal budget, the ways in which agendas are shaped, rules are manipulated, and procedures formed, profoundly affect policy outcomes.

Davis's focus on trade liberalization provides a superb lead-in to Beth A. Simmons and Zachary Elkin's analysis of “The Globalization of Liberalization: Policy Diffusion in the International Political Economy.” Liberal economic ideas and policies have spread unevenly over time, in fits and starts, and across the globe, skipping over some areas and concentrating in others. What accounts for this clustering? Exploring an array of geographical, sociological, and political influences, Simmons and Elkins identify competition for capital (indicative of altered economic payoffs) and shared culture (indicative of cross-cultural learning and borrowing) as especially important factors in nations' decisions to follow the lead of their liberalizing neighbors. The implication of the “shared culture” factor in particular is that the scope of theory and research on comparative and international political economy must remain broad enough to encompass underlying cultural as well as more traditional economic considerations.

Finally, let me assure readers who experience a sensation of déjà vu when they encounter the final article in this issue that they are not hallucinating. Gary King, Christopher J.L. Murray, Joshua Salomon, and Ajay Tandon's “Enhancing the Validity and Cross-cultural Comparability of Measurement in Survey Research” was published in our November 2003 issue. Unfortunately, through no fault of the authors, that version of the article contained several important printing errors. Consequently, with apologies to Messrs. King, Murray, Salomon, and Tandon, we print the corrected version of the article in this issue. This should be regarded as the definitive version of the article, and future references to it should cite this version rather than the one printed in our last issue.

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