Joint statement on the meeting between President Obama and Kazakhstan President Nazarbayev

At their meeting on April 11 in Washington, Presidents Nazarbayev and Obama discussed strengthening the strategic partnership between the United States and Kazakhstan and pledged to intensify bilateral cooperation to promote nuclear safety and nonproliferation, regional stability in Central Asia, economic prosperity, and universal values.

Nuclear Security and Non-Proliferation: The Presidents underlined the 15-year track record of close cooperation between Kazakhstan and the United States and success in reducing nuclear threats in Kazakhstan and around the world. They share the vision of a world without nuclear weapons. The U.S. appreciates the leadership of President Nazarbayev and the contribution of Kazakhstan to nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation. The leaders noted with satisfaction the successful implementation of the Cooperative Threat Reduction program and continued cooperation, including on the decommissioning of the BN-350 nuclear reactor at Aktau and the construction of a central reference laboratory in Almaty. Cooperation also proceeds on the conversion of the research reactor in Alatau and the elimination of highly enriched uranium stored there, as called for in the Nuclear Security Summit Communiqué.

President Obama thanked President Nazarbayev for his offer to host an International Nuclear Fuel Bank and expressed his support for Kazakhstan's intention to become a member of the IAEA Board of Governors.

Kazakhstan is eager to speed up the mutually agreed work at the former nuclear test site in Kazakhstan in support of President Obama's speech in Prague, which called for accelerated action to secure vulnerable nuclear materials.

Afghanistan: The Presidents highlighted their shared understanding of the common threats and challenges posed by the situation in Afghanistan.

President Obama expressed appreciation for Kazakhstan's humanitarian, economic and educational support for the Afghan people, including the decision by the Government of Kazakhstan to contribute $50 million dollars to a new program to educate Afghans at Kazakh universities. The Presidents discussed ways to enhance Kazakhstan's critical role in the Northern Distribution Network and welcomed a new bilateral agreement enabling U.S. cargo flights across Kazakhstan.

Investment and Trade: Recognizing Kazakhstan's achievements in social and economic development the United States will continue to support the development of a diversified economy in Kazakhstan through the Program for Economic Development and the Kazakhstan-U.S. Public Private Economic Partnership Initiative.

The Presidents positively assessed the current state of bilateral economic relations. They agreed to redouble efforts to complete Kazakhstan's WTO accession and support the work of the Central Asia Trade and Investment Framework Agreement.

The Presidents reconfirmed the importance of the long-term energy partnership between the two countries. The United States welcomed Kazakhstan's emergence as the top global uranium producer as an important development for diversification of global energy supply.

The United States and Kazakhstan expressed their intention to enhance cooperation on nuclear energy and development of alternative energy resources. The leaders took positive note of the signing of the bilateral Science and Technology Agreement, which will increase scientific cooperation and exchanges.

The parties will encourage large-scale bilateral commercial cooperation in agriculture that can make a significant contribution to the U.S. and UN initiatives on global food security.

U.S.-Kazakhstan Bilateral Consultation: The Presidents welcomed the first session of annual bilateral consultations on March 8-9, 2010 in Washington D.C. The purpose of the new forum is to advance all the dimensions of the bilateral relationship, including security and nonproliferation cooperation, universal values, and our economic and energy partnership.

Democracy: The United States encouraged Kazakhstan to implement its forward looking 2009—2012 National Human Rights Action Plan and 2010—2020 Legal Concept. The United States will continue to support the Kazakhstan Government's efforts to liberalize its media and democratize its political system, including through legal reform.

Enhancing Contacts between Our Societies: President Obama and President Nazarbayev underlined the importance of strengthening contacts between American and Kazakh civil societies, including NGOs, religious groups, and educational institutions. President Nazarbayev welcomed President Obama's Cairo Speech and outreach to the Muslim world. The Presidents emphasized the important role of religious freedom and tolerance in developing stable societies and declared their support of Kazakhstan's relevant efforts as 2010 Chairman of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and 2011 Chairman of the Council of Foreign Ministers of the Organization of the Islamic Conference.

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE): President Obama underlined the historic significance of Kazakhstan's OSCE Chairmanship, the first time a former republic of the Soviet Union has chaired the OSCE. The Presidents discussed Kazakhstan's OSCE Chairmanship and its proposal to host an OSCE Summit. They noted positively Kazakhstan's initiative to promote greater OSCE engagement in Afghanistan, to hold a Review Conference in Kazakhstan on Implementation of Commitments in the Human Dimension, and to advance the Corfu process. The U.S. and Kazakhstan agreed to work on developing a substantive agenda for an OSCE Summit.

President Nursultan Nazarbayev invited President Barack Obama to visit Kazakhstan at his convenience. The invitation was received with appreciation.

Deputy Secretary Jacob Lew and Administrator Rajiv Shah delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Deputy Secretary Lew. Very productive trip over the last week. I started in Pakistan and then moved on to Afghanistan. In Pakistan, my meetings, both with our team at the Embassy and with ministers in the Pakistani Government, was really focused on our civilian program there, the coordination with the Pakistani ministers, and following up on the main themes of the Strategic Dialogue, particularly in the area of economic development and energy.

For—the place where Raj and I overlapped was in Afghanistan at the ROC drill, the Rehearsal of Concept, where it was an all-hands meeting for the civilian and military leadership to go over—with General Petraeus and Ambassador Holbrooke chairing—all of the major regional and functional activities in Afghanistan. And I must say that it left one with an overwhelming sense that we've made tremendous progress in the last year, putting together a truly integrated coordinated civilian-military plan. And truly coordinated means not just between the U.S. civilians and the U.S. military, but with our international partners, and most importantly, with the Government of Afghanistan. Participating in this ROC drill were the Afghan ministers and some of the most important insights that we got from the sessions were from their interactions.

As with any exercise like this, the real reason is to make sure everything is aligned and to do mid-course corrections, and there will be some mid-course corrections where things we learned at the ROC drill help us to accomplish the goal.

In addition to the ROC drill, I had extensive meetings with our team in Kabul and with the ministers there to make sure that our assistance program which, as you all know, is quite a large one, is being implemented effectively and to make sure that it's really driving the priorities of the Government of Afghanistan and strengthening the capacity of the Government of Afghanistan.

In addition to the meetings, I had the opportunity to take a trip outside of Kabul again. And I went to Marjah and, as he'll describe in a few minutes, Raj went to Arghandab, which is outside of Kandahar, so between us we got a pretty good sense of what's going on on the ground in a place where we've just had a militaryclearing operation, in the case of Marjah, and in a place where it's still shaping the environment for a clearing operation in Arghandab.

In Marjah, when I was able to walk through the streets and see that there is the formation of civilian authorities locally led, prepared to distribute agricultural materials, to deal with getting social services set up. There is an increasing sense of security. There are still challenges in that that area. And one really did have the sense from the reaction to our civilian presence there that having civilians there at the very beginning makes all the difference in the world in terms of the effectiveness of the transition from a clear to a hold phase.

I also was able to go to Herat. And in Herat, we have a consulate that's about to open later in the year, so I was there partially to see how much—how we're making progress towards that end, but also to appear at a marble conference. Now, you might ask, why does the Deputy Secretary of State go to a marble conference in Herat? It's kind of a sign of what the future for Afghanistan should look like. They have enormous mineral wealth. Marble is one of the minerals that they have—

Q. Those little marbles.

Deputy Secretary Lew. Not little marbles; we're talking about the kind of marbles you put on the sides of buildings and things like that. And there were hundreds of people from around the region coming to this marble conference which will help to develop the natural resource economy of Afghanistan.

And leaving the session, the governor of Herat gave me a little gift, a little container of saffron. Saffron, as I think probably most of you know, by weight is the most expensive spice that you could get. But more importantly, is way more valuable than poppy in terms of its crop value. And it was kind of symbolic of the transition in the Afghan agricultural economy.

Last thought I would like to make and then turn it over to Raj, I had an extraordinary dinner Wednesday night with a number of the ministers from the Afghanistan Government. I was sitting between Ashraf Ghani on one side and Omar Zakhilwal, the finance minister, on the other, and it was an extraordinarily interesting evening both in terms of the leadership, demonstrated the intellectual equality. And sitting there between these two leaders of a country that has so much ground to catch up in so many ways, one was left with such a strong impression, at the same time, that there were extraordinary leaders there, who, frankly, were on par or above the leaders of many countries that are considered highly developed. That doesn't mean there's not a lot of work to do, but leadership does matter, and it was very heartening.

Raj.

Administrator Shah. The opportunity to travel to Arghandab, which is just outside of Kandahar, really reinforced many things we're saying. I saw a strong civilian and military cooperation, especially at that outpost—a combined effort of providing agricultural vouchers to local farmers working to improve the irrigation system in that area, helping to improve some of the road infrastructure. Those things have really made a difference. So in an area that covered about 35,000 people east of the river there, you now see a lush agricultural environment.

We visited pomegranate orchards and other environments where people are excited to be participating in a vibrant local agricultural economy. And from a security perspective, I think everyone acknowledged that from September onward, when this program really accelerated, they all feel more secure and our own military reports an improvement in the security situation in that context. So that's—it's a good example of how, when we work together, things can work. And it does leave people hopeful for a brighter future.

The Afghan First policy, which has been an important priority for the Secretary and the President, has been also in effect. It's an effort to really try to procure services locally and to build local Afghan institutions as we implement the assistance package. To give you a sense of the transformation in that area between—really, inside of a year, our USAID-related assistance has gone from hiring 3,000 Afghan employees in full-time jobs to hiring more than 26,000. A big part of that increase is a transition to larger infrastructure investments, which are more employment-rich in their execution. But nevertheless, it's an important transition, I think one that is recognized and appreciated by the Afghan people and their institutions.

Finally, in Afghanistan, I had the chance to sign a memorandum of understanding to establish a district delivery program, which will help both improve local governance in districts throughout Afghanistan, and just as important, the people who lead those efforts in local district governments will have the opportunity to highlight for us how we can target our assistance in a way that's clear with their priorities. So in accomplishing both of those objectives, it tries to take forward a real sense of shared program.

In Pakistan, I would just highlight that one really got the sense that the strategic dialogue that was so visible at a very high level with Secretary Clinton and Minister Qureshi leading it here in the United States a few weeks ago is very real from their perspective and ours in Pakistan. I was extraordinarily impressed being able to go to several different ministries and meet with civil society leaders and implementing partners. The degree to which people were thinking about a shared partnership and really working to adjust our programmatic efforts to align with guidance and feedback from the Pakistani Government and from Pakistani institutions, and that they have been very rigorous in really setting clear priorities and engaging in a different kind of conversation about what kinds of projects to pursue and where.

Fundamental to that, we heard a few things that we're trying to act on. First and foremost, really shifting the assistance program to focus more on energy, water, and agriculture, and larger-scale, really more transformational types of investments that could take us all where we want to go so that 10 or 20 years from now, you could look back and say you started to see these big increases in agricultural value added and productivity because of unique things that were done now.

Second is similarly focusing on investing in Pakistani institutions and making sure, as we spend resources there, we're building the kinds of accountability and monitoring mechanisms so that we can track resources very, very carefully and ensure taxpayer dollars are spent well. But we can also build real longstanding Pakistani institutional capacity. As you know, this is a country with a tremendous amount of scientific leadership, private sector and public sector capacity. There are important areas where we need to build on what they have, but in a large country—more than, I think, 160 million people—there are real opportunities.

And finally, I'd highlight that we heard the need to work urgently and aggressively in some of the contested areas in FATA and Swat where the Pakistani military has been engaged in an active operation. And I'm happy with the progress we're making in that area, whether USAID implementing partners and a range of other partners, including local institutions, are taking real risks to be there and provide services and provide a long-term economic vision, again, based on agriculture, some of the natural resources and mining opportunities, and a range of other thoughts especially related to irrigation that could be transformative for those regions.

And I'll conclude just by saying in both places and consistent with the Secretary's strong leadership, we took efforts to meet with leaders who—women and girls who are civil society experts or parliamentarians, and we will continue to take steps to make sure our assistance portfolio really hones in on and protects and supports the capacity of women and girls in both societies.

So, thank you.

Mr. Crowley. We'll start with Sue.

Q. This is for the Deputy Secretary. I'm particularly interested in how the government in a box concept worked in Marjah. You spoke about some incourse corrections and building up capacity of the government is so important, and that course is part of the (inaudible). So what were your general sort of impressions as to how that worked? Where do you need to make adjustments, and—because that was a model for Kandahar and other regions?

Deputy Secretary Lew. So let me start with what was working. You walk through Marjah and there is a building that is a provisional center of government. There are tents which are working tents that are set up to distribute benefits under things like the agricultural programs. And there is—very quickly; this is only 60-some days into the operation in Marjah—quickly developing a capacity for local Afghans to run programs. I think that one of the things that I took away from it was that the logistical and infrastructure issues are real. There needs to be enough capacity for people to come in and work and sleep and kind of just life support because traveling between places is still very difficult even after in the case of Marjah, the town of Marjah is a relatively secure place.

I think that going forward, there will probably be—there was an emphasis on that; there will be an even greater emphasis on advanced planning in that regard. I think it's—there will be a lot of lessons learned from Marjah going into Kandahar, but Kandahar is obviously a big city. So it's not going to be exactly the same. What Raj was describing in terms of the activity already going on in the Kandahar area is an advance of significant military undertaking. So the sequence of events will be different in different places, but I think some of these lessons learned will apply across the different areas.

Q. Charley Keyes, CNN. A question to Dr. Shah. Please, sir, hoping for your reaction to the General Accounting Office report on U.S. aid to the federally administered tribal areas. That report said gaps in planning, performance, and monitoring documentation make it impossible for the United States to accurately assess the status of assistance. Your reaction to that? And how do you reassure U.S. taxpayers when we're talking about billions of dollars?

Administrator Shah. Well, I appreciate that question. I also appreciate the report. I mean, we generally concur with the report's findings and believe that we can be more effective at putting in place mechanisms that allow us to track and monitor resources. That's really been the work that's been underway over the past seven or eight months, especially in FATA and with the reconstruction organization PARSA—I believe is what it's called— that is the joint effort that will partner with the World Bank trust fund that's been set up and with a number of other donors. It's going to be very important—and the report highlights why it's so important— to make sure that we have a financial disbursement mechanism that is clear and transparent and allows for that kind of monitoring.

I will say there are a couple of observations I had from the trip that I don't think are reflected in the report in as much depth. One is the security situation there does make it harder—and we just have to recognize this—for either our own staff or, more likely, actually, local partners to be out there visiting and monitoring. We know we have to do that and our staff is eager to do it, but they are—but it puts them at great risk, and you've seen what's happened in the last few weeks with—in Peshawar with some of the unfortunate incidents.

So I think we just have to be cognizant of how do we resolve the challenge that's been articulated in a difficult security environment. And there might be some unique things we can do to do that—using technology to improve feedback and connectivity, having a more structured and secure approach to monitoring that would leverage some of the Pakistani military's ability to provide security to Pakistan locals and nationals that go out on monitoring and evaluation exercises, but in a coordinated way. So we're working to address that, but I think that is a real issue.

President Barack Obama and President Hamid Karzai delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

President Obama. Good morning, everybody. Please be seated. I am very pleased to welcome President Karzai back to the White House. And I also want to welcome the President's delegation—including ministers from across his government— whose presence speaks to the broad and deepening strategic partnership between the United States and Afghanistan.

This visit is an opportunity to return the hospitality that President Karzai showed me during my recent visit to Afghanistan. That included a wonderful Afghan dinner that the President shared with us, and where we were joined by members of his delegation. So, Mr. President, thank you and welcome to the United States.

More importantly, this visit is an opportunity for us to assess the progress of our shared strategy in Afghanistan, and to advance the strong partnership between our two nations, one that's based on mutual interest and mutual respect.

I have reaffirmed the commitment of the United States to an Afghanistan that is stable, strong and prosperous. Afghans are a proud people who have suffered and sacrificed greatly because of their determination to shape their own destiny.

There is no denying the progress that the Afghan people have made in recent years—in education, in health care and economic development, as I saw in the lights across Kabul when I landed—lights that would not have been visible just a few years earlier.

Nor, however, can we deny the very serious challenges still facing Afghanistan. After 30 years of war, Afghanistan still faces daily challenges in delivering basic services and security to its people while confronting a brutal insurgency.

Whether Afghanistan succeeds in this effort will have consequences for the United States and consequences for the entire world. As we've seen in recent plots here in the United States, al Qaeda and its extremist allies continue to plot in the border regions between Afghanistan and Pakistan. And a growing Taliban insurgency could mean an even larger safe haven for al Qaeda and its affiliates.

So today, we are reaffirming our shared goal: to disrupt, dismantle and defeat al Qaeda and its extremist allies in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future. And we are reviewing the progress of our shared strategy and objectives: a military effort to reverse the Taliban's momentum and to strengthen Afghanistan's capacity to provide for their own security; a civilian effort to promote good governance and development; and regional cooperation, including with Pakistan, because our strategy has to succeed on both sides of the border.

Just over half of the additional military forces that I ordered to Afghanistan in December have now arrived, with the remainder due by this summer. As part of our 46-nation coalition, allies and partners have increased their commitments as well. We're partnering with Afghan and coalition forces, and we've begun to reverse the momentum of the insurgency. We have taken the fight to the Taliban in Helmand Province, pushed them out of their stronghold in Marja, and are working to give Afghans the opportunity to reclaim their communities.

We've taken extraordinary measures to avoid civilian casualties. And I reiterated in my meeting with President Karzai that the United States will continue to work with our Afghan and international partners to do everything in our power to avoid actions that harm the Afghan people. After all, it's the Afghan people we are working to protect from the Taliban, which is responsible for the vast majority of innocent civilian deaths.

Meanwhile, the training and development of Afghan security forces continues so that they can begin to take the lead in security next year. Towards this end, we're working with the Afghan government and our allies on a broader framework to guide the transition of responsibility for security, development and governance in Afghan provinces. I've also reaffirmed that the United States is committed to transferring responsibility for detention facilities to the Afghan government.

To support the second part of our strategy—the civilian effort—more American diplomats and experts are now on the ground and are partnering with their Afghan counterparts. In his inaugural address, and at the London Conference, President Karzai committed to making good governance a top priority. And I want to acknowledge the progress that has been made, including strengthening anticorruption efforts, improving governance at provincial and district levels, and progress towards credible parliamentary elections later this year. Of course, President Karzai and I both acknowledge that much more work needs to be done.

I also welcomed President Karzai's commitment to take additional steps that can improve the lives of the Afghan people in concrete ways, especially with regard to the rule of law, agricultural production, economic growth, and the delivery of basic services. I pledged America's continued support for these efforts, and I've asked Secretary Clinton to lead an American delegation to this summer's Kabul Conference, where the Afghan government will be presenting concrete plans to implement the President's commitments.

On the related subject of Afghan-led peace and reconciliation efforts, I appreciated the President sharing his plans for the upcoming consultative peace jirga—an important milestone that America supports. In addition, the United States supports the efforts of the Afghan government to open the door to Taliban who cut their ties to al Qaeda, abandon violence, and accept the Afghan constitution, including respect for human rights. And I look forward to a continued dialogue with our Afghan partners on these efforts.

In support of the final part of our strategy—a regional approach—we discussed the importance of Afghanistan's neighbors supporting Afghan sovereignty and security. I was pleased to host President Karzai and President Zardari of Pakistan together here at the White House a year ago, and our trilateral cooperation will continue. Indeed, Pakistan's major offensive against extremist sanctuaries and our blows against the leadership of al Qaeda and its affiliates advance the security of Pakistanis, Afghans, and Americans alike.

Finally, as we pursue our shared strategy to defeat al Qaeda, I'm pleased that our two countries are working to broaden our strategic partnership over the long term. Even as we begin to transition security responsibility to Afghans over the next year, we will sustain a robust commitment in Afghanistan going forward. And the presence here today of so many leaders from both our governments underscores how we can partner across a full range of areas—including development and agriculture, education and health, rule of law and women's rights.

Together, we can unleash Afghanistan's vast potential. For example, I was pleased to welcome several remarkable Afghan women to our recent Entrepreneurship Summit here in Washington. And I look forward to formalizing a new strategic partnership between our countries later this year, and to deepening the lasting friendship between our people.

As I've said on numerous occasions, there are many difficult days ahead in Afghanistan. We face a determined and ruthless enemy. But we go forward with confidence because we have something that our adversaries do not—we have a commitment to seek a future of justice and peace and opportunity for the Afghan people. And we have the courage and resolve of men and women, from Afghanistan and our international coalition, who are determined to help Afghans realize that future.

And as I did at Bagram during my visit, I especially want to acknowledge the extraordinary sacrifices that are being made by American troops and civilians in Afghanistan every single day.

Our solidarity today sends a unmistakable message to those who would stand in the way of Afghanistan's progress. They may threaten and murder innocent people, but we will work to protect the Afghan people. They will try to destroy, but we will continue to help build Afghan capacity and allow Afghans to take responsibility for their country. They will try to drive us apart, but we will partner with the Afghan people for the long term—toward a future of greater security, prosperity, justice and progress. And I'm absolutely convinced we will succeed.

That is the work that we have advanced today. And I again want to thank our partners, President Karzai and his delegation, for the progress we have made and can continue to make in the months and years ahead.

President Karzai.

President Karzai. Thank you, Mr. President. I'm very grateful, Mr. President, for the kind hospitality that you and your team offered during our—this visit to the United States. As always, you have been gracious and kind and very hospitable.

We began our visit the day before yesterday with an informal dinner with Secretary Clinton and Secretary Gates. And we, yesterday, had at the State Department with Secretary Clinton an extremely fruitful meeting of the groups of Afghan ministries and their counterparts in the U.S. government, outlining the progress we have made in the past several years and our aspirations for the future and our common objectives towards the future as we travel along.

Mr. President, I, yesterday, had the honor of visiting Walter Reed hospital, where I visited with the wounded who had returned from Afghanistan and from Iraq. It was a very difficult moment for me, Mr. President, to meet with a young man— very, very young man—who had lost two arms and legs. It was heart-rend[]ing, and there were other wounded, too, just like I have seen in Afghanistan.

This shows the commitment that the United States has to bringing security to Afghanistan and, by extension, to the United States and the rest of the world, and the difficult task that we have ahead of us in securing our future generations a better and more secure life.

Mr. President, I thank you again for the excellent meeting this morning in which President Obama and I discussed the entire structure of Afghan-American relationship; the issues that we have together inside Afghanistan; the progress that we have made together; the campaign that still is going on against terrorism; the successes of the past years which are numerous and great, for which I, again, express gratitude on behalf of the Afghan people to the American people and to you, Mr. President.

And I also thanked President Obama for adding considerable resources to the success in Afghanistan on becoming the President of the United States, for which, Mr. President, I convey the gratitude of the Afghan people. And I can reassure you that we will work with dedication and extreme care to have those resources spent well and in place for a better future for the Afghan people.

We also discussed during our meeting this morning the Afghan-American strategic partnership and the relations towards the future beyond the successes that we will certainly gain against terrorism; the issues related to the region and Afghanistan; Afghanistan's difficulties and concerns with regard to capacity, institution building, the build-up of the Afghan security forces, the Afghan economy, the issues of agriculture and energy, and all those issues of developmental importance to Afghanistan, for which the

United States is putting in considerable resources.

We also discussed the peace process and the upcoming peace consultative jirga in Kabul, for which, Mr. President, I am grateful to you for your support and very kind advice. We also discussed the parliamentary elections, the upcoming parliamentary elections in Afghanistan, and the Kabul Conference. We discussed in quite detail and in a very frank and productive manner the issues of protection of civilians and judicial—with respect to the judicial independence of Afghanistan.

I found it very happy for me to convey back to the Afghan people that I found a very supportive voice from President Obama on these accounts. And I'm very glad to report to you that we'll be setting up a team of our senior advisers to work out the exact timelines of the transfer of detention centers to the Afghan government, which I consider to be a major point of progress in our conversations.

Mr. President, I once again would like to convey to you and to the people of the United States our deep, heartfelt gratitude to the help that America has provided Afghanistan. Because of that, it is once again on the world map in a significantly impartial way. Our flag is flying all around the world. We are present in all the important occasions. We once again have a voice as the people of Afghanistan. And this would have not been possible without the sacrifices and the resources that the United States and our other allies have put in.

Afghanistan is grateful. Afghanistan will definitely, with your help, succeed toward the future. There are of course issues that are still of concern to all of us. We have shortcomings in Afghanistan still. Afghanistan is still a very, very poor country. The work that we have done promises a better future for all of us, and Afghanistan will assure you, Mr. President, that it will take the right steps in bringing a better government to Afghanistan for the benefit of the Afghan people and in partnership with the United States of America.

I thank you once again, Mr. President, for the tremendous hospitality.

President Obama. Thank you. We've got time for two questions from the U.S. press, two questions from the Afghan press. And so I will start with Mark Knoller of CBS Radio. Where's Mark?

Q. Right here, sir.

President Obama. There he is. Good to see you, Mark.

Q. Thanks. Gentlemen, it sounds from your statements as though you've been able to put aside the tensions and frictions that were in evidence a month or so ago. Can you tell us if you discussed those concerns that were raised at that time? And have you figured out how the relationship may have come off the tracks?

President Obama. With respect to perceived tensions between the U.S. government and the Afghan government, let me begin by saying a lot of them were simply overstated. When I came into office, I made it absolutely clear that I intended to resource an effective strategy in Afghanistan and work with the Afghan government so that we have a strong, stable, prosperous Afghanistan. And I've used whatever political capital I have to make the case to the American people that this is in our national security interest, that it's absolutely critical that we succeed on this mission.

President Karzai agrees that we have to deal with the extremists that are disrupting life in Afghanistan. And our strategic approach has been entirely consistent.

Now, obviously, there are going to be tensions in such a complicated, difficult environment, and a—in a situation in which on the ground, both Afghans and Americans are making enormous sacrifices.

We've had very frank discussions, and President Karzai agrees with me that we can't win through a military strategy alone; that we're going to have to make sure that we have effective governance, capacity-building, economic development in order for us to succeed.

And I think that what we discussed this morning is a recognition on both sides that this transformation is not going to happen overnight; that a country that's come out of 30 years of war and dire poverty is not going to suddenly changeacross the board. Our job is to be a good friend and to be frank with President Karzai in saying here's where we think we've got to put more effort. President Karzai's job is to represent his country and insist that its sovereignty is properly respected, even as he goes about the hard task of bringing about these changes in both his government and his economy.

And so I am very comfortable with the strong efforts that President Karzai has made thus far. And I think that we both agree that we're going to have to make more efforts in the future. And there are going to be setbacks; there are going to be times where our governments disagree on a particular tactic. But what I'm very confident about is, is that we share a broad strategy, one that I hope we can memorialize in a declaration by the end of this year.

President Karzai. Sir, the relationship between Afghanistan and the United States is now into its 10th year, in the form that it has since September 11, 2001. It's not an imaginary relationship; it's a real relationship. It's based on some very hard and difficult realities. We are in a campaign against terrorism together. There are days that we are happy; there are days that we are not happy. It's a mutual relationship towards a common objective.

And definitely days have come in which we have had a difference of opinion, and indefinitely days in the future will come in which we have difference of opinion. But the relationship between the two governments and the two nations is strong and well-rooted, and has endured the past 10 years of extreme activity on both sides.

So I believe what you saw in the past few months is reflective of a deep and strong relationship. In that sort of relationship, as President Obama rightly described, there are moments that we speak frankly to each other and that frankness will only add to the strength of the relationship and contribute to the successes that we have.

The bottom line is that we are much more strongly related to each other today than we ever were before in this relationship. And that is a good message that I will take back to the Afghan people the day after tomorrow.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. With the thousands of U.S. troops and billions of dollars in aid that still pour into Afghanistan, can you talk to the American people and give us a sense of where we stand, how close we are to winning this war in Afghanistan, and whether or not you'll be able to meet your goal of pulling out the majority of U.S. troops by July of 2011?

And to President Karzai, is there anything that you can do, your government or your people, to maintain that deadline, that endgame of July 2011? And have you found your meetings with Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to be helpful or hurtful in your relationship with the Obama administration? Thank you.

President Obama. Well, Suzanne, first of all let's be clear about what July 2011 represents. What I have said is, is that having put in more troops over the last several months in order to break the momentum of the Taliban, that beginning in 2011, July, we will start bringing those troops down and turning over more and more responsibility to Afghan security forces that we are building up.

But we are not suddenly, as of July 2011, finished with Afghanistan. In fact, to the contrary, part of what I've tried to emphasize to President Karzai and the Afghan people, but also to the American people, is this is a long-term partnership that is not simply defined by our military presence.

I am confident that we're going to be able to reduce our troop strength in Afghanistan starting in July 2011, and I am in constant discussions with General McChrystal, as well as Ambassador Eikenberry, about the execution of that time frame. But after July 2011, we are still going to have an interest in making sure that Afghanistan is secure, that economic development is taking place, that good governance is being promoted. And so we're going to still be putting in resources and we're still going to be a friend to the Afghan people in their efforts to stabilize. So that's something I want to make absolutely clear.

Now, to the American people, I think what they should know is, is that we are steadily making progress. It's not overnight, it's not going to be instant, but the sacrifices of those young people that President Karzai visited in Walter Reed, those sacrifices result over time in more and more of Afghanistan being under the control of the Afghan government and our friend and ally, President Karzai, and less and less under the control of the Taliban.

As I indicated in my opening remarks, this is not just going to be a military solution. And so through the peace jirga that President Karzai is organizing, through the Kabul Conference that sends a strong message about the Afghan government's commitment to rule of law and good governance and human rights and women's rights—through all those mechanisms, more and more, the Afghan people start feeling confident in the Afghan government. And as their confidence in the Afghan government grows, their fear of the Taliban weakens.

And we are confident that that approach that has a strong military component to it, that is mindful of the enormous sacrifices that our troops and their families are making—that component is critical, but these other components are going to be critical, as well. And if we marry those two approaches, then we are optimistic about success.

But there are going to be ups and downs. And one thing that I've tried to emphasize is the fact that there's going to be some hard fighting over the next several months. The fact that we are engaging—you look at a place like Marja—the Taliban controlled that area. And when you move in and you say, you're not controlling this area anymore, they're going to fight back. And they're tough and they're going to fight. But what you're seeing, not only have we succeeded in driving the Taliban out of Marja, but it also is a model of the partnership between U.S. forces and Afghan forces.

And so you're starting to see Afghan government forces, battle-ready, toughened, getting more experience. That then helps us to execute a transition so that more and more Afghan forces are able to take the lead. But this is going to be—this is going to be taking some time.

One last point I want to make—because President Karzai referred to the issue of civilian casualties, the Afghan journalist asked about it—let me be very clear about what I told President Karzai. When thereis a civilian casualty, that is not just a political problem for me. I am ultimately accountable, just as General McChrystal is accountable, for somebody who is not on the battlefield who got killed. And that something that I have to carry with me, and that anybody who is involved in a military operation has to carry with them.

And so we do not take that lightly. We have an interest in reducing civilian casualties not because it's a problem for President Karzai; we have an interest in reducing civilian casualties because I don't want civilians killed.

President Karzai. Yes.

President Obama. And we are going to do everything we can to prevent that.

Now, war is tough and difficult, and mistakes are going to be made. And our troops put themselves at risk oftentimes in order to reduce civilian casualties. They will take a chance often in a field of battle where they're trying to deal with uncertain information, and they're not sure whether that's an attack coming or not, or which house these shots are being fired from. And because of General McChrystal's direction, oftentimes they're holding fire, they're hesitating, they're being cautious about how they operate, even though it would be safer for them to go ahead and just take these locations out, because part of what the American military stands for is that we distinguish between civilians and combatants—something, by the way, that our enemies do not do. And that puts us more at risk and it makes it more difficult, but that's a burden that we're willing to bear.

But I want everybody to be clear, especially the Afghan people. I take no pleasure in hearing a report that a civilian has been killed. That's not why I ran for President. That's not why I'm Commander-InChief. That's not why our young men and women sign up. That's not why they sacrifice in the ways that President Karzai saw they sacrifice when they were in Walter Reed. And we are going to work together as assiduously as we can to make sure that those civilian casualties are reduced, even as we try to accomplish a mission, and even as we are reminding ourselves constantly that the overwhelming majority of civilian casualties in Afghanistan are as a consequence of terrorist acts by the Taliban.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, first, let me welcome the Minister of Labor, Social Affairs, Martyrs and the Disabled, Minister Afzali. Let me welcome the acting Minister of Health, Dr. Dalil. And let me welcome the Director of Gender and Human Rights in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ms. Osman.

I am delighted to be meeting with these women because the Afghan Government has made very important contributions and commitments to the dialogue between our two countries. And at every step along the way, the roles and rights of women has been remembered and included. We know that women are central to long-term stability and our strategy to promote security, good governance, and economic and social development inside Afghanistan.

The United States will continue to target assistance to women in areas ranging from girls’ education, to better health services, particularly maternal health, to protecting women from violence, to enhancing their roles in agriculture and the economy. I appreciate the fact that many women in Afghanistan are concerned about what reintegration and reconciliation will mean for them. It is essential—I have said this in London, I have said this in the United States, I will say this again at the Kabul conference—it is essential that women's rights and women's opportunities are not sacrificed or trampled on in the reconciliation process. I pledged to President Karzai that we would not abandon Afghanistan in its quest for peace and long-term stability, and we will not.

And I make the same pledge to the women of Afghanistan. We will not abandon you. We will stand with you always. I am so impressed and admiring of the contributions that women have made in all of Afghanistan's history, but particularly in recent history and especially in the last years. And I will be their partner and their supporter as they continue to make improvements in their lives and the lives of their children and families. Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister G.L. Peiris delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. I am delighted to welcome Dr. Peiris here to the State Department. I first met him 15 years ago when I was in Colombo, Sri Lanka. And it is a great pleasure to have the opportunity to discuss Sri Lanka's efforts to rebuild after more than two decades of violence and terrorist activity that have deprived the Sri Lankan people of the progress they deserve. Dr. Peiris is a capable, experienced public servant whose leadership is helping to move Sri Lanka toward renewal and reconciliation and, we hope, to greater peace, prosperity, and security for the future.

The United States has long been a friend of Sri Lanka. Our countries share a history of democratic institutions, and we have an active USAID program that has invested more than $1.9 billion in Sri Lanka since 1956 and is currently helping to create new opportunities for people who were displaced by the conflict.

Since the LTTE terrorist group was defeated one year ago, USAID has rebuilt or repaired seven schools and a hospital damaged by the conflict, launched public-private partnerships in northern and eastern Sri Lanka to create the equivalent of 5,000 full-time jobs in former conflict zones, supported work training for young people to spur economic development, and provided extensive aid and assistance to internally displaced people seeking to return home. The United States will continue to provide Sri Lanka with humanitarian and de-mining assistance to help heal the wounds of war and bring lasting peace and prosperity to the country.

As part of this effort, the minister and I discussed Sri Lanka's Reconciliation Commission. The United States strongly supports political and ethnic reconciliation in Sri Lanka. Such commissions of inquiry have played an important role in advancing accountability and redressing wrongs in other countries emerging from periods of internal strife. Sri Lanka's commission should apply the best practices from these other commissions and should have the mandate to investigate any allegations of war crimes.

We also discussed the issue of internally displaced persons with the minister. There has been tremendous progress and many thousands and thousands of such internally displaced persons have returned home. And we discussed the need to continue the safe, dignified and voluntary return to homes. Sri Lanka has made progress, and we will continue to support efforts to safeguard the rights of IDPs and complete their relocation.

After decades of LTTE rule in the north, the Sri Lankan Government is committed to re-establishing democracy. I was very pleased by the briefing I received from the minister about the many steps that are being taken to return to democratic order. Sri Lanka will remain a strong, united country by drawing on the strength of all of its citizens, valuing the diversity of its people, and ensuring equal rights for everyone.

So once again, I want to thank Minister Peiris for our productive discussion today and commend him for his commitment to the reconciliation process. The United States pledges our continued support to Sri Lanka, and wishes the Sri Lankan people and the government success in this very challenging but important work ahead.

Mr. Minister.

Minister Peiris. Let me begin by thanking Secretary Clinton very sincerely for her initiative in inviting me here to the State Department at this very critical juncture in our country's contemporary history.

It's a time of great promise and hope for Sri Lanka. New vistas of opportunity are opening up in every sector of life in my country. Today, we have two singular advantages. One is an honorable and enduring peace consequent upon the eradication of terrorism. The second strength we have is an unprecedented degree of political stability which the country has not achieved during the last 25 years. As Secretary Clinton pointed out, we are proud of the tremendous progress that we have made during the short space of one year.

With regard to the resettlement of internally displaced people, an excruciatingly difficult problem, we were not really well equipped to handle it at the time we were called upon to do so unexpectedly. We have been able to resettle people in their natural habitat. But we have not been content with that. It is not a question of just resettling people physically, but we want to ensure a restoration of livelihoods so that they're able to live their lives with dignity without bitterness or rancor. That's very essential.

The other challenge, of course, was the reactivation of the electoral process which had been dormant for a long period because of the turbulence in that part of the country. And there is a need today for political space to be provided for the emergence of a legitimate democratic Tamil leadership, particularly at the local government level, because the LTTE had destroyed the leaders of the Tamil community just as much as they had annihilated the leaders of other communities.

And one of our principal challenges in Sri Lanka is to revive, to strengthen, institutions of democracy. And now that the country is returning to normal, I expressed President Mahinda Rajapaksa's thanks to Hillary Clinton for the steps that have been taken by the State Department to remove the Travel Warning on Sri Lanka that is a recognition of the improvement, the basic (inaudible) improvement of the security situation.

The government went to parliament just three weeks ago to remove more than 70 percent of the emergency regulations under which the country had been governed for as long a period as almost five years, and this demonstrates the political resolve of the government to expunge these regulations as soon as possible, not to apply them for one moment longer than they are necessary. We believe, Madam, that there is a strong correlation between economic contentment and political motivation. As we move forward towards a political motivation as we move forward towards a political resolution of the country, we want to ensure that the people of those areas live with a sense of dignity and well being. So these are some of the challenges that we are facing in our country at present, and this is the trajectory that we envision for the future.

We have, in Sri Lanka, a very committed, courageous political leadership that is capable of grappling with these problems. And we look forward to a multidimensional relationship with the United States on the lines of what is envisioned in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee report of Senator John Kerry and Senator Lugar, who have called for a broadening and a deepening of the relationship between our two counties at this time. I think there's a role for American companies to come in and to participate vigorously in the rebuilding of infrastructure, in the resuscitation of democratic institutions. All of this is possible and we look forward, Madam, to a rich and deep relationship with the United States in the new and exciting situation, which has arisen in my country.

Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much, Minister.

Mr. Crowley. We have time for questions (inaudible).

Q. My question is for both of you and it concerns the reconciliation commission that Sri Lanka is setting up. Human rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, today basically said that the parameters of this commission are much too narrow and that there really should be an independent international investigation of the alleged war crimes that occurred at the—in the last month of the war. And I just wonder what your reflections are on that.

Secretary Clinton. Well, the United States supports the creation of the reconciliation commission. It's a commission on lessons learned and reconciliation. The end of the conflict in Sri Lanka is, as the minister said, a promising opportunity to move forward on ensuring greater respect for the human rights of all Sri Lankans.

Experience in other countries has shown that such a commission that has the credibility and legitimacy within the country has a valuable role in advancing accountability. And we are very supportive of the approach taken by the Sri Lankans. We, of course, will continue to work with them and to observe this commission. We expect that it will be given a broad enough mandate with the resources necessary to be able to follow the trail of any evidence that is presented.

It is especially important that commission members be and are perceived as being independent, impartial, and competent. And the minister has told me in our meeting that that's exactly the kind of people that are being appointed to this commission. We expect that the mandate will enable them to fully investigate serious allegations of violations and to make public recommendations that commission members and potential witnesses must enjoy adequate and effective protection, and the commission must be able to work with the governments so that the government will give due consideration to the recommendations. And we expect that this commission will reflect the desires and needs of the citizens of Sri Lanka who were, after all, the primary victims of this long and terrible conflict.

I think that the steps that have been taken by the Sri Lankan Government are commendable, and we are supporting that effort. The minister and I talked about the continuing role of the United Nations, which intends to have an independent oversight role. But I think that this commission holds promise and we hope and expect that it will fulfill that promise.

Minister Peiris. Well, I think the point of the (inaudible) is the observation by Secretary Clinton that the paramount consideration is the needs and the priorities of the people of Sri Lanka. Commissions of this nature have made a useful contribution to healing processes in other parts of the world, in post-conflict scenarios. But the focus has to be on the local culture, on the local situation.

So it is our firm conviction that the commission which has been set up in Sri Lanka consisting of the people of stature and independence with a mandate that is broad enough to address the critical issues—the mandate specifically empowers the commission to give their minds to these issues. Adequate financial resources have been placed at the disposal of the commission, and the commission enjoys a broad measure of public support within Sri Lanka, which is a decisive consideration.

So our plea is that we be given the space to allow the commission to begin its work without impediment or without hindrance. And certainly, along the road, if we feel that there is a need for support, then we would certainly be happy to engage in a dialogue with the United Nations to get the benefit of the wisdom and the experience of the United Nations.

But we think that at the start, the commission must be given every encouragement to set about its work, and there must be a presumption that it is going to succeed. We must begin on that note. It's going to succeed. We want it to succeed. And we want all our friends abroad to support us vigorously and unreservedly in that endeavor.

Mr. Crowley. We'll go to Charley (inaudible).

Q. Madam Secretary, thank you. So many eyes today on the oil spill, and we know there have been some offers of assistance from other countries. From where you stand, from your perspective, do you want more offers of assistance? And are you disappointed that more hasn't been accepted by the United States and the oil company, as so many people in the United States are clamoring for more booms, et cetera? And also, what message do you have to America's neighbors who may experience the ill effects of the spill?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Charley, the United States Government is working every second of every minute to mitigate the effects of this terrible oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico. We are very grateful for the generous offers of assistance that we've received from 17 countries and the European Union, including the European Maritime Safety Agency, the environment unit of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and the United Nations Environment Program, and the International Maritime Organization.

Countries from all over the world have offered general assistance and then some have made very specific offers, including experts in various aspects of oil spill impacts, research, and technical expertise and equipment, including booms, dispersants, oil pumps and skimmers. And we are very thankful for all of these efforts. The U.S. Coast Guard, which is the lead agency in the U.S. Government's response efforts, continues to monitor developments, evaluate specific needs, assess offers of assistance, and determine our response.

While no offers of direct material assistance have been required by the United States Government thus far, we have accepted and are grateful for assistance in the form of notification regarding the spill sent by the International Maritime Organization to its member states and coordination of EU offers of assistance. And BP has accepted boom and skimmers offered by the governments of Mexico and Norway in coordination with the Unified Area Command. We are in very close, constant communication with other countries that border the Gulf.

This is just a terrible environmental disaster and we are working very hard with all of our partners to try to contain it, prevent further damage. But because of the extraordinary nature of this particular disaster, it is taking some time to fully bring to bear all of the material that is needed. But as the President said yesterday, this is the highest priority from the President on down to every federal government representative that is in the Gulf trying to work to mitigate the impact. But we are, as I said in the beginning, very grateful for the concern and the offers from our partners and friends around the world.

Mr. Crowley. Thank you very much.

Q. Madam Secretary, are you sending that (inaudible) to Sri Lanka for humanitarian aid?

Secretary Clinton. We are continuing to provide to humanitarian aid to Sri Lanka. We are doing so as a part of our very long partnership with Sri Lanka. And we support the Sri Lankan Government's efforts to expedite the delivery of such humanitarian assistance. As I said, the number of internally displaced persons has dropped dramatically. We are still providing humanitarian assistance to those who remain in the camps, but we're moving far beyond that to repair schools, to help with infrastructure, to create jobs.

So the emergency humanitarian aid has moved to be broader than just the immediate necessities because, as the minister has said, we agree with the Government of Sri Lanka that it is not enough merely to return people to their homes. We have to help them recreate livelihoods, we have to rebuild and repair schools, we have to provide the necessities of life to the people who are returning after this conflict finally ended, and help the Sri Lankan Government and the people of Sri Lanka build a firm foundation for peace, security, and prosperity.

Q. Madam Secretary—

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. Thank you all.

President Obama delivered these remarks in Washington, D.C. at the U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue Reception

President Obama. Now, it's been said— and Hillary alluded to this—that there are two kinds of people in the world—those who do the work and those who take the credit. There's a corollary to the saying: Try to be in the first group because there's much less competition. It's a lot less crowded.

Well, Prime Minister Singh and I are very proud to take credit for our two nations forging an unprecedented partnership through this Strategic Dialogue. But tonight I wanted to come by and express my gratitude to all of you—not only Secretary Clinton and Minister Krishna, but also everybody in attendance, who are actually doing the hard work of advancing the goals that Prime Minister Singh and I set forward in our bilateral meetings.

The new National Security Strategy that I released last week makes this absolutely clear: A fundamental pillar of America's comprehensive engagement with the world involves deepening our cooperation with 21st century centers of influence— and that includes India.

Moreover, the relationship between the United States and India is fundamentally unique—because, as our strategy explains, we share common interests, but we also share common values, as the world's two largest democracies, and as countries that are rich in diversity, with deep and close connections among our people.

In other words, the United States values our partnership not because of where India is on a map, but because of what we share and where we can go together. India is indispensable to the future that we seek—a future of security and prosperity for all nations. That's why a third of my Cabinet has already visited India—not only for the chapatis. That is why officials from across my administration are part of this Strategic Dialogue. That's why I want to thank you for the progress that we've made together since Prime Minister Singh's visit.

We're deepening our economic cooperation—on finance and investment and the trade that creates jobs in both of our countries. And I look forward to working with Prime Minister Singh and our fellow G20 partners this month in Toronto as we work to foster economic growth that is both balanced and sustained.

With our agreement on fuel reprocessing, we're moving ahead with our civil nuclear agreement. We're expanding our Green Partnership to promote green buildings, energy efficiency and the sustainable development that creates jobs and reduces poverty. And as we strive to implement our Copenhagen commitments, we'll be working together to ensure a successful climate conference in Mexico later this year.

We're cooperating more closely than ever before against transnational threats. This includes, as Minister Krishna alluded to, making progress for the Afghan people and preventing terrorism, whether it's in Manhattan or in Mumbai. It includes securing vulnerable nuclear materials, a goal we advanced at our Nuclear Security Summit, where I thanked Prime Minister Singh for committing India to building a new center of excellence for nuclear energy and security. And our efforts include a stronger global nonproliferation regime where all nations live up to their obligations.

We're broadening partnerships between our people, especially in science, technology and global health. More students are taking advantage of our expanded Fulbright-Nehru program. We're working to expand ties between our universities and community colleges. And we're partnering on agriculture and research to reduce global hunger and to share India's incredible progress with other countries.

Finally, as global partners, we're going to sustain this momentum at the highest levels. During his state visit, the Prime Minister graciously invited me and my family to visit India this year, and I happily accepted. And as I confirmed to him when we spoke last week, I am delighted to announce tonight that I plan to visit India in early November. I look forward to advancing our partnership, to experiencing all that India and its people and its incredible ancient culture have to offer—and I intend to create an “Obama Platter.”

As I look ahead to my visit, I've got another quote that matches up pretty well with Mark Twain's. There's a scholar from Europe who traveled to India more than a century ago, and he said, “Whatever sphere of the human mind you may select for your special study, whether it be language, or religion, or mythology, or philosophy, whether it be law or customs, primitive art or science, you have to go to India.” Because, he said, “some of the most valuable and instructive material of the history of man are treasured up in India and India only.”

So when it comes to the sphere of our work—building a future of greater prosperity, opportunity and security for our people, there is no doubt: I have to go to India. But even more, I am proud to go to India, and I look forward to the history that we will make together—progress that will be treasured not just by this generation but by generations to come.

Thank you very much, everybody.

Secretary Hillary Clinton published this op-ed, titled “Partnership of Democracies,” in the Times of India

This week, a delegation from India's government arrived in Washington for the first-ever strategic dialogue between India and the United States. This was no routine meeting. It was the culmination of years of intensive engagement between our countries engagement that will grow even deeper as we confront the urgent global, regional and local challenges of this era.

India is the world's largest democracy, one of its fastest growing economies and a rising power in Asia and beyond. It has vibrant democratic institutions, a free press, robust civil society, an innovative private sector and tens of millions of citizens whose talents have yet to be fully realised. It is also a model of democratic development that has lifted millions of people out of poverty by widening access to the tools of opportunity education, healthcare, food, water and jobs.

India's rise is a defining storyline of early 21st century. And as President Barack Obama has said, India is an indispensible partner to the US. Given the complexity of the challenges we face and the values we share, the US-India partnership is critical to our mutual progress.

Through our strategic dialogue, we are expanding our cooperation on global issues on which India can and must play a leading role, including climate change, nuclear nonproliferation and food security. Already, India has taken important steps. Last year, it helped shape the Copenhagen Accord and pledged to lower its greenhouse gas emissions intensity by up to 25 per cent by 2020. During Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to Washington in November, he and President Obama launched the partnership to advance clean energy, to bring Indian and American scientists together to develop and deploy technologies that reduce our dependence on fossil fuels.

Our nations are advancing global security by working together on counterterrorism and nuclear nonproliferation, building on the US-India civilian nuclear cooperation initiative. At the nuclear security summit in April, Prime Minister Singh announced that India will create a Global Centre for Nuclear Energy Partnership to train scientists from other countries in nuclear safety an important contribution to our common security and to achieving a world free of nuclear weapons.

India and the US are also working together on the challenge of global hunger and food insecurity. Fifty years ago, India's Green Revolution saved millions of lives and transformed India's economy. A similar transformation is needed today in other parts of the world, especially Africa. Indian and American scientists are developing new seeds and pesticides to boost crop yields, which will save lives and lift farmers’ fortunes including in India's rural regions.

Meanwhile, India is as an anchor of stability and economic growth in Asia. Its leadership will be critical to solving regional challenges most urgently, securing Afghanistan's future. India, the US and countries worldwide have a stake in a stable Afghanistan. India has provided $1.3 billion in assistance to Afghanistan; India is building the new parliament building; and Indian and American groups are working together to help Afghan engineers bring 24-hour electricity to Kabul.

India is an Asian power, and a secure, prosperous Asia is critical to a secure, prosperous world. The US wants to work with India to create an open and inclusive regional architecture that makes it possible for all countries in Asia to rise and prosper. Toward that vision, we are called to promote trade, protect vital sea lanes and respond to natural disasters.

Apart from our cooperation on global and regional issues, the US also remains committed to a strong bilateral relationship with India, built on the ties that connect our governments, private sectors, civil societies, universities and citizens.

One example is education. More than 100,000 Indian students study in the US. We want an equal number of Americans to study at Indian universities, and for the educational partnerships between our nations to expand. To that end, we have nearly tripled the number of Fulbright-Nehru Fellowship scholars during the last two years. The new Obama-Singh 21st Century Knowledge Initiative will build partnerships between Indian and American universities. And India is now poised to undertake a significant educational reform: allowing foreign universities to open campuses in India.

Our economic and financial partnerships are also growing, helping India move closer to its development goals. To deepen these ties, Washington and New Delhi are called to emulate the entrepreneurial spirit of Manhattan and Mumbai by reducing barriers to trade and investment, which will open markets and create jobs in both countries.

The relationship between India and the US goes back generations and has enriched the lives of millions of our people. Today, our partnership of democracies is shaping the world of the 21st century. Together, we can achieve great things for our citizens and for people everywhere. This is our opportunity and our responsibility.

Secretary Robert Gates delivered these remarks while en route to London, United Kingdom

Secretary Gates. All set?

Staff. Okay, guys.

Secretary Gates. Obviously, talked in Azerbaijan about seeing how we can strengthen this relationship. They play an important part in Afghanistan, not only in terms of the troops that they have there, and also a civilian presence, but as a— ground transportation and allowing overflights. And since 2001-2002, there've been literally tens of thousands of those overflights, so it was partly to express appreciation for that; talk about ways we can further expand our bilateral military-to-military relationship. We talked about the Caspian maritime security situation, what we might be able to do. We've already helped them there with several tens of millions of dollars, boats and— radars and capabilities. We looked at more exercises. We looked at additional things we could do together—intelligence sharing and so on. They obviously were very concerned about the lack of progress on Nagorno-Karabakh, and I said that I would carry that message back to Secretary Clinton.

And all in all, I would say it was a very positive visit and, I think, set the stage for further expansion of the relationship. We will have a bilateral defense consultation next month where I think a lot of the things that we discussed will be put on the table and perhaps fleshed out.

I gave him a list of seven or eight things, including the things I've just talked about, that we might work—use as a working program in that respect. So that was basically the essence of it.

We talked a bit about Iran, a little bit about Russia. These guys clearly live in a rough neighborhood. And I told them at the same time how much the international community appreciated what they were doing to help everybody in Afghanistan. So, with that

Q. The sacking of the Interior minister in Afghanistan and the head of intelligence, these are two people that the U.S. considered useful partners. Are you concerned about this—their sacking? Do you support it? And then, does it raise larger questions about the whole reconciliation effort?

Secretary Gates. I don't think it raises questions about the reconciliation effort. And, you know, it's obviously an internal matter for the Afghans. I serve at the pleasure of the president. There were some bombings associated with the peace jirga, and it may be that there was a need for accountability in that respect. But, you know, we have—we have a number of capable ministers that we're working with, and I would just hope that President Karzai will appoint in the place of those who have left people of equal caliber.

Secretary Robert Gates and Secretary Liam Fox delivered these remarks in London, United Kingdom

Secretary Fox. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. It's my tremendous pleasure to welcome Secretary Gates to London today. We've spent a few days in Singapore. We had a good number of preliminary meetings.

Today we've managed to carry on the conversations that we began there. We've had a very wide range of discussions on a wide range of issues. We talked about Afghanistan and how we both remain mutually committed to success in Afghanistan.

We talked about the forthcoming British Defence and Security Review. I've been looking for a few tips from the secretary about how it was done in the United States. And we face many of the same problems of budgetary constraints, but at a time of deteriorating, internationally, security positions.

We talked about NATO reform. We will both be attending the NATO meeting over the next few days, and we're very committed, again, to the process of reform within NATO.

We talked about the United Kingdom's independent nuclear deterrence and the willingness of the new government and their determination to see that we go ahead with a continuous at sea minimum credible British nuclear deterrence.

And we have been discussing the issue of Iran. Iran is a subject that we discussed widely at Singapore. We have a number of worries about how that situation is developing.

We see the problems in Iran as being threefold. First of all, we worry about the nature of the region itself. We seem to be watching an increasingly militarized state with a hard-line, theocratic head of state, something that is not replicated anywhere else.

Secondly, we've seen the willingness of Iran to use its power to destabilize its neighbors. We've seen it happening in Iraq; we've seen it happening in Afghanistan. We don't want to see it happening in the wider region. We don't want to see the export of terror to any other parts of the region or the globe.

And thirdly, I think the overwhelming fear we have is that if Iran is to become a nuclear-weapon state, it may well be the end of NPT [Nuclear Proliferation Treaty] as we know it. And after all the sacrifice that both our countries made getting us to the end of the Cold War, limiting nuclear proliferation and having just celebrated last year 20 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall, we surely want to do more than leave the next generation a legacy of a new nuclear arms race in the world's most unstable region.

So we do not have our problems to look for. We recognize that there are a range of very difficult issues in security regionally and internationally that we would want to share with—but we have the tremendous comfort of the strong and enduring relationship between our two countries. When Winston Churchill first spoke back in Fulton, Missouri, about the special relationship, he did it as a wartime leader, someone who understood the military and intelligence implications of that relationship. It wasn't some dewy-eyed, gooey, Disneyesque love-in. It was a hard-headed assessment of the national interests of both countries.

And we have been discussing that special relationship very much in terms of the national security imperatives for both countries. And I have to say that it has been a wide-ranging, very friendly, and extraordinarily productive set of discussions we've had.

So you are extremely welcome— (inaudible).

Secretary Gates. Thank you, Liam.

It's a pleasure to be back in London to confer with the new leadership of one of our oldest and closest allies. The relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom is based on profound cultural and historic ties that stretch back generations and transcend any political moment or political party.

This truth was evident in my meeting yesterday with the prime minister and my working lunch today with Defence Secretary Fox.

In conversations with Dr. Fox over the last month I've been impressed by his understanding of the myriad security challenges we face, from the mission in Afghanistan to Iran and North Korea, to the threat of terrorism which has, unfortunately, touched both our shores.

Today we talked at length about his vision for the British Armed Forces and the upcoming Strategic British Defence and Security Review. The U.S. Department of Defense is grappling with many of the same dilemmas as we look forward to an era of fiscal austerity, even as the strategic landscape continues to evolve.

On a related topic, Defence Secretary Fox and I both expressed our desire to see serious and far-reaching reforms at NATO, something we will take up together at the defense ministers meeting in Brussels later this week.

I was also very interested to hear Dr. Fox's views on his recent trip to Afghanistan. Right now, 9,500 British troops are demonstrating incredible courage on the battlefields of southern Afghanistan.

I told Dr. Fox how much we in America appreciate this nation's leadership in this effort, and I offered my condolences for the nearly 300 British troops who have been lost in the conflict, including several just this week. To paraphrase a poet from the Great War, the British fighting men and women have more than done their bit and they've had their share.

So too have other coalition troops, a point driven home by the terrible losses we suffered just yesterday, including six American soldiers, two U.S. Marines, and two Australian soldiers. Even as we mourn all these fallen heroes and pray for their families, we stand in awe of their valor and their service.

Throughout the long years of this unique alliance, the United States and Britain have fought side by side and endured many shared sacrifices. Along with our European partners, we have made common cause against dictators, tyrants and virulent ideologies seeking to destroy the foundations of the free world. And we've expended untold amounts of blood and treasure to unite Europe and protect the values upon which our societies are built.

Today, as we face new challenges in a new century, I am confident that this special relationship will be, as it has been in the past, the bedrock alliance of partners guaranteeing a peaceful and prosperous future.

Dr. Fox, Liam, thank you again for hosting me, and thank you for your nation's steadfast friendship over many, many years.

Secretary Fox. Thank you very much, Bob. Thank you so much for those kind, hugely appreciated words.

Q. This is for both of you. President Obama has spoken of starting to draw down forces in Afghanistan in the middle of next year. There's a sense some NATO members could keep there after the exit.

Will we really stay there for as long as it takes? How will we know when Afghanistan is stable enough to leave? Just how crucial is success in Kandahar this summer to all that?

Secretary Fox. Well, I can take the first point.

When the prime minister asked me to take on this job, the first question I asked myself was should we be in Afghanistan? I've seen the human cost to our armed forces themselves, the sacrifices that they're making. And when I did ask the question. The answer had to be, of course, yes.

I still believe that there's a national security imperative. I believe that we cannot afford Afghanistan to lapse back into a failed state, which will create a security vacuum which will contaminate the region and possibly well beyond it.

I also believe that we need to look after the wider security interests in the region, see it as a regional problem and, obviously, with the potential problems with Pakistan and across the border. So I think we do have an obligation there in terms of wider security interests.

How committed are we? Well, we're committed to see it through to resolution. And by that I mean creating a stable enough Afghanistan to manage its own internal and external security, which is why the NATO training mission is of such importance and why again we will be emphasizing the importance of that and the potentially increased contributions from NATO members to that at the Summit.

And I think that we need to be very clear that the—we do not wish to be in Afghanistan any longer than we have to, to fulfill the conditions that we set ourselves. We want the government of Afghanistan to be by the Afghans, for the Afghans. And our aim is to see a transition from where we are now to a position where the Afghan authorities can maintain the security of their own country and we can leave, but leave behind a peaceful legacy, rather than a threat.

Secretary Gates. What President Obama has made clear is that July 2011 is the beginning of a process of transition. How fast that transition proceeds will depend on the conditions on the ground and—as will the pacing of any withdrawals of alliance forces.

I think one of the important messages that we tried to communicate during President Karzai's visit to Washington, and that I think is important for all of us to communicate, is that we intend, as an alliance and as a large group of nations, to be Afghanistan's partner for a very long time into the future.

Our belief is that beginning in July 2011 the nature of that relationship will begin to transition to fewer military forces and more civilian forces, more development, more contributions to trying to build an Afghan economy—the kind of developmental relationship that many of us have with a number of developing states around the world.

Part of the challenge that we face in Afghanistan is, frankly, the fact that after the Soviets were driven out in 1988, we in the United States and others basically abandoned Afghanistan, walked away from it. And the result was, a few years later, the takeover of the Taliban.

Every measure that we have is that the—shows that the Taliban are immensely unpopular in Afghanistan. Perhaps 10 percent of the Afghan people want to see a return of the Taliban. But they do have enormous capabilities in terms of intimidation and terror.

And so what our mission is about is creating a security environment in which the Afghans can govern themselves and move into the future. The key is convincing the Afghan people that not necessarily with 150,000 foreign troops but with our commitment of resources and effort we will continue to partner with them far into the future.

So I think the key here is that July 2011 is the beginning of the transition, and that that will be conditions based.

General Stanley A. McChrystal delievered these remarks at the NATO Headquarters in Brussels

General McChrystal. As you know, a year ago to the day is the day I came to Brussels on my way out to Afghanistan. We stopped here with part of the team. I went—been back here, I think, four times since then into Brussels, and not a heck of a lot has changed in Brussels. But I will tell you, in Afghanistan in the last year a lot has changed. And so I want to give you a sense of that.

So I think it's important that we look back a little bit in the year to see what we've done, because it is critical to where we are going. And I'll give you some perspective on where we're going and how we assess that progress.

If you look back in the last year—I'm not going to try to tell you that everything changed day to day, because it does not do that way, but over the course of the year it's been pretty significant. As you remember, we began it with an exhaustive assessment that was directed by the secretary general and our secretary of Defense.

We refined our strategy. We made some difficult resource decisions. We overhauled our approach to how we were going about operations. We retooled how we developed the Afghan National Security Forces. They are the strategic main effort, and they're key to the long-term stability in the country. Their growth is on track. We're ahead of the plan, I should say.

A year ago there were about 150,000 total Afghan National Security Forces. Today there are 230,000. That's a significant growth in a 12-month period. In 18 months, that 12 plus the next six months, we will have equaled the growth of the last seven years. So you see the pace has accelerated.

But numbers certainly don't tell the entire story there. It's about quality. Quality, we think, has improved through partnering. We talk about operating our forces at every level together. A year ago there were almost no partnered units in the sense that we define partnering now. Today about 85 percent of the Afghan National Army has real partnerships, as I go around the battlefield, at COPs (combat outposts) and FOBs (forward operating bases). That's what we push. That's what we see. And where we do it, we see it very, very effective.

It's effective for our forces as well. It makes us better, as well as, we believe, helping mature the ANA. They're still a force in development, though, and it will take many years for them to reach the kinds of professionalism that we would expect of American military forces. But we are many, many years into that.

The Afghan National Police, we all know, is still challenged. It is lacking of trained forces. And it, in many cases, doesn't have as much trust of the populace as a police force must have. And we recognize those challenges and are working to improve.

Last year we had a greater than 400 percent increase in officer training for the Afghan National Police; again, leadership being a key foundation. A year ago, few police even had formal training. If you remember, we had a recruit-deploy-train model. Today only about 50 percent of them have had formal training, but that's significantly up from 12 months ago. And we are now in a recruit-train-deploy model, and we are going back to pick up deployed police as well. That will take time, but that has a significant impact.

In the operational campaign, as you're aware, the main effort's in the south. During the past year we've focused in particular on Helmand. A year ago, the Taliban owned most of the central Helmand River Valley. You remember in early July we started putting forces down there to augment the small number that had been there. And they don't own the Helmand River Valley anymore. There are still challenges. There is still violence. It is by no means a completely secure area. But a year ago, when they owned it, is starkly different from what exists now.

We also changed how we operate over the last year. I was unsatisfied with the structure and the unity of command that we had. Today we've unified that. We've created some subordinate commands; the Joint Command General Rodriguez commands. We've stood up JTF 435 and some others. And we've tied our efforts closer with the civilian side and more integrated than in the past, and I'm happy with that progress.

A year ago, close air support was a leading cause of civilian casualties, and we focused on that. And today it's down, and Afghans see that. And some of the feedback I get from Afghans is appreciation for that. We still have more to do to try to bring civilian casualties, by all measures, as low as we can. But we've made real progress in parts of that.

A year ago we were in the detentionbusiness and we really didn't have a plan for transitioning that to the Afghans. Today the deputy commander of our Joint Task Force 435 is an Afghan officer, and we're on track to hand over all detention operations at the defense—or the detention facility in Parwan to Afghans in January 2011. That will constitute all our detention operations.

Other things we don't talk about much is special operating forces. We had about a third a year ago of what we have now. In the last 90 days, we've captured or killed 121 Taliban leaders around the country. Now, even in a population-centric COIN campaign, you must have all the aspects. You must have that part to target key enemy leaders. You must also have that part which protects the population; and then, of course, the critical governance and development parts. But this is a significant piece of what we're doing.

In the regional dynamic, there's been significant improvement in our cooperation with Pakistan. We've established new border coordination centers. We've renewed the tripartite conference structure that we used. And we've increased and improved relationships at all levels with their forces primarily.

It's an important year that brought us to an important point in time. And I think it's put us in a position to make progress, and they were necessary actions. And I think the year ahead will be critical.

Now, where are we headed in Helmand? A year ago we talked about—last July we started by putting Marine forces as far south as Khan Neshin in the north, and many of you have seen that. In February, we increased that with forces in Nad'Ali (a district west of the Helmand Province) and the Marja area.

Where we've been the longest, we see the most progress. We see progress everywhere, but it's still incomplete. It'll take time, and it'll require us to consolidate gains. And importantly, it will require our Afghan partners to be part of that at each step of the way, both the police, army, and then, of course, those governance and development aspects as they rebuild Afghan control of an area that they essentially have not had control for a number of years.

In Kandahar, a year ago we couldn't do the kind of effort we have already started around Kandahar today. We've begun extensive planning and shaping operations, and that's ongoing. Our force uplift is expanding our ability to secure and clear. And security forces continue to arrive.

A year ago there were about 7,300 total forces in Kandahar city and the environs, and those are the key districts contiguous to the city. By August of this year, by the end of August, we'll have about 20,300 forces in that same area, so almost three times as many as we had a year ago.

The president of Afghanistan is going to conduct another in a series of shuras in Kandahar in the next few days. I'll be there with him. And he'll be focusing on all things to improve in Kandahar—security, governance, reducing corruption, increasing capacity of Afghan governance there and development.

We also will be looking at contracting reform, private security companies, and what we can do to help with land disputes, because, as we you know, they underlie many of the problems.

In reconciliation and reintegration, last year there was—in the last year there has been progress in that area in terms of developing concepts and developing a program which the Afghan government has signed out, implementing guidance for their reintegration program.

In the recent consultative peace jirga, that represented an event in that process to bring national consensus to it, and I think it was an important step to explain and bring the Afghan people toward that, toward more inclusive governance and bringing dialogue on reintegration back. And I think they gathered the thoughts of the people and got the mandate that they wanted to move forward in those programs.

Transition to Afghan leadership in areas; a year ago, transition was not really being discussed seriously or worked hard. In the next year, we envision that it will begin. You heard in the president's inauguration speech in November his dedication to establishing Afghan sovereignty in as many areas as he can, as rapidly as he can.

We think that the leadership of the NATO secretary general will be key on this, and we'll be working towards meaningful and credible transition, which we think is important. We view it as a process, not an event, which enables Afghan ownership and reinforces Afghan sovereignty. And it puts Afghans in the lead and responsible for their future.

I don't think that it immediately reduces the requirement for international-community support of differing kinds, based upon the conditions in each area. Some areas it will be security assistance. In some areas it will be less military and it will be more based on help with governance and development. We must remain committed to Afghan stability and sovereignty as we move through this.

Now, how do we assess the campaign progress in Afghanistan? We've got a very detailed process we are going through. We focus on three major areas: GIRoA (Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan) capacity, Afghan National Security Force growth and development, and then the security situation, which necessarily means protecting the population but also degrading the insurgency.

All three show signs of progress. It is slow, but it's positive. It varies from region to region. And in areas where we have operated, it typically reflects how long effective counterinsurgency efforts have been applied. Sometimes that progress is modest, but I think it's important that the perception of insurgency, the insurgency having momentum, is reversing.

There are going to be tough days ahead. Violence is up, and I think violence will continue to rise, particularly over the summer months. It's necessary we roll back Taliban influence as we move towards increased security in the future.

Afghan confidence is improving, and they are a courageous and resilient people. But they have been at war for 31 years or they have been impacted by violence for 31 years, and that's significant. They want a better future. And I think that we're setting conditions for them to shape their future. Progress won't show every day, but it will show over time, week by week and month by month, and it will be evident.

And thank you, and I'm prepared to take your questions.

Q. How will you know when a particular unit or the army as a whole is ready to take on security for itself?

General McChrystal. One of the things that helps us is the partnering program, where we are operating with each Afghan National Army force; as we say, “shana ba shana,” “shoulder to shoulder.” You see them very closely, and so you see what they're good at, you see what they're not good at, and you can help them develop. And so I think it gives us, which we run through the IJC (ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) Joint Command), an effective way to measure. And we have a process for measuring the effectiveness of units as we go forward.

Q. I'm sorry. Can you just say, like, two things what that process is? What do you measure?

General McChrystal. Yeah. You can start with some numbers. How many people do they have? How much equipment do they have? How many people have been trained? But we also build into that subjective assessments by our commanders that say, “How well have they operated? How will do they operate partnered? How well do they operate independently?” And so there's a combination.

If we just go with objective measures, it just doesn't capture some of the key intangibles like leadership.

Q. General, that was a relatively upbeat description you gave at the beginning, certainly compared to what we heard a year ago about what was going on in Afghanistan.

Yesterday Secretary Gates said that by the end of this year you'll need to show progress, that we're no longer in a stalemate. Are we in a stalemate still, or are you feeling confident that you'll be able to do that by the end of the year?

General McChrystal. I do believe we'll be able to do that by the end of the year. I believe that we have set the foundation in a number of areas that allow us to move forward. The challenge remains that violence is up and it will remain up, and there will be very, very difficult days.

As you know, a suicide bomb killed 38 Afghans in the Arghandab today and wounded as many as 72 others. And there will be more events like that. And they will give the impression that may counter or be contradictory to the idea of progress.

But what I will tell you is if you look at the Helmand River Valley—and I ask you to step back and look at it—people can move places they couldn't move before. We have Afghan officials in places there were not Afghan officials before. And so if you look up close and you see some problem with something, you also have to step back and see the trend in direction. And so that's what we'll be working not only to produce, but to communicate.

Q. How concerned are you about the resignations of the interior minister and the intelligence chief? These were people you praised very highly and worked with closely. Were you aware that this was coming? And what's your view of all that?

General McChrystal. I was not aware that it was coming. But I would give you a bit of context in it. First, both had served in the government for a long time at ministerial-level positions, longer than most ministerial-level operators would serve in our nations. So I think turnover is not something that we should automatically assume is unnatural in a governmental process. So if we step back and look at it that way, I think it's probably natural that way.

I think that what we see now is the government of Afghanistan will replace those leaders. They will stand up. And they did a great job. And so they'll find quality people to replace them. And it'll be important that the new team meld together. But I think it will be incumbent upon President Karzai to pick the right kind of balance and the right kind of talent to lead those ministries, and I'm confident that he will.

Q. And on Kandahar again, have you readjusted your plans to some degree, partly because of what you've got available from the Afghan Security Forces? Do you have to adjust the pace to a certain degree because you might not have the Afghan units you need at a precise moment, or is that not the case?

General McChrystal. We reassess our plans about every day, as most military commanders do, because you react to developments on the ground.

We haven't changed the focus of what we intend to produce around Kandahar, nor have we changed the basic force structure. What we do do is we continue to modify it. I do think that it will happen more slowly than we had originally anticipated.

As we conduct counterinsurgency operations around the country, in Helmand River Valley, we are reminded that it's a deliberate process. It takes time to convince people. And so as we go to do operations—well, as we do the effort around Kandahar, Hamkari, we are already in the process of doing political and military shaping.

But it's my personal assessment that it will be more deliberate than we probably communicated or than we thought earlier and communicated. And so I think it will take a number of months for this to play out. But I don't think that's necessarily a bad thing. I think it's more important we get it right than we get it fast.

Q. Yes. What do you think is necessary? For example some many—(inaudible)— countries tried to contribute non-military aspect like Japan. What do you think is necessary? What is the most urgent from your point of view? Do you have any message to (inaudible)?

General McChrystal. Yes, sir. Of course, what Japan has provided has been very effective. And, of course, the pledge to help with reintegration funding we consider very, very valuable. There are a number of ways that countries can provide for helping with development.

I would encourage people—countries, as much as possible, to put money not into narrow projects that the donor country wants, but to support the government of Afghanistan, because it builds their capacity and credibility as they do that. I think we can hold them to account to do it well, but I do think it's important that we support the government as it goes.

Thanks.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Lene Espersen delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, good morning. And I am very pleased to welcome the foreign minister to the State Department. We have a strong alliance, partnership, and friendship between our two countries

I particularly want to thank the people of Denmark for their commitment and sacrifices in support of the international missions in Kosovo, Iraq, off the coast of Somalia against pirates, and, of course, in Afghanistan. We have stood shoulder-to-shoulder to bring peace and stability to Afghanistan. Denmark has suffered grievous losses among their troops in a probably disproportionate manner compared to the size of their country. The courage, heroism, and skill of the Danish forces is well recognized by everyone. And in addition, Denmark's generous development assistance has been crucial in building institutions, good government, spurring economic development, and providing educational opportunities.

Today, the foreign minister and I also discussed how crucial Afghan women are to long-term stability. We both believe that with- a great deal of personal conviction. And we are targeting assistance to women in areas ranging from girls’ education to health services, particularly maternal health, to protecting women from violence and enhancing their roles in education, the economy, and governance. We are committed to advancing the rights and opportunities of women, and our governments will actually co-host a conference in Copenhagen later this year on this important issue.

We discussed NATO, where, of course, a former Danish prime minister is now serving as secretary general. And we also reviewed, between the two of us, the important work needing to be done in the Arctic. And I want to express the U.S.'s appreciation of Denmark's leadership as the Arctic Council chair, and I look forward to continued Danish leadership and to attending the meeting that Denmark and Greenland will co-host next year.

There's so much to say thank you for, Madam Foreign Minister. And please also express our appreciation to your government, to your embassy, and to the Danish people because we are together building a future of greater peace and prosperity, not only for the Danish and American people but for those who deserve it as well around the world.

Foreign Minister Espersen. Thank you very much. And thank you very much, Madam Secretary, for the hospitality that you've shown me. I think we've had a very fruitful meeting. And what is, of course, very important for a small-sized country like Denmark is that the country that we've been friends with for decades continue to be a longstanding friendship. And I think that is the case with U.S. I think the United States can always count on Denmark being a friend and working together in trying to solve many of the problems that we face today in a globalized world. I also think that we share many values that are the same. And we both have a very pragmatic approach to things. We want to get things done. And that's one of the reasons why American and Danes work so well together.

Especially when we look at Afghanistan, I think that the U.S. is, of course, playing the major role, and that you are also suffering many losses. Therefore, of course, I think it's very important that we stick to the plan and try to get progress ahead in Afghanistan. General McChrystal and ISAF is doing an excellent job but, of course, apart from the military, which is very important, I think that the civilian side as well is extremely important. And I think that our initiative to try and strengthen the role of the women of Afghanistan is very important in creating a future where Afghanistan can stand on its own. So, I'm looking forward to the Kabul conference. And hopefully, we will have a focus on making sure that the rights of the women and the way of enhancing the women will be in focus at that point.

Q. Hi, Secretary Clinton. Thank you. A question on Kyrgyzstan. You know there are allegations now that, in essence, what's going on is ethnic cleansing by Kyrgyz military against Uzbek citizens, and I'd like to hear your opinion on that. And in connection with that, there are some who would say that the United States is softening its criticism of the Kyrgyz Government in order to make sure that the U.S. does not jeopardize its lease to the Manas Air Base. How would you answer that?

And then just one last quick question. An article about you recently, this week in a local newspaper, which said, “Would you like to trade places with Joe Biden?”

Secretary Clinton. Let's stick to Kyrgyzstan.

Jill, I think that the situation is much more complex than any short description could possibly capture. I spoke at length to Roza Otunbayeva yesterday, to President Karimov in Uzbekistan. As you know, Assistant Secretary Bob Blake is in Bishkek now. We are trying to do everything we can to deal with the very serious humanitarian crisis that has come about because of the violence and the displacement of people from their homes. I think it would be premature to conclude what the source of this outbreak of violence is, but there are a number of factors contributing. Certainly, the ouster of President Bakiyev some months ago left behind those who were still his loyalists and very much against the provisional government. There certainly have been allegations of instigation that have to be taken seriously. There were a number of problems in keeping control over the violence that was sparked by the crackdown and then the overthrow of Bakiyev, which now have, unfortunately, rippled through the police and the military establishment. So it's difficult to tell how much arises from preexisting ethnic or political differences, how much was instigated and by whom and for what purpose.

What we are trying to do with many partners in the international community, including, of course, the United Nations, is to help support the provisional government, which had scheduled a vote on a new constitution for, I think, next week. And they are, unfortunately, under verydifficult conditions trying to determine whether they can go forward with that vote. And some have argued that one of the potential reasons for the violence was to prevent the constitutional referendum from going forward. So there are many moving actors and circumstances.

So our bottom line is work with the international community to try to support the provisional government in bringing about a resumption of order; work with Uzbekistan, which has opened its borders to tens of thousands of fleeing Uzbeks; work to get humanitarian aid in as quickly and comprehensively as possible, and then see if you can stabilize the situation, how to put Kyrgyzstan back on a much more solid footing. But we're all searching for answers, so we don't want to prejudge. We don't want to say, well, that's what caused it, because there are many different factors at work.

Foreign Minister Espersen. If I can add, it's exactly the same position of the European Union. We also had the opportunity to discuss Kyrgyzstan during our council meeting on Luxembourg. Exactly as the Secretary is saying, you know that the first victim in any conflict, that's the truth—there are all these stories about who's saying what. So what we decided to do was to have our Special EU Envoy Morel being sent to try and look into as a fact-finding mission what is actually going on. There are all these different numbers. But we completely agree with the way that the Administration is looking into that and, hopefully, the international pressure and focus will bring some progress in the future.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Indian Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjeeb delivered these remarks in Washington, DC